Support Of Gender Equality Research Articles

ASSESSING TEXT ALIGNMENT: SARA MILLS’ MODEL

This study compares two on-line texts reporting the same news. This study is meant to find out a possibility of the both news alignments seen from the angle of critical discourse analysis of Sara Mills which looks at the perspective of feminism, and the power relations implied in the texts reflected by the words, phrases, and clauses used. This as well studies the accuracy of the equivalence of transferred messages to their source text, and what social and cultural aspects behind the discourse strategy are applied by the authors in the news. The findings revealed that both the original and the translated news tend to represent woman positively. Seen from the micro features used, woman was positioned proportionally in the texts. Woman does not only take the object position, but also the subject position. However, some choice of words refers to relatively downgrading which still reflects the man world, especially in the translated version where power relations is clearly influencing. The equivalence of the messages can be considered quite accurate with a discourse strategy of extension. In summary, both texts support gender equality, with some recommendation of a more careful choice of words to attain high equivalence of original message Key words: feminism, gender, equality, power relations, equivalence, discourse strategy

Lebanese perceptions of citizenship rights for children of Lebanese mothers and Palestinian fathers: a cross-sectional survey

BackgroundNationality in Lebanon is conveyed through patrilineal descent, depriving the children of women married to foreigners from citizenship rights, legal protections, and health and social services. Children of Palestinian fathers are especially excluded because they become stateless. Calls to remove gender discrimination from the Lebanese nationality law are often stymied by the Lebanese fear of naturalising a large number of Palestinians. We examined whether this fear extends to prevention of Lebanese women married to Palestinian men from conferring their nationality on their children. MethodsThe study was based on mixed qualitative (13 focus group discussions, each of which included 8–15 Lebanese participants of similar age, socioeconomic status, and political orientation) and quantitative data (a survey of 450 adult Lebanese citizens, 41·4% men and 58·6% women, who resided in Greater Beirut) collected in 2011. Focus group data were analysed using open and thematic coding. Survey data were used to test the hypothesis that Lebanese public perceptions are in fact in favour of granting citizenship to children of women married to Palestinian men. FindingsQualitative findings highlighted that the Lebanese see Palestinian men as undesirable husbands and fathers, mainly because of legal restrictions that could cause hardships to women and their children. Survey data, however, suggested strong public support overall for granting Lebanese women married to Palestinian men the right to confer citizenship on their children. Women were significantly more supportive compared with men; 84·5% of women replied that they agreed or strongly agreed with the policy versus 74·2% of men (χ2=15·70, p=0·003). This high level of support was consistent across sociodemographic categories and was not influenced by strength of identification with religion or sect. The children's right to citizenship received stronger public support than all other rights (eg, employment). InterpretationOur findings suggest that Lebanese public opinion supports Lebanese women's right to confer nationality on their children even if the child's father is Palestinian. Support for gender equality in citizenship seems to override anti-Palestinian prejudice in relation to the wellbeing of the children of Lebanese women. FundingData collection for the study was supported by a grant from the Issam Fares Institute for Public Policy and International Affairs at the American University of Beirut.

Implementing the Women, Peace and Security agenda? Somali debates on women’s public roles and political participation

ABSTRACTIn conflict and post-conflict settings, the international community operates with the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda supporting gender equality. During and after war, gender roles are often deeply contested as part of larger societal transformations and uncertainties. In Somalia since the 1960s, gender identities and roles have undergone substantial changes, influenced by contemporary political systems, the women’s movement, civil war and religious transformations. The international community’s role in these societal transformations should not be over-estimated. Life history research with Somali women shows that debates on women’s roles in the public sphere are taking place irrespective of the international agenda. Somali women have, at least since the 1960s, held civil-political leadership positions, despite substantial disagreements on the public role of women in Somalia. Furthermore, the “international” and “local” are difficult to disentangle. The Somali female elite have often spent years abroad and introduced new gender perspectives from places as divergent as Egypt, Russia and the United States. Global cultural and religious trends are influencing post-war Somalia, Somaliland and Puntland. In this complex socio-cultural landscape, the international WPS agenda can support – but also risk delegitimizing – Somali processes and perspectives. The article illustrates the gap that exists between global norms and local realities by focusing on Somali discourse on women’s public roles and political participation.

