Substantive Representation Research Articles

Ethnic violence and substantive representation of minorities in parliament

This study seeks to explain why, to what extent, and in what ways ethnic party representatives remain active on the parliamentary floor when the political representation of minority groups takes place alongside ethnic conflict. To test hypotheses related to these questions, we utilize an original dataset of 14,000 parliamentary questions and speeches and background characteristics of 372 representatives in Turkey. The dataset spans many episodes of the Kurdish conflict over six legislative terms (1991–2015). Our empirical analyses show that the parliamentary behavior of ethnic party representatives is directly linked to the intensity of violence between the state and the insurgent group. We specifically demonstrate that ethnic party representatives, compared to other representatives in conflict-ridden provinces, are more active on the floor and focus more heavily on civil rights and identity issues. These findings contribute to our understanding of various linkages between identity and the substantive representation of minorities during violent conflict.

Biases at the Ballot Box: How Multiple Forms of Voter Discrimination Impede the Descriptive and Substantive Representation of Ethnic Minority Groups

Research shows that ethnic minority candidates often face an electoral penalty at the ballot box. In this study, we argue that this penalty depends on both candidate and voter characteristics, and that pro-minority policy positions incur a greater penalty than a candidate’s ethnic background itself. Using a conjoint experiment embedded in a panel study of British voters, we investigate the relative contributions of candidate ethnicity, policy positions, affirmative action, and voter attitudes to this electoral penalty. We find that although Pakistani (Muslim) candidates are penalized directly for their ethnicity, black Caribbean candidates receive on average the same levels of support as white British ones. However, black Caribbean candidates suffer conditional discrimination where they are penalized if they express support for pro-minority policies, and all candidates are penalized for having been selected through an affirmative action initiative. We also find that some white British voters are more inclined to support a black Caribbean candidate than a white British one, all else being equal. These voters (one quarter of our sample) have cosmopolitan views on immigration, and a strong commitment to anti-prejudice norms. However, despite efforts across parties to increase the ethnic diversity of candidates for office, many voters’ preferences continue to pose barriers toward descriptive and substantive representation of ethnic minority groups.

Electing to Do Women's Work? Gendered Divisions of Labor in U.K. Select Committees, 1979–2016

AbstractWhere female representatives are located within legislatures and what they do matters for the substantive representation of women. Previous scholarship has found that female parliamentary committee members participate differently than their male counterparts in relation to both policy area and status of positions held. Here, we draw on an original time-series data set (n= 9,767) to analyze the U.K. select committee system. We test for the impact of four variables previously found to be important in explaining changes in gendered divisions of labor: the system of appointment/election, the proportion of female representatives in the legislature, sharp increases in the number of female representatives, and changes in government from right-wing parties to left-wing parties. We find that horizontal and vertical divisions of labor persist over time and that membership patterns in the United Kingdom mainly correspond to those found elsewhere. Moreover, there is little evidence that any of the four variables have systematically affected membership patterns.

The Mandate Divide in Policy Representation: The Substantive Representation of Agricultural Interests in the Hungarian Parliament

Abstract Policy responsiveness is considered an effective tool for representing the aggregated interests of an electoral district. This article asks the question whether or not legislators in a mixed-member electoral system act on the profile of the constituency in their parliamentary work and, if yes, whether the magnitude of their actions is dependent upon mandate type and electoral security. I answer these questions by using data on Hungarian Members of Parliament (MPs)’ parliamentary questions, and the agricultural profile of the constituencies between 1998 and 2010. It is found that a larger share of the agricultural population correlates with a greater frequency of agriculture questions. Furthermore, as expected, single-member district MPs are more vigilant to the share of the agricultural population than list MPs. Interestingly, MPs remain indifferent to the fierceness of competition: they ask just as any many questions in the case of a safe seat as in the case of stiff competition.

What are women's political interests? Connecting theory to empirical approaches in cross‐national perspective

AbstractParliamentarians and other elected officials have the power to “act for” women and improve their substantive representation. Yet, women are not a homogeneous group with identical individual goals. Given the diversity of women, especially considering the social intersections within a multiplicity of socioeconomic and cultural arrangements across the globe, the identification of “women's political interests” worldwide is problematic. Does the concept of “women's interests” grasp the diversity of women's collective political demands? How can this concept be used to study women's substantive representation in legislative bodies? This article presents theoretical perspectives on the concept and their connection to empirical approaches to the identification of women's interests.

