Study Of International Relations Research Articles

New Structure Implementation for Foreign Policy Analysis of States

Nowadays, there are loads of various ways to the study of international relations and the foreign policy of states, but the problem of structural analysis of the foreign policy of world leaders remains open. This problem solvation becomes in demand when there is a transformation in the balance of power in the international arena. Since ancient times, every powerful state has sought to expand its sphere of influence and establish itself as a hegemon. The study of foreign policy projects proposed or imposed by a Big Player helps to evaluate the effectiveness of the tools and predict the likely outcome. Russia has a long history of geopolitical struggle for a place among the globe powers. This work offers a new toolkit for the study of foreign policy activity — from the ideological level to practical implementation. As a part of the example, the author formed the Pax-model of modern China and showed the Pax-models of Russia during different historical periods.

The long-term perspective in the study of the history of international relations

This essay explores the possible answers to the question, when do international relations (IR) appear? The question itself invites a distinction between IR as theory and as practice. The traditional landmark for the latter has been the mid-seventeenth century, after the signing of the peace treaties that put an end to the Thirty Years war (1648) and gave way to the emergence of the Westphalian model on international relations. This landmark has been justified based on the specificity of interaction between the newly born sovereign states, which changed the scene of previous exchanges among independent polities. In spite of the validity of the argument, the long-term view proposes enhancing the historical horizon for the study of international relations in search of precedents to cast light both on the sociological regularities and the historical singularities in the modes of interaction among independent polities at a larger scale. The aim is to break away from the etno-centricity of the Westphalian model and the cultural dominance of western thought, which has traditionally neglected regional experiences in different latitudes and assumes that international relations is an exclusively European tradition. From this perspective, the emergence of IR as theory must also be reconsidered.

Polyphonic internationalism: The Lucie Zimmern School of International studies

This article recovers the musician, pedagogue, institution-builder, and intellectual Lucie Zimmern (1875–1963). Together with her husband Alfred, a canonical international thinker, Zimmern founded and ran the Geneva School of International Studies (1923–1939), where she outlined and taught the principles of what we term ‘polyphonic internationalism’ to hundreds of students from across the globe: the musical texture of polyphony was an ordering principle for a world which had yet come to terms with the reality of human diversity. Zimmern’s musical formation, her complex racial, religious, and national identity, combined with her experience as a private cultural diplomat of the Anglo-French Entente Cordiale, shaped her distinctive analysis of international politics which she disseminated in academic debates, written works, and public lectures. We analyse the genesis and claims of polyphonic internationalism, overtly a culturally relativist concept that sought to reconcile national and cultural self-determination with the hierarchies of empire. Lucie Zimmern’s trajectory as a thinker and her experience as a ‘wife of the canon’ reveals the gendered politics of intellectual production in the early academic field of international relations where the boundaries between the feminised domains of culture and internationalist pedagogy, and the soon-to-be masculinised academic, and ‘scientific’ study of international relations remained surprisingly permeable.

The Power of Stakeholders’ Security Plan Implementation in Security Management Outcomes: Lessons from Public Secondary schools in Mandera County, Kenya

Security issues as academic and professional responsibility began after the post-World War II. It was generally regarded as a sub study of International Relations and until the time of the Cold War, it was a field of education propelled by the Anglo-American thoughts. In NEP schools are functioning without teachers, counting Mandera where the investigate was carried out. This was catapulted by the Mandera bus ambush by the Al Shabaab. Thus, the current study explored the power of stakeholders’ security plan implementation in security management outcomes with empirical lessons drawn from Public Secondary schools in Mandera County, Kenya. The study was guided by the Stakeholders’ Theory and the Securitization Theory using mixed methodology. The study targeted a population of 17,756 subjects with a sample size of 738. Two pairs of questionnaires were used to collect data from teachers and learners while interviews were used for principals, education officers, and BoM chairs. An observation checklist was also used to collect data on security management outcomes. The research instruments were piloted in 2 schools in Wajir County. The instruments were validated by experts in educational planning and management while test-retest technique was embraced to ascertain reliability for each of the questionnaire item yielding a Cronbach’s Coefficient Alpha of at least 0.700. Numerical facts were scrutinized in descriptive and inferential statistics using tables, occurrences, %s, and Chi-square. Non-numerical facts were offered by thematic scrutiny in narrating format. The study found that the schools knew what the government wanted from them in terms of giving a specific manual to all institutions. It was seen that the schools should know about the set guidelines to secure their learners. The study recommends that the safety committees should be put in place in schools and their functionality.

