Substantive Representation Research Articles

Do Disabled Candidates Represent Disabled Citizens?

AbstractWhether citizens are better represented by politicians ‘like them’ has been the subject of much debate and analysis. Yet, this scholarship has largely ignored the 1 in 5 people who are disabled and experience economic, social and political marginalization. Linking voter and candidate data from the 2015 British general election, this study examines whether disabled citizens are better represented by disabled elites. It analyses the effects of disability on both preferences and preference congruence. The findings reveal that disabled citizens and candidates are more supportive of healthcare and general public spending, even within parties. At the same time, the views of disabled citizens are rarely more congruent with the positions of disabled candidates than those of non-disabled candidates, except on healthcare spending. The study provides ground-breaking insights into the role of disability in policy preferences and political representation while also highlighting broader implications of how the descriptive–substantive representation link is analysed.

Cross‐ethnic appeals in plural democracies

AbstractWhether and how parties reach across ethnic lines matters for the quality of democracy, the state of interethnic relations and substantive minority representation in plural societies. Existing explanations have focused on how politicians facing electoral incentives to seek broader support attempt to either redefine or transcend ethnic identities, but have overlooked the various ways, in which candidates from one ethnic community often directly address the ethno‐political interests, concerns and demands of other communities whose votes are being courted. To address this gap, we introduce the concept and develop a typology of cross‐ethnic appeals in plural democracies. Drawing on primary research in India and Kenya—two countries with salient ethnic divisions and ethnic party systems—we show that cross‐ethnic appeals are common, follow the logic of our typology, and can result in increased resources and representation for some electorally pivotal minorities, even going beyond what coethnic politicians have offered. The article contributes to the emerging academic literature on how parties foster cross‐ethnic linkages in plural societies. Our argument has implications for ethnic boundaries, the structure of political cleavages and the substantive representation of minorities in multiethnic states.

Analysing the “what” and “when” of women’s substantive representation: the role of right-wing populist party ideology

ABSTRACT Existing scholarship underscores the contested nature of the relationship between women’s representation and right-wing parties. This article contributes to this literature by examining women’s substantive representation in Poland under the right-wing populist Law and Justice government from 2015 to 2019. It is specifically concerned with the “what” and “when” of substantive representation: while the former deals with various women’s issues, the latter concerns the conversion of issues into policies. Using representation theory and refined partisan theory, this article sheds light on gendered representation, an issue often overlooked in the scholarly literature on women and politics in Central and Eastern Europe.

The Face of American Government: Effects of Racial and Ethnic Firsts on Minority Perceptions of Government Responsiveness

What effect does seeing a member of a historically marginalized group in high-level office have on attitudes toward government among those who identify with that group? We hypothesize that, when salient, increased descriptive representation will increase feelings of government responsiveness among members of historically marginalized groups. Moreover, we hypothesize that this effect will persist even when substantive representation is not expected, that is, when the official is viewed as unlikely to represent the individual's own political interests. We explore this theory by taking advantage of two exogenous changes in descriptive representation: the election of the first African–American president, Barack Obama, and the confirmation of the first Latino on the Supreme Court, Sonia Sotomayor. Using panel data and a difference-in-differences design, we analyze within-person changes in attitudes toward government among African–Americans and Latinos, from before to after these events. In doing so, we attempt to separate descriptive from anticipated substantive representation.

Electoral Institutions and Substantive Representation in Local Politics: The Effects of Ranked Choice Voting

While significant progress has been made in studies of substantive representation in local politics in the past decade, we know less about the effects of institutions on local representation. In this paper, I explore the effect of an increasingly popular electoral institution---ranked choice voting (RCV)---on substantive representation. I examine a host of fiscal variables and the ideology of city councils using generalized synthetic controls, and I find that the municipalities adopting RCV saw no changes in policy outcomes or representation. Finally, I use roll call data to show that the behavior of legislators who served both before and after the use of RCV was unchanged and that intra-city responsiveness remained constant after RCV was implemented as well. My findings suggest that ranked choice voting may not produce the significant effects on representation for which its proponents hope.

Does Women’s Descriptive Representation in Collective Bargaining Teams Contribute to Their Substantive Representation in Bargaining Outcomes?

Does Women’s Descriptive Representation in Collective Bargaining Teams Contribute to Their Substantive Representation in Bargaining Outcomes?