Multidimensional incongruence, political disaffection, and support for anti-establishment parties

ABSTRACTTo what extent do representational gaps between parties and voters destabilise party systems and create electoral opportunities for anti-establishment parties on the left and right? In this paper, we use multiple measures of party-partisan incongruence to evaluate whether issue-level incongruence contributes to an increase of political disaffection and anti-establishment politics. For this analysis, we use data from the Chapel Hill Expert Survey (CHES) for party positions and public opinion data from the European Election Study (EES). Our findings indicate that multidimensional incongruence is associated with disaffection at the national and European level, and that disaffected mainstream party voters are in turn more likely to consider voting for anti-establishment challenger parties. This finding suggests that perceived gaps in party-citizen substantive representation have important electoral ramifications across European democracies.

Gender Politics and Radical Right Parties: An Examination of Women’s Substantive Representation in Slovakia

On the crossroads between preserving a nationalist rhetoric and adding ways in which it can offer an alternative to mainstream politics, the Slovak Radical Right has transformed itself from having an unsteady presence in parliament over the last two decades to having two nationalist parties with a significant portion of seats. This article examines the radical right parties’ (RRPs’) gender rhetoric and parliamentary activity, and in comparison to other parties evaluates the substantive representation of women within these parties. The study covers the period from 2006 to 2016 and shows that while women are still significantly outnumbered in RRPs, they are more active on women’s issues than any of their counterparts. Moreover, their activity can be characterized as “positive representation,” as opposed to the usually assumed “negative representation” of women by RRPs.

Representation by the Minute: The Influence of Ethnicity, Partisanship and District Fit on Legislator One-Minute Floor Speeches

Much of the research on minority representation in the U.S. House has focused on how group preferences are reflected in recorded votes, yet most opportunities for position-taking exist outside the roll call arena. This research explores the conditions under which descriptive representation enhances substantive representation by examining an area where members have a great deal of freedom to register their preferences - speeches on the House floor. Using a novel database of immigration-related one-minute speeches from the 109th-113th Congress, this research explores both the decision to deliver and the position taken in speech on the floor. It finds that not only do Latino members devote a greater share of attention to the issue of immigration than their colleagues, but they take distinct positions that are more reflective of Latino interests, and they are less vulnerable to district pressures than their non-Latino colleagues. These results suggest a clear value in descriptive representation and more diverse legislatures.

Материальное и процессуальное представительство: гражданско-правовой и семейно-правовой аспекты

Introduction: representation as a civil law relationship has long been an area of particular research interest, which can be explained by its special significance as one of the guarantors of the subject's right to free participation in civil circulation. At the same time, there have developed certain stereotypes in scientific research concerning the legal relationship of representation, the doctrine lacks a holistic approach to the study of representation as a relationship under civil law, which indicates the necessity of developing such an approach. Taking into consideration the dynamic development of procedural legislation, the legal relationship of representation is also undergoing changes, especially in relation to civil and family law relations. Purpose: to develop a holistic view on the current civil and family law regulation of substantive and procedural representation taking into account new changes in Russian procedural legislation. Methods: empirical methods of comparison, description, interpretation; theoretical methods of formal and dialectical logic; specific scientific methods: legal-dogmatic, comparative legal, method of interpretation of legal norms. Results: the study showed that representation should be considered as an organizational and informational relationship regulated by civil law within the framework of which the representative exercises the authority received from the represented person to perform on behalf of this person in relation to third parties legal actions and closely related to them factual actions entailing the emergence, change or termination of the rights and obligations of the person represented. Accordingly, a stable closed set of legal rules regulating this social relationship is called the institution of representation. Conclusions: representation as a legal relationship can be classified by types and forms: types are distinguished according to the branch affiliation (substantive or procedural law), while forms are distinguished according to the grounds for the emergence of the representative authority (representation by virtue of law, including based on an administrative act; contractual representation; representation from the situation). The legal relationship of representation is different from similar legal relationships (commission legal relationship, agency service, legal participation, activities of a signer’s assistant, activities of a mediator).

Another Progressive's Dilemma: Immigration, the Radical Right & Threats to Gender Equality

Immigration and the diversity it brings have led to the emergence of the “progressive's dilemma” whereby open societies that take in immigrant outsiders may find it difficult to maintain the solidarity required to sustain the welfare state. In this essay, I address another progressive's dilemma: Focusing on the case of Western Europe, I argue that when open borders give rise to radical-right parties, immigration can inadvertently also endanger progressive achievements in gender equality. Though xenophobic policies frequently constitute their core message and the primary source of their appeal, radical-right parties are also defenders of traditional family values and outspoken critics of measures that promote the economic and political advancement of women. Moreover, the composition of these parties, both in terms of voters and politicians, is disproportionately male. As a result, when radical-right, anti-immigrant parties enter national parliaments, the descriptive and substantive representation of women suffers, sometimes reversing long-held gains in gender equality.