Supporting gender equality in extracurricular activities and the impact on female bullying victimization in school

This study examines gender differences in the extent to which U.S. high school students are bullied in connection with participation in and attitudes towards extracurricular activities. Previous research suggests that students are bullied when their participation exhibits gender abnormal performances of masculinity or femininity, but less is known about the relationship between attitudes and victimization. Through the analysis of quantitative survey data this study finds that female students do not face increased bullying for being competitive athletes. However, when students express attitudes that support gender equality in athletics they are more likely to be bullied. Female victimization accounts for most of this effect relative to male students which provides evidence of a double-standard. Girls may be punished by peers for supporting equality while boys do not face the same risk. These findings shed light on the complicated picture of progress and stagnation in efforts towards gender equality in the U.S.

Democratic values and the microfoundations of Arab support for peace with Israel

The Arab Spring and the short-lived political ascendancy of Islamist movements reignited the debate about what greater popular participation in foreign policy decision-making would entail for the prospects of peace between Israel and its Arab neighbors. Building on the developing body of individual-level investigations into the Democratic Peace thesis and contributing to the wider debate about the relationship between peace and democracy in the Middle East, this paper utilizes 2010–2011 Arab Barometer data to establish the determinants of public support for a two-state solution to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict across the Arab world. The results reveal that emancipative political values such as support for gender equality and secularism help predict greater support for peace with Israel. These findings demonstrate that contrary to the claims of skeptics, democratization and peace can reinforce each other in the Arab world.

A psychometric evaluation of the Gender Bias in Medical Education Scale.

BackgroundGender bias within medical education is gaining increasing attention. However, valid and reliable measures are needed to adequately address and monitor this issue. This research conducts a psychometric evaluation of a short multidimensional scale that assesses medical students’ awareness of gender bias, beliefs that gender bias should be addressed, and experience of gender bias during medical education.MethodsUsing students from the University of Wollongong, one pilot study and two empirical studies were conducted. The pilot study was used to scope the domain space (n = 28). This initial measure was extended to develop the Gender Bias in Medical Education Scale (GBMES). For Study 1 (n = 172), confirmatory factor analysis assessed the construct validity of the three-factor structure (awareness, beliefs, experience) and enabled deletion of redundant items. Study 2 (n = 457) tested the generalizability of the refined scale to a new sample. Combining Study 1 and 2, invariance testing for program of study and gender was explored. The relationship of the GBMES to demographic and gender politics variables was tested. The results were analyzed in R using confirmatory factor analysis and Multiple-Indicator-Multiple-Indicator-Cause models.ResultsAfter analysis of the responses from the original 16-item GBMES (Study 1), a shortened measure of ten items fitted the data well (RMSEA = .063; CFI = .965; TLI = .951; Mean R-square of items = 58.6 %; reliability: .720–.910) and was found to generalize to a new sample in Study 2 (RMSEA = .068; CFI = .952; TLI = .933; Mean R-square of items = 55.9 %; reliability: .711–.892). The GBMES was found to be invariant across studies, gender, and program of study. Female students and those who supported gender equality had greater agreement for each of the factors. Likewise, postgraduate students reported higher scores on experience of gender bias than undergraduate students.ConclusionThe GBMES provides a validated short multidimensional measure for use in research and policy. Given its good reliability across different target populations and its concise length, the GBMES has much potential for application in research and education to assess students’ attitudes towards gender bias.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (doi:10.1186/s12909-016-0774-2) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.

A Global Exploratory Analysis of Men Participating in Gender-Based Violence Prevention.

Organizations addressing gender-based violence (GBV) increasingly include men as partners in prevention efforts. However, little is known about men who get involved in those efforts and what specific actions they take. We present analyses of data from an international sample of men involved in gender-based prevention work that aimed to describe (a) the nature of participants' involvement in prevention efforts, in both formal programming and in their daily lives; (b) characteristics of engaged men, including gender and bystander-related attitudes and beliefs, and social networks; and (c) factors that sustain men's involvement in GBV movements over time. Comparisons across global regions for these variables were also conducted. A total of 379 male-identified participants above 18 who had attended a GBV event in the past year completed an online survey (available in English, French, and Spanish). Respondents represented all continents except Antarctica, although North America was over-represented in the sample. Overall, respondents scored well above North American norms for men on support for gender equality and recognition of male privilege, and this was true across all geographic regions. Men in all regions reported moderate support from friends and somewhat less support from male relatives for their involvement in GBV prevention. Respondents in all regions reported high levels of active bystander and violence-preventive behavior. The most commonly reported motivations for involvement in GBV prevention included concern for related social justice issues, exposure to the issue of violence through work, hearing a moving story, or disclosures about domestic or sexual violence. Results were mainly similar across regions, but when regional differences emerge, they tended to be contrasts between the global north and global south, highlighting the importance of cross-fertilization across regions and a willingness to adapt critical learnings in new geographic settings.

