Abstract
In this event-related potential (ERP) study we reevaluate syntax-first approaches to sentence processing by implementing a novel paradigm in French that includes correct sentences, pure syntactic category violations, lexical-semantic anomalies, and combined anomalies. Our balanced design systematically controlled for target word (noun vs. verb) and the context immediately preceding it. Group results from 36 native speakers of Quebec French revealed that, up to 300 ms, ERPs elicited by syntactic category violations were comparable with ERP responses to correct sentences, showing that there is no early activation reflecting syntactic category identification. Instead, in response to all anomalous conditions, we observed an N400 followed by a P600. Combined anomalies yielded additive effects of syntactic category and lexical-semantic anomalies on the N400, and a large P600 effect similar to the one observed in the pure syntactic condition. These results provide strong evidence against the hypothesis that (i) syntactic categories are processed first, and (ii) that syntactic category errors “block” lexical-semantic processing. Further, the N400 effect in response to pure syntactic category violations reflects a mismatch detection between a predicted word-stem and the actual target. This mechanism takes place simultaneously (and potentially in parallel) with lexical-semantic processing. In contrast, an interaction of syntax and semantics for the P600 reveals that the same neurocognitive resources are recruited for syntactic and semantic integration, both promoted by the implementation of an acceptability judgement task in our design. Additional analyses of individual data complemented these observations: during sentence processing, participants did not rely on one single cognitive mechanism reflected by either the N400 or the P600 effect but on both, suggesting that the biphasic N400-P600 ERP wave can indeed be considered to be an index of phrase-structure violations in most individuals, at least if they are realized on content words.
Highlights
Sentence comprehension, as effortless as it seems, is contingent upon a rapid analysis of each incoming word along several linguistic dimensions
We observe the absence of the early left anterior negativity (ELAN): our balanced design and the care with which we selected and controlled the stimulus materials led to virtually aligned event-related potential (ERP) onsets when using a 200 ms pre-target baseline correction
We will investigate these observations by running statistical analyses on the 100–300 ms time-window and the 350–500 ms time-window for the N400 effect
Summary
As effortless as it seems, is contingent upon a rapid analysis of each incoming word along several linguistic dimensions. Friederici’s serial and modular account of sentence processing adopts a “syntax-first” approach [1,2] where syntactic category identification of each incoming word occurs first and conditions further lexical-semantic and morphological analyses on that word. While this framework has largely dominated the field since the mid 1990s, it has faced contradictory data [3,4,5] in addition to a critical review of most previous studies that had supported the “syntax-first” approach [6]. We will (1) clarify the time course of syntax-semantics integration, (2) elucidate the functional significance of N400 and P600, and (3) methodologically challenge recent claims about the complementarity of these two components in online sentence processing
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