Aspectos culturais que dificultam a participação das mulheres na política eleitoral e sua relação com as esferas público-privada

O objetivo deste artigo é lançar uma breve análise sobre o processo de exclusão das mulheres dos espaços públicos, associado a componentes culturais, conformando uma baixa participação de mulheres na política eleitoral. Para tanto se recorreu a um levantamento bibliográfico a partir da pesquisa realizada durante o desenvolvimento da tese de doutorado da autora. São feitas reflexões acerca da dicotomia das esferas pública e privada, sobre a importância da representação descritiva do ponto de vista da democracia de gênero, mas, fundamentalmente, como o processo de empoderamento e a identificação de mais mulheres parlamentares com os feminismos potencializaria a maior representação substantiva e portanto o compromisso com as reivindicações feministas e as políticas públicas que geram avanços nos direitos para as mulheres.

Political Representation by Ethnic Parties? Electoral Performance and Party-Building Processes among Ethnic Parties in Myanmar

What is the role of political representation by ethnic parties in a multi-ethnic state that has undergone a transition from military rule, and is seeking to resolve protracted intrastate conflicts? The present article examines this question through a contextual case study of ethnic parties in Myanmar – a state that is characterised by unresolved ethnic grievances and conflicts; a political transition that has created new opportunities for ethnic representation; and multiple ethnic parties making representative claims on behalf of ethnic groups. Based on a mixed methods approach, the article documents that ethnic parties have been relatively ineffective in ensuring formal and descriptive representation and have had limited possibilities for substantive representation of ethnic interests. The article also identifies key explanations for the weak electoral performance of ethnic parties, emphasising party fragmentation and vote-splitting as well as weak party institutionalisation and limited capacity to make representative claims. Finally, the article analyses strategies for party-building, in preparation for the 2020 election. Based on the common emphasis on vote-splitting, most ethnic states have seen initiatives to merge parties, while a few parties have also sought to develop their political platform and sector policies. The article concludes that ethnic parties may gain improved formal representation after the next election but questions about the parties’ capacity for substantive representation remains. The 2020 election will thus be a new test for how ethnic voters see themselves best represented, in the light of competing representative claims and past experiences: by ethnic parties or non-ethnic democracy parties?

Women Cabinet Ministers’ Substantive Representation in Africa

Abstract Research on women executives’ substantive representation is currently drawing serious attention given women’s increasing inclusion in cabinets globally. However, these studies rarely question whether women ministers across Africa represent women’s interests. Using primary semi-structured interview data conducted with forty-nine interviewees, including seventeen ministers in Nigeria and South Africa, this article explores whether women politicians advocate for women’s interests. It centers a critical understanding of the cabinet as an embedded institution, embraces a context-specific understanding of substantive representation, and demonstrates that women ministers’ representation of women’s interests occurs mostly in nonlegislative ways. It presents an expansive three-level conception of substantive representation.

Evaluating Reserved Seats as a Measure of Substantive Representation for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes through the Analysis of Parliamentary Questions in the Lok Sabha (1999–2016)

The provision of reserved seats for scheduled castes and tribes (SC/ST) in legislative bodies has been celebrated as one of the most empowering measures for them to overcome historical disadvantage. However, historical trajectory of reserved seats for SCs/STs suggests that key players like Ambedkar preferred separate electorate, multi-member constituencies and double vote as measures of effective representation for SCs over simply reserved seats with the joint electorate. It was out of political compromise in the face of Gandhi’s fast unto death that Ambedkar accepted reserved seats with a double vote from which double vote was taken out later. As per the general assumption, the presence of SCs representatives in decision-making bodies makes the voices of their community better heard. This study attempts to empirically know the ‘representativeness’ of SC/ST members of legislative bodies as far as substantiveness of their representation is concerned by comparatively analysing parliamentary questions raised by them and non-SC Members of Parliament (MPs) on the issues concerning SCs. Our analysis confirms a positive relationship between reserved seats and number of questions asked on SC/ST interests by the reserved seat MPs. However, several other factors like party affiliation, membership in ruling or opposition party and ideology appear to affect SC/ST MPs’ ability to represent their community.

Do Populists Represent? Theoretical Considerations on How Populist Parties (Might) Enact their Representative Function

ABSTRACTAre populist parties bad for representative democracy or are they filling a representative gap? While it has been broadly established that the emergence and success of populist parties is not merely a sign of protest, there is still a sparsity of empirical investigations into whether these parties represent hitherto under- or unrepresented social groups or whether they offer a policy profile that was in demand but not present. Using Pitkin’s concepts of symbolic, descriptive and substantive representation, this article opens up the dimensions in which populist parties might challenge or aid democratic representation. It then places the articles in the Special Issue ‘Populist Representation of, by and for the People?’ along these dimensions and highlights their specific contributions.

