Symbols In Public Spaces Research Articles

Hijab in the Public Sphere of Muslim Countries in Southeast Asia, Media, State Rules, and Society Opinion

This article aims to explain state regulations and media perspectives in Muslim-majority countries in Southeast Asia regarding the use of the hijab as a religious symbol in public spaces. The influence of globalization has increased diversity in the media landscape in the public sphere, going beyond traditional face-to-face interactions and encompassing the vast realm of the Internet. While Muslim women in secular Western countries face bans on wearing the hijab in public spaces, Muslim women in Muslim-majority countries in Southeast Asia face challenges regarding their style of wearing the hijab in public spaces. This research is qualitative research based on the study of public space and religion. The analysis was carried out in three Southeast Asian countries, namely Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei Darussalam, which have Muslim populations with different characteristics. Indonesia and Malaysia are multicultural regions but are dominated by Muslims, and Brunei is a country with a Muslim majority. These three countries have different patterns of managing religion in public spaces. Religious symbols in public spaces reflect the relationship between public space phenomena, the state, and the social context in a region. Social media has expanded the public sphere, providing greater opportunities for religious groups to present their arguments or engage in da'wah (religious outreach).

Exploring linguistics landscapes in Depok City Square Park

This research aims to explore the language use and cultural symbols in public spaces in Depok City Square Park, West Java Province. The research raised the issue of language signs and cultural symbols in Depok City Square Park. This research uses a qualitative approach. It uses the observation method through photography techniques. The photo taken serves as image data. Photos are classified into five taxonomies of Spolsky and Cooper (1991) signs, namely road signs, advertising signs, information signs, warning and prohibition signs, and warning signs. Data were analyzed using a Linguistic Landscapes approach. From the data analysis, the conclusion is obtained: Depok City Square Parks is open: Tuesday to Friday at 07.00 am-17.00 pm. Saturday and Sunday at 06.00 am to 18.00 pm, the park equips a children’s playgound, BMX Area, sports fields and park benches. The language signs displayed in the park area are in the form of writing and text accompanied by pictures. Writing words, phrases and sentences complies with Indonesian language rules; The Depok City Government conveyed messages to visitors in the form of warnings and prohibitons. Linguistic Landscapes tends to use monolingual Indonesian. Betawi cultural symbols can be found in the area of this park called Gigi Balang.

Religious Symbols in Public Spaces in Brazil: Controversies and Propositions

Abstract This article outlines issues pertinent to the valuation of religions in the Brazilian legal, social and cultural framework, particularly in its Catholic expression. It is a valorisation demonstrated in the form of approximations, contacts and compromises between instances of the state and the religious organizations. The hypothesis is that, within the current picture of religious diversity in its relation to secularity, the great challenge is not mainly in the presence of religion in public spaces, but in monopolies and privileges with an exclusivist character engendered by certain religious groups. The object of research in this approach is, therefore, the incidence of religious symbols present in Brazilian public spaces, their relevance and developments in the perspective of secularity, mainly for the field of sciences of religions, humanities, theology and law.

Reexamining Confederate symbols displayed on flags and monuments in public spaces: Two fallacies in the heritage versus hate debate

Objective This article examines ongoing arguments over the meanings of Confederate symbols—especially symbols displayed on flags and monuments—to assess two fallacies that frequently influence the debate. Method The article explores the historical record concerning public displays of Confederate symbols. Results The traditional debate is based on two fallacies. First, it presupposes that the meaning of a symbol can be limited to a single referent or set of referents and fixed in time. Second, it assumes that the meaning of Confederate symbols can be divorced from hateful messages of white supremacy and bigotry. Conclusion A symbol cannot be limited to its original meaning because the context is constantly evolving. Even if it could be limited, the original meaning of Confederate symbols was always hateful. The debate sometimes has been cast as “heritage versus hate.” Because displays of Confederate symbols in public spaces have always been in a context of “hate”—to defend a slaveholding republic, to promote white supremacy, to defy court-ordered integration of public schools, or to promote the agenda of racist advocacy groups—the meaning of Confederate flags and monuments was never about heritage alone. Hate was always part of the message.