Church representatives’ perspectives on masculinities in the context of HIV: the case of the Ecumenical HIV and AIDS Initiative in Africa

Despite a growing body of literature related to church leaders challenging dominant norms of masculinities that may enable the spread of HIV, research on masculinity issues among African church representatives who are policy makers is scarce. The objectives of this study were to explore the perspectives on masculinities held by church representatives within the Ecumenical HIV and AIDS Initiative in Africa (EHAIA) and to identify strategies they used to transform masculinities in their respective churches. Qualitative interviews were carried out with 14 church representatives belonging to the EHAIA International Reference Group. These interviews were analysed using thematic analysis and four themes were identified: “barriers to challenge masculinities” may contribute to the spread of HIV; “counterproductive conservative church leadership” fails to challenge dominant forms of masculinities; “facilitators to challenge masculinities” perceived as slowly changing men and “an evolving hope for gender equality” would be perceived in certain marital relationships. The latter two were viewed as positive approaches resulting from masculinity workshops and male priests disclosing their HIV-positive status. This research highlights strategies that may help male church-goers challenge masculinities, support gender equality and, improve the lives of men and women in the context of HIV.

Women’s Presence in Politics and Male Politicians Commitment to Gender Equality in Politics: Evidence from 290 Swedish Local Councils

ABSTRACTThis article provides the first comprehensive empirical test of how women’s presence in politics affects male politicians’ attitudes toward gender equality as an abstract ideal and their personal willingness to strive for women’s interests. Using a unique survey of all 13,000 locally elected politicians in Sweden (response rate 63 percent), we find a negative association between a greater presence of women and male politicians’ personal willingness to strive for women’s interests. However, there is no such effect on male politicians’ support for gender equality as an abstract ideal. We argue that the found pattern can likely be explained by the fact that it may be costly for male politicians to personally strive for women’s interests, whereas it does not cost them anything to commit to gender equality as an abstract ideal.

About time: gender equality in Malta's working-time regime?

To what extent does Malta's social policy support gender equality, in the use of time? How much do state policies assume that men and women both need time to care, as well as for paid work? Does Malta's full-time paid work structure allow time for the equal sharing of unpaid care responsibilities between women and men, that in turn enhances gender equity in the workplace and domestic sphere? Themes that emerge in the study rest largely on women's voices. The study finds that women need to shift their full-time economic activity to shorter and flexible working hours when they become mothers, with negative consequences of loss in income and career regression. Labour market exit and financial dependence on men is also a frequent occurrence. The findings of the study suggest that strong pressure to assume traditional roles is embedded not only in Maltese culture and social norms, but also in the state's own social policy.

The Impact of Secularity on Attitudes of Gender Equality: A Multi-Level Analysis of 49 Nations

This research uses a series of hierarchical linear regression models fitted to data from the 2014 World Values Survey (wvs) and national statistics for 49 countries to specify the relationship between variables at the macro, meso, and micro level with attitudes of gender equality. In addition to the development of an updated and more robust Gender Equality Scale, the findings show that economic development increases support for gender equality, in line with Inglehart’s postmaterialist hypothesis. A history of communist rule and income inequality also increase attitudes of gender equality. Secularity has the greatest explanatory power in the equation; the results show that being educated, female, and less religious significantly increases one’s likelihood to support gender equality.