Women in Tanzanian Parliament: Exploring Descriptive and Substantive Representation

Women in Tanzanian Parliament: Exploring Descriptive and Substantive Representation

Whose Feminism? Gender-Inclusive Policymaking in the Arab Middle East and North Africa

Some feminist scholars have asserted that nominal representation does not secure substantive representation for gender equality and that the mere presence of more women in politics does not necessary lead to inclusive policies. This assertion makes sense because advancing gender equality and equitable opportunities requires a strategy to address intersectional forms of oppression, a systemic requirement that was historically lacking across much of the Arab Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. More recently, on the eve of the twenty-sixth anniversary of the 1995 Beijing Conference, governments across the region are laying claim to substantive advances in gender mainstreaming and to increasing the presence of women in political institutions, particularly in the resource-rich gulf. Despite the rush to support gender-inclusive policies, MENA governments did not bring the level or kind of gender equality and inclusion envisioned. This article explores the ways in which state feminism is advanced by governments across the MENA. We conduct a brief historical overview of women’s machineries and feminist movements and propose a way forward that cuts across countries, sectors, and age groups. We envision a consolidated movement that seeks to ensure that the prevailing form of feminism is one that champions the rights and interests of the collective and not of the few who are in power.

Politička participacija žena u Srbiji kroz prizmu lokalnog aktivizma - studija slučaja opštine Ruma, 2020-2021

The paper aims to identify the quality of political participation of women in Serbia through the prism of activism at the local level. The research covered the municipality of Ruma in the period from July 2, 2020 to July 2, 2021, which conducted a research of an individual and not a mosaic or a case in a row. Using the case study method, data collection was conducted in a semi-structured interview on a sample of six respondents. The results of the research showed that women, in accordance with the quantitative shift in the political life of Serbia in general, are delegated in the Ruma division of power at all levels, but that gender is still less represented in positions of power and decision-making, as well as in decision-making. Women in Ruma, with their political participation, do not sufficiently realize the gender dimension of political representation, because either they are not sufficiently aware of this segment and do not recognize it as important or they lack the courage to do so and encounter a wall in parliamentary debates. The results of the research could be important for considering ways to improve the quality of women's participation in politics at the local level in the direction of greater substantive representation, as well as gender sensitivity, which would increase greater motivation of women to get involved in politics, affect the quality of work. representative body, but also a change in the political climate in society, which is still masculine. The research showed that the solidarity of women in politics should be strengthened, regardless of belonging to a political party, and they should be encouraged to be louder and braver in expressing their views in parliamentary debates, so that they can essentially fight for their interests.

“Keeping an Eye Out for Women”: Implicit Feminism, Political Leadership, and Social Change in the Pacific Islands

Much popular and academic analysis of Pacific politics, especially on issues of gender, juxtaposes foreign “Western” norms and institutions with “traditional” beliefs and customs. Despite considerable scholarship debunking these caricatures, they persist and indeed have (re)gained salience in debates about the absence of women in parliamentary politics. In this article, we critique this framing by describing how senior women politicians practice a form of “quiet” or “implicit” feminism. Drawing on in-depth interviews with three senior politicians, Dr Hilda Heine of the Marshall Islands, Deputy Prime Minister Fiame Naomi Mata’afa of Samoa, and Dame Carol Kidu of Papua New Guinea, as well as with other observers and supporters of their careers, we illustrate how these women position themselves as pragmatists-as neither the champions of liberal feminist principles that some local activists and international donors would like nor as conservative as most of their male colleagues. We further show that both their articulation of and their relationship to feminism are remarkably similar to those of other senior women politicians from elsewhere in the world who eschew the label but pursue substantive representation. In making this claim, we aim to reframe understandings of Pacific feminism by shifting the focus away from the Western/non-Western binary and instead toward a distinction between women who seek change from within established parliamentary systems and those who seek to push an agenda from the outside.

Women in the Parliament and Their Role in Formulating Gender Responsive Policies in East Nusa Tenggara

East Nusa Tenggara's culture is deeply-rooted in patriarchy. It is more common for women to engage in the private sphere, rather than the public sphere. However, the women of East Nusa Tenggara have recently defied this expectation. In the 2014 Provincial Legislative Election, six women were elected as legislative members for the 2014-2019 period, reflectinga 100 percent increase in the number of women elected as representatives. This event became an important phenomenon, marking the history of women's representation in the parliament. It also became the basis of two questions. First, how the six women managed to enter politics amidst the strong patriarchy in East Nusa Tenggara. Second, the roles of the six women in formulating policies that are gender-responsive.This study focuses on local regulations relating to maternal and child health, the environment, and labor in order to have a holistic view on gender-responsive policies. This study is qualitative in nature and is centered on case study, while information was gathered through an in-depth interview with each of the six female representatives. Furthermore, the administrators of six political parties, namely Nasional Demokrat, GolonganKarya, Demokasi Indonesia Perjuangan, Amanat Nasional, Hati Nurani Rakyat, and Kebangkitan Bangsa were also interviewed. The principal findings of this study show that the election of these women in 2014 are connected to their "acting for" substantive representation and the support given by their families. With the increase of female representation in the legislative sphere, women are encouraged to be engaged in formulating gender-responsive policies in East Nusa Tenggara.