On criminalization of propaganda in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war: national and international experience

This article raises the issue of ensuring information security of the state in the context of the russian-Ukrainian war, because its influence on the human psyche through propaganda is extremely dangerous. The article analyzes the reaction of Ukraine and some European Union countries to the spread of russian propaganda. Criminalizing the use of the propaganda symbol Z is a necessary response to the dissemination of information in support of war. The issue of ensuring the constitutional principle of freedom of speech becomes acute, but there should be no doubt if the propaganda symbols are perceived clearly. Supporting, endorsing or justifying war is against the basic principles of the European Convention on Human Rights to ensure world peace. There should be no misunderstanding about the purpose of using the symbol Z if it occurs in words written in the Cyrillic alphabet. A number of countries have also introduced criminal liability for the spread of russian propaganda. However, the position of legislators regarding the motivation of the crime is ambiguous. Unfortunately, some people believe in denazification and spread the corresponding symbols in public spaces. Is it possible to hold a person legally responsible in Ukraine and EU countries, if the person believes the propaganda machine? In Ukraine, such people, regardless of their intentions, will be prosecuted. And in some European countries, there is a trend of not bringing people to justice if a person believed in the liberating nature of the russian-Ukrainian war. This subject needs further scientific discussions.

Decommunisation – Fascism without Fascists: Konrad Matyjaszek, Xawery Stańczyk, Marcin Starnawski, Katrin Stoll and Anna Zawadzka Discuss the Fascization of Space

Are there fascizizing ways to look at public space and aesthetics? If so, how do they manifest themselves? What characterizes the fascization of space? How and where can you recognize it? How do architecture and symbols in public space contribute to fascization of daily life? One of them is a policy of cleansing and rhetoric about recovering after an imaginary foreign domination or invasion. The aim of this conversation is to elucidate the concept of the fascization of public space. The discussants do this by drawing on examples from the history of Poland and Germany as well as the present-day situation in both countries. They also consider how we can clarify the category of fascization in order to distinguish this process from other phenomena such as nationalism.

Territorial Distribution of Maritime Symbols in Public Spaces of Klaipėda City

The geographical location of Klaipeda city determined that a suitable space for the formation of maritime culture was created here. There are a number of exceptional objects of small and large architecture in the public spaces of the city, some of which are related to the sea. However, it must be stated that the city still lacks objects that glorify famous personalities who have contributed to the fostering of maritime culture and the promotion of Lithuania as a maritime country. Methods used in the research: observation, object photography, cartographic, expert surveys. The study analyzes the diversity of maritime symbols and their territorial distribution in the public spaces of Klaipeda city. Trends in the renewal and further development of maritime elements are also presented in order to form the image of the city and foster maritime culture. This research should expand the boundaries of cognition of maritime culture and contribute to the strengthening of the maritime image of Klaipeda city. Keywords: Klaipeda city, maritime symbols, maritime themes, public spaces.

La desobediencia civil de las memorias ¿Debe ser conservado el Centro Cultural Gabriela Mistral callejero del Estallido Social? Santiago de Chile, del 18 de octubre 2019 al 09 de marzo 2020

En este trabajo, nos aproximaremos a las disputas de las memorias, que generó el intento gubernamental de borrar las expresiones artísticas plasmadas por el Estallido Social, en los muros del Centro Cultural Gabriela Mistral. Las protestas que comenzaron el 18 de octubre del 2019 y que se extendieron hasta las marchas feministas del 8 y 9 de marzo del 2020, generaron varias interrogantes a partir de la explosión del pasado: ¿Qué tipo de desobediencia civil protagonizan las memorias? ¿Qué hacer cuando el campo de acción de estos movimientos sociales, reivindica y logra instalar sus símbolos en el espacio público? Esta aproximación la haremos revisitando el pasado del GAM, que ya enfrentó intentos gubernamentales por borrar connotaciones anteriores, así podremos comprender por qué este Centro Cultural es un espacio en disputa y un patrimonio difícil.

Religious Symbols in Public Space: The German Way

This paper should draw a picture of the German constitutional system of the relationship between state and Religion, on the examples of the most discussed religious symbols in public space: Islamic headscarf and christian cross. German constitutional law includes the rules about the relationship between state and religious communities. It is based on three principles: neutrality, tolerance and parity. According to that, there is no state church. As well the state is not allowed to identify with one particular religious community. On the other hand, the constitution asks the German state to encourage religious life. Therefore, the protection of freedom of religion is understood in an ample way. The religious communities have more rights than other registered societies. All this is distilled in the term positive neutrality of religion.