Economic Efficiency or Gender Equality: Conceptualizing an Equitable “Social Framing” for Economic Evaluations to Support Gender Equality in Disaster Risk- and Environmental-Management Decision-Making

It is unlikely that cost–benefit approaches will be effective in identifying investments that support gender equality without a relevant “social framing”. Criteria for a “social framing” are lacking, yet cost–benefit approaches often guide investment decisions for disaster risk and environmental management. Mainstream approaches typically do a poor job identifying and characterizing costs and benefits, and often fail to address distributive concerns (i.e., how costs and benefits may be distributed throughout society, to whom, etc.). Gender-blind investments may project responsibility for equality “problems” onto one sex, potentially augmenting gender inequalities and disaster risk. This article examines evidence from the gender, disaster, and development literature to identify distributive concerns and criteria for an equitable “social framing” for economic evaluations. Primary distributive concerns identified regard assumptions of women’s homogeneity, agency, “active” participation, and the influence of customary practice and displacement on disaster vulnerability. The need for a “gender-responsive” “social framing” that considers the needs of men and women in relation to one another is evident. Second, cost–benefit studies focused on gender equality concerns are reviewed and the “social framing” is critiqued. Results show most studies are not “gender-responsive”. Women’s health concerns, often exacerbated by disasters, are sidelined by assumptions regarding distributive concerns and reductive outcome measures.

If my masculinity is threatened I won’t support gender equality? The role of agentic self-stereotyping in restoration of manhood and perception of gender relations.

If my masculinity is threatened I won’t support gender equality? The role of agentic self-stereotyping in restoration of manhood and perception of gender relations.

Does exposure to other cultures affect the impact of economic globalization on gender equality?

An extensive literature shows that economic globalization has a positive effect on gender equality. However, the effect varies greatly across countries and time. This article argues that social globalization – individuals’ exposure to external ideas, people, and information flows – and the changes in values associated with it – is a key boundary condition for the effect of economic globalization on women’s rights. While economic globalization opens up new opportunities for women, policy adaptation to these changes requires a social demand for efforts for change. Social globalization contributes to policy adaptation by exposing the public to alternative gender-role models, setting off a shift in values, which underlies support for gender equality. Results emerging from a time-series-cross-sectional analysis of 152 nations for the period 1990–2003 confirm that the positive effect of economic globalization on gender equality wanes at lower levels of social globalization. Further, multilevel-path-analyses models demonstrate how changes to individual-level values mediate the effect of globalization on individuals’ support for gender equality.

Traditional, Islamic and National Law in the Experience of Indonesian Muslim Women

ABSTRACTThis article examines how social imaginaries of women as equal in the public sphere, rooted in a long history, support gender equality. However, there is tension between national law, traditional (adat) law and Islamic law in the narratives of Indonesian Muslim women. In Indonesia, law is not conceived of as a universal boundary that may not be violated, but rather as a discursive tradition subject to negotiation depending on local conditions. In some parts of Indonesia, women are imagined as powerful agents who have often exercised leadership in society. In other parts, patriarchy is strongly entrenched. Law, and the imaginary of women, is in an ongoing process of transformation in response to the dynamic between modern education, global religious influences and traditional practices. Traditional law is grounded in the narratives of people within specific local ethnic groups and interacts with Islam and changing modern conditions to create unique local understandings of the role of women in society. National law in Indonesia often has less authority than religious and traditional law. Both the interpretation of law and the prevalence of women in positions of leadership are supported by imaginaries of women as powerful actors in the public sphere.

The Impact of Formal and Informal Distance on Gender Equality Approaches: The Case of a British MNC in Saudi Arabia

AbstractThis study explores the forces that promote and hinder gender equality efforts of a multinational corporation (MNC) operating in the Middle East. Specifically, we draw from a case study to document the formal and informal pressures exerted on a British MNC operating in Saudi Arabia to better understand the multiple forces that influence gender equality approaches in the host country. Our findings suggest that while formal institutions such as the legal requirements and localization policies support gender equality, informal forces that are rooted in the cultural norms and traditions are formidable in hindering such efforts and in reinforcing the status quo. The insights generated from our study have the potential to inform public policy makers and organizational decision makers to locate the right policy tool to promote gender equality. © 2016 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.

Gender equality in the division of work: How to assess European leave policies regarding their compliance with an ideal leave model

This article assesses 27 European parental leave policies regarding their compliance with an ideal leave policy model that best supports gender equality in the division of labour. Given the difficulties in defining such an ideal leave model, the article makes this assessment in two stages. Stage 1 exploits the most salient results of the empirical literature in order to define an ideal leave model that foresees the provision of 14 months of well-paid leave, where half of the leave is reserved for fathers. An ‘Equal Gender Division of Labour’ indicator is developed to assess the performance of different countries regarding their compliance with the ideal leave model. Stage 2 tests the sensitivity of the results with regard to three different scenarios that account for alternative assumptions about (1) the actual duration of leave that is supposed to be ‘ideal’, (2) the significance of providing leave only in combination with payments and (3) the importance of reserving some of the provided leave for fathers.