Does Indigenous Mainstreaming Work? Mechanisms of Indigenous Interest Representation in Bolivia

ABSTRACT Bolivia’s first Indigenous president, Evo Morales (2006–2019) of the Movement toward Socialism (MAS) party, made Indigenous rights the cornerstone of his administration. In his first official act, Morales disbanded the Ministry of Indigenous and First Peoples Affairs under the logic that Indigenous peoples’ demands are to be incorporated into all facets of government, rather than addressed separately. In light of this dynamic, the paper takes up the questions: Does Indigenous mainstreaming work to advance the representation of Indigenous peoples’ interests? And, what are the conditions under which mechanisms of Indigenous representation emerge, succeed, or fail? The paper maps out the institutional architecture that has emerged in Bolivia to advance Indigenous peoples’ descriptive and substantive representation. The study finds that for Indigenous mainstreaming to be effective, it must be accompanied by multiple mechanisms of interest representation, such as reserved seats, executive appointments, and the direct election of Indigenous representatives, to account for the diversity of Indigenous peoples’ representational needs.

TIPTOEING TOWARDS A REPRESENTATIVE BUREAUCRACY: ENGENDERING GENDER EQUALITY IN MALAWI PUBLIC SERVICE

The article uses representative bureaucracy theory to analyse the prospects of engendering gender equality in Malawi Public Service. It holds that where women are integrated into Public Service on an equal footing, there is anecdotal evidence of effectiveness, efficiency and responsiveness. This article finds that despite policy, legal and institutional interventions by the Malawi Government, there are critical structural, systemic, cultural, institutional and implementation challenges that militate against the realization of a representative bureaucracy in terms of gender in the Public Service. A distinction between descriptive and substantive representation suggests that gender equality in Public Service should not necessarily be a matter of sheer numbers. The article finds that women are fewer in the Public Service employ in terms of proportions with males; and, that they are also disadvantaged in regard to leadership positions. From both perspectives, the article notes that women’s voice is not accorded the necessary status it deserves in Public Service decision-making processes. Also, the article concludes that the few women in leadership positions within the Public Service have not vigorously championed the cause for effective implementation of gender- based policies. As a result, the article recommends that the process of engendering gender equality in Public Service should involve collaborative effort. Keywords: Gender, Gender-based Policy, Public service, Representative bureaucracy

The Source of the Legislative Professionalism Advantage: Attracting More Knowledgeable Candidates

AbstractLegislators who know their constituents' opinions are more likely to be successful in providing substantive representation on issues of the day. However, previous work suggests that state legislators and candidates commonly misestimate their constituents' preferences. Some of that work also finds that candidates and current incumbents in highly professionalized legislatures are less likely to misestimate constituent opinion. We investigate why this professionalism advantage exists. We use a Blinder–Oaxaca decomposition to determine how much of the professionalism advantage can be attributed to three sources: attracting knowledgeable candidates, fostering legislator knowledge in office, and retaining incumbents. We apply the decomposition to data on candidates' perceptions of public opinion from the 2014 National Candidate Survey. Fostering knowledge in office and retaining incumbents are not responsible for the professionalism advantage. We find evidence that the professionalism advantage occurs because higher professionalism legislatures attract more knowledgeable nonincumbent candidates.

The representativeness of neighbourhood associations in Toronto and Vancouver.

Neighbourhood associations are major players in urban politics throughout North American cities and increasingly are becoming a political force in other parts of the world. However, while there is a rich and well-developed literature on the role played by neighbourhood associations in urban politics, few studies examine whether their membership reflects the socio-demographic composition and interests of the broader public. This paper addresses this gap in the literature using survey data from voters conducted during the Vancouver and Toronto 2018 municipal elections. We compare the responses of participants who identify as members of neighbourhood associations (or their equivalents) with those of the broader voting public. We find that members of neighbourhood associations in both cities are not representative of the broader population. They are more likely to be white, older and have higher education than the average voter. In addition, while the ideology of neighbourhood association members differs little from that of the broader public, their policy priorities are different from those of the majority of voters in both cities. Our findings suggest that neighbourhood associations fail in providing descriptive representation and may not offer substantive representation. These findings raise important questions about the role of neighbourhood associations in local governance. Our study also demonstrates the merit of using individual-level surveys to learn more about the composition and policy preferences of neighbourhood associations.