Modes of neutrality in the ECtHR jurisprudence related to religious matters: some critical remarks

SUMMARY: 1. Introduction - 2. The meaning of State neutrality: some conceptual clarifications - 3. State’s neutrality vis-a-vis religious organizations: neutrality as absence of interference - 4. State’s neutrality vis-a-vis public education: neutrality as objectivity - 5. State neutrality vis-a-vis religious symbols in the public sphere: neutrality as exclusion of religion - 6. ‘Reversed’ patters of neutrality: the disruptive effect of Lautsi v. Italy - 7. Concluding remarks: decoding the patterns of State neutrality in the jurisprudence of the ECtHR. ABSTRACT: This contribution discusses the notion of State neutrality in the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights. State neutrality has become increasingly relevant in the rulings of the ECtHR concerning religious freedom, with the Court explicitly resorting to the idea that States should act as neutral and impartial organizers of religious life within their community. Yet, the conception of State neutrality developed by the Court is inconsistent and often gives rise to criticism. By exploring the Court’s main jurisprudence in the context of religious disputes, religious education in public education, and the display of religious symbols in public spaces, this contribution seeks to disentangle the different understandings of neutrality employed by the Court and to critically engage with them.

The power of place, or powerless places? Hybrid attitudes towards Soviet symbols in post-Soviet Georgia

ABSTRACTThis article explores the hybridity of commemoration by analysing people’s attitudes to three types of contested Soviet symbols in post-Soviet Georgia. I draw on 62 in-depth qualitative interviews conducted in 2012–2013 with Georgians in Tbilisi, Georgia. These interviews focused on what people thought about places of memory, Soviet symbols in public space, and memory politics and policies in contemporary Georgia. I examine their opinions of three different types of reminders of the Soviet past in public space: general Soviet symbols; street names; and the Stalin monument in Gori. This analysis reveals their diverse understandings of place and highlights the hybridity of their responses to the different elements of Soviet symbolism. This not only prevents one from creating ideal typologies when considering places of memory, but also highlights the impact of the form and location of the symbol. I also identify two ways that people conceptualize place, one that recognizes the power of place, and the other that perceives place as powerless.

The inclusion of nonreligion in religion and human rights

An aspect of the protection of religious belief and expression is the protection of those who are nonreligious. Though this may seem counter-intuitive, the rising number of ‘nones’ in many countries reveals the extent to which religious establishments shape day-to-day life in a manner that is experienced as coercive by the nonreligious. Examples include: the recitation of prayers in state spaces (municipal councils, legislatures); the display of religious symbols in schools or legislative bodies; the performance of religious rituals such as baptism to ensure one’s children have access to schools and so on. This article examines the growing area of tension between ‘the religious’ and ‘the nonreligious’ using the examples of the display of majoritarian religious symbols in public spaces and religion in education to explore: (1) the contours of religious establishment; (2) the narratives of exclusion that are woven through contests between the religious and nonreligious; and (3) the coercive impact of majoritarian religion.

One Nation, Many Worlds: Varieties of Developmental Regimes in India

Why is it that political elites from marginal groups often seem to ignore development even when the vast majority of their constituents live in poverty? Theories of democratization and welfare after all predict that the working class should support redistribution. I argue that societies with long histories of group-based discrimination have a wider conception of social justice that is not just concerned with redistribution of material wealth, but aims at equalization of status hierarchy across groups through greater representation. I conceptualize states in multiethnic societies as one of three distinct developmental regimes – growth-oriented, re-distributive, and a third category that I develop and define – dignity-enhancing. Growth Regimes focus on economic growth and private sector development, while re-distributive regimes prioritize the welfare of the masses. In contrast, dignity regimes direct their attention towards representational policies with the aim of extending true citizenship across ethnic groups. I argue that understanding variation across developmental regimes requires an exploration of the identity of political elites and the level of status inequality across groups. Political elites from dominant groups are more likely to support growth-led development. Contrary to expectations, however, the policy preference of marginal groups is mediated by the level of social inequality. Under conditions of high status inequality, concerns of dignity and recognition find precedence over pure redistribute policies. The politics of dignity is most concretely manifested through representation of non-dominant groups in the state bureaucracy as well as inclusion of marginal cultures and symbols in public spaces. Concerns of redistribution find political support only once some equalization of social hierarchy is achieved through greater representation. I test this argument using a mixed-methods research design that combines a nation-wide longitudinal analysis of state-level public spending patterns with a paired comparative historical analysis of six states in India.