Work–Family Conflict and Well-Being Across Europe: The Role of Gender Context

This study analysed whether gender context is important to differences in the relationship between work–family conflict (WFC) and well-being across Europe. We hypothesised that in countries that support equality in work life and where norms support women’s employment, the relationship between WFC and low well-being is weaker than in countries with less support for gender equality. Cohabiting men and women aged 18–65 years from 25 European countries were selected from the European Social Survey. A multilevel analysis was conducted to investigate the relationship between well-being and WFC, and two measurements were used to represent gender context: gender equality in work life and norms regarding women’s employment. Contrary to the hypothesis, the results showed that the negative relationship was stronger in countries with high levels of gender equality in work life and support for women’s employment than in countries with a relatively low level of gender equality in work life and support for traditional gender relations. The context in which gender is constructed may be important when studying the relationship between WFC and well-being. In addition, emphasis should be placed on policies that equalise both the labour market and the work performed at home.

Reintroducing women, peace and security

International Affairs 92: 2 (2016) 249–254 © 2016 The Author(s). International Affairs © 2016 The Royal Institute of International Affairs. Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford ox4 2dq, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA. This special issue of International Affairs, launched on International Women’s Day 2016, explores the potential and limits of the Women, Peace and Security agenda, a global policy architecture supporting gender equality and today a significant reference point in the management and resolution of, as well as recovery from, violent conflict. The Women, Peace and Security (conventionally abbreviated to WPS) agenda was formally inaugurated by United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 in October 2000. Across 18 operative paragraphs, the Council appealed for the greater participation of women in decision-making in national, regional and international institutions; their further involvement in peacekeeping, field operations, mission consultation and peace negotiations; increased funding and other support for UN bodies’ gender work; enhanced state commitments to women’s and girls’ human rights and their protection under international law; the introduction of special measures against sexual violence in armed conflict; and the consideration of women’s and girls’ needs in humanitarian, refugee, disarmament and post-conflict settings. The foundational resolution also mandated the secretary-general both to study the impact of war on women and girls and to report back to the Council regularly.1 Over the ensuing 15 years, these areas of concern have been repackaged several times, sometimes around three ‘themes’ (participation, protection and the gender perspective), at other times around four ‘pillars’ (identified variously: some cite prevention, protection, participation and peacekeeping, while others substitute relief and recovery for peacekeeping and yet others recognize a normative dimension).2 However expressed, the agenda was demanding, constituting as it did a platform from which it was possible to imagine radical reform of peace and security governance, and it was celebrated as such. For those who had agitated to bring Resolution 1325 into being, WPS was truly transformative in its scope, and its passage through the Council was therefore a ‘watershed’ moment for the global

The Effect of Gender Policies on Fertility: The Moderating Role of Education and Normative Context.

In this paper, we aim to assess the extent to which individual-level completed fertility varies across contexts characterized by policies supporting different gender division of labor models. We examine key labor market and care policies that shape gender relations in households and in the public domain. We also consider the role of gender norms, which can act as both a moderator and a confounding factor for policy effects. We hypothesize that, by facilitating role compatibility and reducing the gendered costs of childrearing, policies that support gender equality lead to an increase in fertility levels and to a reduction in fertility differentials by the level of education. Using individual-level data from the European Union Survey on Income and Living Conditions for 16 countries, combined with country-level data, we analyze completed fertility through multilevel Poisson’s models. We find that the national level of childcare coverage is positively associated with fertility. Family allowances, prevalence of women’s part-time employment and length of paid leaves were also found to be positively associated with completed fertility, though the associations were not statistically significant. These variables show a significant positive pattern according to education. A high number of average working hours for men are negatively associated with completed fertility and show a strong negative pattern by educational level. The prevalence of gender-egalitarian norms is highly predictive of fertility levels, yet we found no consistent evidence of a weaker association of gender-equality policies in countries where egalitarian values are less prevalent.