Problematika Kelembagaan Partai Politik

Political parties have functions representation, conversion and aggregation, integration, persuasion, repression, recruitment and selection of leaders, considerations and formulation of policies and control of the government. However, after the reform which was marked by the opening of the widest possible tap of democracy, it did not make all the functions of the political party work. Even today, the number of public dissatisfaction with the performance of political parties is still very high. So the thing that is interesting is why political parties in the reformation period experienced a crisis of representation functions. This study was conducted using qualitative desktiptif analysis methods through literature review. The study found that the crisis of representation functions experienced by political parties during the reform period was caused by the weakness of the political party institutions themselves, including the systemic aspects which caused weak formal representation, low values ​​/ ideology of political parties which caused weak symbolic representation and low authority what political parties have in making decisions leads to low political party substantive representation.

Can the descriptive-substantive link survive beyond democracy? The policy impact of women representatives

ABSTRACTThat women offer substantive representation in democratic systems is well established. However, can they do so in partial or non-democracies? As less than half of the women in the world live in democracies, analysing female representation outside of the democratic context is crucial. We hypothesize that even in non- and partial-democracies, women exercise substantive representation. Neutralizing the confounding effects of international constraints or a general positive approach towards gender equality, we create a framework that observes the relationship, proposing and testing several scenarios to identify substantive representation. We observe correlations over time between the share of women representatives and policies female representation typically influence: reproductive rights, health spending and education spending. Our evidence shows that substantive representation appears in non- and partial democracies, and not just in democracies.

When Do Female MPs Represent Women’s Interests? Electoral Systems and the Legislative Behavior of Women

Research on women’s political representation has repeatedly shown that female legislators represent women’s interest more strongly than their male colleagues. However, a growing body of literature shows that the parliamentary behavior of female members of parliament (MPs) and the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation of women is affected by a number of institutional variables. This paper contributes to this debate by analyzing the effect of the electoral incentive structure on the substantive representation of women. Drawing on the Competing Principals Theory, it is expected that female legislators more frequently act on behalf of women if their re-election does not depend on the representation of local interests in electoral districts. The empirical analysis uses the German mixed electoral system and analyzes the representation of women’s issues in oral and written parliamentary questions tabled in the German Bundestag between 2005 and 2013. The results of a hurdle regression model show that female MPs are more likely to concentrate on the representation of women’s interests if their re-election is secured and if they do not have to fight for additional local votes from their district.

Who represents women and why in the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly

ABSTRACTThis paper examines how women’s presence makes a difference in the realm of women’s substantive representation, focusing on the case of the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly. We define substantive representation as legislators’ actions on behalf of women, through which they try to represent women’s interests and seek solutions to the problems and difficulties they face. First, we examined the statements made by the Tokyo Metropolitan Assembly members in legislative debates. We then conducted in-depth interviews with five female assembly members who spoke for women considerably more than all the others, in order to understand what they did for women and why, in addition to the difficulties they faced in putting their ideas into practice. Our findings show that female members of minor parties and independent members were passionate about acting for women, but their ability to actually implement their ideas in the way of policy outputs was limited, because of institutional constraints, such as weak policy powers of the legislature and their minority status. Overall, our study builds on research on women’s substantive representation by reaffirming the importance of political parties and institutions as key factors shaping the process and outcomes of women’s substantive representation.

Women’s Political Representation in a Hybrid and Patriarchal Regime: Evidence from Singapore

AbstractThis article investigates women’s political representation in a hybrid and patriarchal regime—Singapore. Specifically, it examines whether female legislators in Singapore put more emphasis on women’s rights and traditional women’s concerns than male legislators. We answer this question through conducting content analyses of the questions raised by legislators at the plenary meetings during the 10th–12th Parliaments of Singapore (2002–2015). Our results demonstrate that female legislators in Singapore were more likely to provide substantive representation on women’s interests than male legislators. Besides gender, this study shows that legislators’ political affiliation crucially affected the likelihood of them to represent traditional women’s concerns but not women’s rights. Opposition legislators were more likely than People’s Action Party legislators to ask questions on traditional women’s concerns. Finally, legislators’ ethnicity mattered, given that ethnic minority legislators (Malay, Indian and Eurasian legislators) were more likely to raise questions on women’s rights and traditional women’s concerns (except environment) than Chinese legislators.