Talking War: Representation, Veterans and Ideology in Post-War Parliamentary Debates

AbstractHow do politicians in post-war societies talk about the past war? How do they discursively represent vulnerable social groups created by the conflict? Does the nature of this representation depend on the politicians’ ideology or their record of combat service? We answer these questions by pairing natural language processing tools and a large corpus of parliamentary debates with an extensive data set of biographical information including detailed records of war service for all members of parliament during two recent terms in Croatia. We demonstrate not only that veteran politicians talk about war differently from their non-veteran counterparts, but also that the sentiment of war-related political discourse is highly dependent on the speaker's exposure to combat and ideological orientation. These results improve our understanding of the representational role played by combat veterans, as well as of the link between descriptive and substantive representation of vulnerable groups in post-war societies.

Ideology, Not Affect: What Americans Want from Political Representation

AbstractHow do citizens want to be represented by elected officials in an era of affective polarization? Contemporary narratives about American politics argue that people embrace elite expressions of negative partisanship, above and beyond representation on policy. Using three conjoint experiments, I examine how individuals weigh the relative value of substantive representation on issues, constituency service, and partisan affect. The findings challenge the notion that Americans are primarily motivated by their affective, partisan identities and demonstrate the value of policy congruence and service responsiveness in terms of perceptions of political representation. The implication is that people evaluate elected officials in ways that we would expect them to in a healthy, functioning representative democracy, rather than one characterized by partisan animus. Even if polarization is driven by “affect, not ideology,” citizens prioritize representational styles centered around the issues that matter to them.

The role of gender in Turkish parliamentary debates

ABSTRACT This paper assesses the substantive representation of women through parliamentary speeches in Turkey with the goal of determining whether legislative behavior differs across gender. By using content analysis of parliamentary speeches given in the Turkish Grand National Assembly between 2002 and 2011, this paper evaluates who speaks more often and on which policy areas they focus. More specifically, it examines the relative participation of women as well as the subjects they choose to address. The analysis of Turkish case is important not only to further our understanding of Turkish politics but also to improve our understanding of women in parliaments with low gender parity. The results reveal that, although there is no significant difference between female and male legislators in terms of the total speeches they delivered, gender differences exist regarding the policy preferences of MPs, even after controlling for partisan, constituency and institutional factors. Female legislators are more likely than their male colleagues to prefer speaking about women’s equality issues, children and family issues, and education. In contrast to previous findings, female legislators are as likely as male legislators to prioritize speaking on health care issues.

Ethnic Parties and Indigenous Substantive Representation in Ecuador

ABSTRACT What mechanisms assure not just the presence of ethnic minority representatives but also the representation of their interests on political agendas? Research on this question has been limited. While some argue that a representative's ethnic identity is what is crucial, others point to the role of parties in substantive representation. Little research has empirically examined the role of ethnic parties specifically. Focusing on Ecuador, the first Latin American country to develop a successful Indigenous party, this research compares the impact of a strong Indigenous party, and Indigenous members of parliament on the substantive representation of Indigenous peoples. Quantitative analysis of the key factors behind the presentation of Indigenous interest bills over 20 years demonstrates that ethnic parties are key to advancing Indigenous interests.

Representation of indigenous peoples in times of progressive governments: lessons learned from Bolivia

ABSTRACT Indigenous peoples in Latin America are historically underrepresented in elected bodies. In 2009, Bolivia introduced a new mechanism for direct representation to counteract this systematic representation gap, securing 7 of 130 seats (5.4%) in the national parliament for indigenous peoples of the lowlands. The reform was part of a series of implementation conflicts related to a new vision of plurinational state-building, included in the new 2009 Constitution. Although most indigenous organizations were seeking a ‘power-sharing’ agreement with direct representation for all indigenous nations, the new government, led by President Evo Morales, successfully intervened in favor of a minority protection scheme. Furthermore, for the direct representatives, the room to maneuver left was severely limited, leaving little space to act on behalf of their minority constituencies. Curiously, this reduced version of direct representation is nonetheless the most advanced in Latin America. The Bolivian case provides important lessons on the ‘de-monopolization’ of political parties as a key factor in the effective representation of indigenous peoples in parliament, as well as on the importance of a goal-oriented design for electoral mechanisms focusing on substantive representation.