Simboli religiosi e libertà religiosa. Profili costituzionali

The essay analyzes some aspects of the freedom of religion enshrined in the Italian Constitution in relation to the principle of secularism as supreme principle of the Italian Republic, according to the definition of the italian Constitutional Court; and the extension of religious symbols and, in particular, the crucifix. First of all, the essay analyzes the question of «Italian» secularism, verifying the disparities and similarities among the various declinations of this principle, reconstructing the debate in the constituent assembly and the main jurisprudential approaches of the Italian Constitutional Court in this matter. Secondly, the essay analyzes the issue of religious symbols in public spaces and, in particular, a leading case concerning the exhibition of the crucifix in the classrooms, both at the jurisprudence level (Administrative Judge, Constitutional Court, EDU Court), and at doctrinal one. The essay, then, notes the cd. Bavarian solution, adopted by the Government of the homonymous German region, in search of a reconciliation between the religious freedom of each person and the quantitative factor per single religion. There is also an excursus on the main case law of the European Court of Human Rights about secularity, religious freedom and religious symbols.

Patience on a Monument

June 01 2017 Patience on a Monument Patience on a Monument The New GalleryThe University of Texas at Austin February 11–April 16, 2016 Author and Article Information Online Issn: 1937-2108 Print Issn: 0001-9933 © 2017 by the Regents of the University of California.2017 African Arts (2017) 50 (2): 87–89. https://doi.org/10.1162/AFAR_r_00347 Cite Icon Cite Permissions Share Icon Share Facebook Twitter LinkedIn MailTo Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Search Site Citation Patience on a Monument. African Arts 2017; 50 (2): 87–89. doi: https://doi.org/10.1162/AFAR_r_00347 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAll JournalsAfrican Arts Search Advanced Search In March of 2015, polymedia artist Eto Otitigbe participated in a performance conceived by Wideman/Davis Dance (a dance duo of principal dancers Tanya Wideman-Davis and Thaddeus Davis). That performance—which grew out of Otitigbe's solo exhibition “Ruptured Silence” presented by 701 CCA (Center for Contemporary Arts) in Columbia, South Carolina, that same month—examined contemporary reactions to racist signs and symbols in public spaces. The exhibition featured a series of sculptures and experimental drawings that were substitutive representations of familiar themes and objects. While in residence at 701 CCA, Otitigbe collaborated with Wideman/Davis to develop the first iteration of “Ruptured Silence: Racist Symbols and Signs,” a media performance installation that explored the deconstruction of the Southern civil rights memento, the Confederate flag. From his work with Wideman/Davis and on the merit of his exhibition at 701 CCA, Otitigbe was chosen as the Elizabeth M. Marion Visiting Artist at the University of South... You do not currently have access to this content.

Imperfect Simmetry. The Court of Strasbourg and the US Supreme Court on Religious Symbols in Public Spaces

The article compares, on the issues of religious symbols in public space, the case law of the European Court of Human Rights, and that of the US Supreme Court. The enquiry aims at outlining a comparison between the contents of the decisions, not between the Courts: one is a constitutional court, the other an international court which in the late decades has been a breakthrough in the European system of guarantees. The main points emerged through the comparison are: first of all, the European Court, unlike the US SC, is clearly engaged in building a European secularism that leaves religious symbols outside the public space. The Strasbourg Court adopts a conception of secularism which, in principle, is very different from American secularism. Secondly, although in different ways, both Courts employ arguments based on tradition and history, to the detriment of individual and minority interests. Thirdly, there is a certain deference towards the choices made by national authorities: for the critics of the Roberts Court, this attitude deserves to be stigmatized in a constitutional jurisdiction.