Theology and international order: Questions, challenges and explorations

Theology is a neglected resource in international relations scholarship; it is, more often than not, characterised as a threat to political order because it is seen as a cradle of fanaticism and irrationality. Postsecular scholarship challenges this view by exploring the persistence of theological ideas and religious belief in political discourse and practice. Political Theology of International Order is my own contribution to this type of scholarship. This article engages responses from five distinguished scholars. It considers the implications of taking theology seriously when theorising international order; the veracity of narratives that frame the study of international relations; and new directions and possibilities that arise out of the book.

Law and politics in posmodernity: internationalist liberalism

The most popular stream in international relations studies is associated with political realism as such emphasizes competition between States always seeking an advantageous position, whose description shows that such a rivalry can be ruthless. However, internationalist Liberalism explores alternatively the association tactics that help States to position themselves strategically on the international stage by seeking allies with those who share common interests. The promotion of cooperation agencies enables the study of the growing influence of actors other than national States, and recognizes the relative independence of the international environment with its own and distinct logic, although associated with the traditional logic of national interest and security. The paper aim is to explore the positions that John Rawls, Norberto Bobbio and Luigi Ferrajoli put forward. The method is qualitative, using documentary analysis techniques on secondary sources. It is concluded that the agreements and institutions arising from international liberalism restrict the action of States, seeking limitation to armed conflicts, the protection of human rights and the conditions for a more distributive global justice.

A corpus-based study on the cognitive construction of security in discourse.

A discourse-based approach to understanding security has been explored in the study of International Relations, yet how other agents rather than the political agents speak to conceptualize the emotive appeal in unconventional security issues is less discussed. This corpus-based cognitive critical discourse study examines security by combining the International Relations' theory of securitization with the proximization approach in Critical Discourse Studies. As a case study, texts concerning Confucius Institutes on the National Association of Scholars' official website from 2014 to 2020 were collected to discuss how the threat is constructed discursively and cognitively for an endeavor to influence the public and the political decision-making process. The corpus was further divided into two sub-corpora in order to expose the difference in their cognitive construction of Confucius Institutes. The findings show that the American academia delivers a bottom-up securitizing move by constructing education security discourse on Confucius Institutes in the initial process, yet later the whole-of-society security narratives interacting with a top-down securitizing move from the political agents have been adopted. As indicated by the corpus statistics, the concerned discourses are discursively constructed by following the "Self-Other" dichotomy security narratives, in which Confucius Institutes are cognitively transformed from an academic issue to a national security issue and legitimized through proximization in the spatial, temporal, and axiological dimensions.

INDONESIAN DIPLOMACY OF SOUTH-SOUTH COOPERATION TO ACHIEVE SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT GOALS 2030

South-South Cooperation has played an important role in encouraging development in various countries through strategic programs, such as training, sending experts, providing grants, scholarships, infrastructure, as well as empowering women. Indonesia as one of the countries that plays an active role as a donor country is expected to increase its role in strengthening Indonesia's position as a new emerging donor so that it can improve Indonesia's image in international forums. Diplomacy carried out by Indonesia is part of a constructivism approach in the study of international relations related to the formation of perceptions and values that Indonesia will share with its cooperation partners. South-South Cooperation is not only part of Indonesia's national priority in The National Medium-Term Development Plan 2020-2024, but also provides benefits as a bridge between the needs of beneficiaries and Indonesia's interests, improves Indonesia's positive image in the region and globally, and is part of Indonesia's economic diplomacy. In the recovery after the COVID-19 pandemic, South-South Cooperation is expected to be a part of development cooperation form that can be one of the instruments for restoring conditions and building back better in achieving the goals of Sustainable Development Goals 2030.
 Keywords: Diplomacy, Indonesia, South-South Cooperation, Sustainable Development Goals 2030

Historical and systemic direction in the study of international relations

Historical and systemic direction in the study of international relations

A Comparative Review of the Conceptual Frameworks of Geo-politics, Geo-economics and Meta-geopolitics in the Study of International Relations

A Comparative Review of the Conceptual Frameworks of Geo-politics, Geo-economics and Meta-geopolitics in the Study of International Relations

A BIBLIOMETRIC ANALYSIS ON TRENDS, DIRECTIONS AND MAJOR PLAYERS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS STUDIES

As communications technology, air travel, and a complex international economy continue to make the world smaller, the importance of peaceful and cooperative relationships between nations increases. However, it is unclear to what extent research on international relations (IR) has expanded as a global discipline; narrated by balanced perspectives and provides an impact. This study conducts a bibliometric analysis of 4,986 documents related to IR as recorded in the Scopus database from 1913 to 2022. Specifically, this paper analyzes (a) the trends and developments; (b) influential documents and frequent keywords and (c) major players in terms of productive journals, authors and institutions in IR studies. This paper provides a new panoramic view through tables and science maps on the publication of IR studies. The findings show a gradual interest in the IR field before the Second World War and this accelerated during the mid-twentieth century. Political economy is gaining more importance and most publications centre on IR theories while discussing prevailing events affecting the world. However, the Western influence of IR is still primarily mainstream, where IR publications are mainly controlled by large Western publishers, influenced by Western authors affiliated with long-established Western institutions. Seemingly, the non-Western contributions to the IR field have yet to establish their own footing in the field despite much discussion about diversifying IR. This remains a challenge for non-Western scholars, journal publishers, and institutions seeking to contribute to the ongoing debate in the study of international relations.

The Literature Review and the “Desk Research” Methods in Studies Conducted in Social Sciences with Particular Emphasis on Security, Political, and International Relations Studies

The Literature Review and the “Desk Research” Methods in Studies Conducted in Social Sciences with Particular Emphasis on Security, Political, and International Relations Studies

The Implications of Using the Delphi Method in Forecasting Threats to International Security Based on Security, Political, and International Relations Studies

The Implications of Using the Delphi Method in Forecasting Threats to International Security Based on Security, Political, and International Relations Studies

ФИНЛЯНДИЗАЦИЯ КАК КОНЦЕПЦИЯ НАУЧНОГО ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ВНЕШНЕЙ ПОЛИТИКИ И МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ

The article is aimed at studying the main stages in the formation of the scientific concept of finlandization on the example of German studies of Anglo-American historiography, at determining its essential characteristics and the possibilities of using it in the modern research of foreign policy and international relations. The choice of the German case seems logical. The special role of the German issue in the system of Great Powers relations, its obvious dependence on the microclimate of the Soviet-American relations, the close proximity of West Germany to the borders of the socialist bloc, the painful problem of the German nation division – all this has significantly increased the risks of Soviet influence and theoretically turned the FRG into the most likely candidate for finlandization. Given the key importance of West Germany in the system of Euro-Atlantic security and economy, this prospect was perceived very painfully, the possible reorientation of the FRG was actively discussed in the academic circles in the USA and Great Britain. The formation of finlandization as a concept for the scientific study of foreign policy and international relations had basically been completed by the beginning of the 1990s. Today, it finds many followers and critics among scientists from different countries, which indicates its modern relevance.

The Chilean-Cuban Institute of Culture: a Case of Cultural Diplomacy in the Government of Jorge Alessandri (1959—1964)

The field of international cultural relations studies has proven to be one of the most fruitful for new approaches to political history and international relations in general. Making use of various primary sources from the Cuban State, as well as many other printed secondary productions, this article is a first general approximation of the circumstances that Chilean-Cuban relations acquired during the first five years of the 1960s. Based on an intense past relationship of collaboration between both countries, especially between their artistic and intellectual establishments, the activity carried out in Chile by the Chilean-Cuban Institute of Culture, was not only a kind of continuity of that tradition, but also, to the At the same time, the opening to a new experience in an extremely critical regional political context due to the place that Cuba occupied in the Inter-American Cold War. After the exposition of background numbers that marked the importance and diffusion of the Cuban Revolution in our environment, the article concludes with the role of this cultural device, opening to new explorations on the subject and the role that the radicalized Latin American intelligentsia played in the 1960s.