Public Space and Its Role to Transforming the Community

The socio-spatial organization of the cities, directly linked to the certain economic and political system, appears as a demonstrative reference of the current urban transition towards post socialist cities. The task is to determine, whether disqualifying socialism is a substantive aspect of post-socialism; either if the contemporary public space should still represent the theatre for programmed, controlled activities, or are they mixture of rejection and adaptation to new situation through informal activities. The presence of symbols in public space is manipulated by ideologies in order to construct eligible narratives. The change of reading the public symbols, when substituting the socialist ideology by the other single ideological attitude of globalized consumption, depends on the critical links between official policies and the types of responses on the community level.The paper is targeting reflection on a new form and structure of selected public spaces in Lučenec, with the emphasis on their iconicity, shaping the collective memory through the quiet erosion of the socialist icons. The aim of the article is to present the possibilities for the future policy making, as the conception of authorities for transparent regulation of public space is missing.

URGENSI PENGUATAN IDENTITAS KEWARGANEGARAAN SUBNASIONAL DI KOTA PADANG PASCA GEMPA 2009 STUDI TENTANG REPOSISI ETNIS CINA TERHADAP KEBIJAKAN PUBLIK DAN POLITIK LOKAL

After earthquake disaster occurred on 30 September 2009, the government of Padang city and its people is not only faced with the question on Padang economic recovery and rebuilding efforts on city infrastructure but also on isssue on how to reconstruct the social structure of local population which was torn due to the handling and management of victims of post days of earthquake. One main issue is the emergence of apriori attitude felt by Chinese residents toward the neglected and discriminative attitude of government. However, it raises social solidarity amongst them post earthquake. As a minority group, Chinese is not only susceptible to economic issues, they are also vulnerable to social and cultural issues, including in the case of post-earthquake in Padang. Strengthening on subnational awareness within Chinese society reemerges when Padang municipal government in the early 2012 is about to demolish unload Gate of Friends Amical Association (Gapura Himpunan Tjinta Teman), one of Chinese cultural symbols built by Chinese ethnic in Padang as a form of solidarity. Thus, the campaigns and slogans glorifying the recognition of the diversity of life constantly voiced by Padang goverment becoming counterproductive and paradox in viewing social phenomena and empirical facts concerning government relations and their minority citizens. It is because the efforts to rebuild the pieces of social solidarity that has been torn, is in fact, it is not a simple task. To establishing uniformity in diversity takes commitment and consistent recognition as to create city residents that is more cultured and dignified in the future. This paper sees the struggle of Chinese people in Padang in their effort to reclaim the cultural symbols in public spaces after the earthquake occurred in 2009 and the emergence of dispute regarding the existence of Gate of Friends Amical Association (Gapura Himpunan Tjinta Teman) in Pecinan Padang area in early 2012 through field research and theoretical studies in analyzing the relationship between public policy and minority groups.

Psychological consequences of religious symbols in public space: Crucifix display at a public university

The question of the presence of religious symbols (e.g. crosses) in public space is an important topic in public discourse, leading to many political disagreements and legal disputes. What seems to be missing in the debate about crosses in public space (schools, universities, hospitals) is an assessment of the psychological consequences that these symbols might have for religious and non-religious people visiting, studying and working in such places. The present experimental study examined the influence of religious displays in a public university room on the psychological state of students: their self-esteem, as well as positive and negative affect. The study found that the religious symbol reduced negative affect among students who identify strongly with religion and those who frequently attend religious ceremonies. The negative effects on non-religious students were less pronounced. This result is discussed with reference to self-affirmation theory, environmental psychological theories and more recent findings on the social consequences of more subtle religious exposures.

Religiøse symboler, religionsfrihed og det offentlige rum: „Stormoskeer“ i København

The paper presents recent Danish debates about so-called ‘grand-mosques’ in Copenhagen as examples of political controversies over religious symbols in public space. Following a discussion of in what sense mosques will be religious symbols, and what ‘public space’ can mean, the paper investigates freedom of religion as a general principle for how public authorities ought to relate to religion with particular focus on the regulation of religious symbols in public space. Freedom of religion can be understood in different ways, e.g. as based on religious neutrality, as an expression of religious toleration, or as grounded on respect. Thee paper argues that freedom of religion in Denmark is more plausibly understood as a relation of collective but only partial recognition and that religious symbols in public space should be discussed within this framework.