Editorial - Albanian and European Identities. Perspectives in Communication, Education and Culture

In this issue of Polis Journal (number 22/2) we are focusing on the Albanian and European Identities. Papers reflect upon perspectives in the fields of Communication, Education, International Relations, and Cultural studies. Albania, as a candidate country for membership of the European Union, has made some progress in aligning its laws and regulations with the EU “Acquis Communautaire”. However, challenges remain, particularly in the areas of democratic institutional building. Political and civil society actors are brought into question in the article by Mirela Bogdani emphasizing the lack of legitimacy and the unreliability of political parties and other domestic actors, that have increasingly amplified the importance of the International Community as an external actor in Albania. From within a critical stance, she argues that the inability of local actors to deal with domestic challenges and cooperate with one another have ‘promoted’ this actor, which has been trying to fulfill the role of facilitator and mediator that the state institutions have proved unable to perform. The article focuses on the role of the International Community as a pivotal and reliable actor in democratic transition in Albania, analyzing the role of various actors in the democratization process in Albania, with specific emphasis on one key participant which has played a significant role throughout the three-decade transition period. Therefore, the paper argues that legitimacy in Albania lies with the international community and its verdict tends to be considered as final. Furthermore, the author analyses the impact and influence exerted by the two most significant external actors: the European Union, because of Albania’s aspirational EU membership, steering reforms and providing financial assistance; and the United States, which, through its diplomats and ambassadors, has been very proactive in Albanian politics, helping the country to overcome persistent problems as corruption and organized crime, and more recently the judiciary reform. The paper concludes that Albanian road towards democratization could have had a different trajectory without the involvement and guidance of the international community pushing for and directing reforms. While acknowledging the significance of assistance from external driving forces, the article suggests that the primary onus for the progress of a country should rest upon its domestic actors.

Konceptualizace bezpečnostně-rozvojového nexu: současné interpretace a kritika

The security-development nexus (SDN) has gained prominence in international relations since the 1990s, undergoing significant theoretical and practical transformations in conflict resolution. It is generally viewed as a relationship between security and development, with two primary perspectives: one where security precedes development and another where they progress hand in hand. The SDN's theoretical foundations have been translated into practical policies, emphasizing human security and post-conflict reconstruction. However, it faces criticism from those who argue that security and development are inherently incompatible. In response to the diverse and contentious debate surrounding SDN, this paper aims to provide Czech scholars and students of International Relations and Security Studies with a comprehensive overview. It synthesizes the core arguments of international relations scholars across various theoretical and cultural backgrounds and practice-oriented literature. The article examines how recent discussions have shaped the SDN concept and highlights key author differences. Over the past three decades, the SDN has evolved dynamically and offers valuable insights into resolving past and ongoing armed conflicts. Additionally, the article discusses the security-development nexus in the Czech academic context, which has been largely absent, with only a few exceptions.

Европейское общество в условиях пандемии. Мониторинг СМИ и Копенгагенская школа безопасности

The article aims to identify trends in the study of modern European society in the context of a pandemic. The foundation of the source base for the analysis was European media reports. The information array was processed using quantitative assessment methods and interpreted from the standpoint of the approach of the Copenhagen School of security studies. The school attracted attention at the turn of the 21st century by adapting a number of constructivist ideas to the subject field of the study of international relations. The school became famous thanks to the developments carried out at the Copenhagen Peace Research Institute (Denmark) from 1988 to 2002 by a group of researchers led by Barry Buzan. Other participants of the school are Ole Waever, Jaap De Wilde, Richard Little. The central publication of this project was the monograph Security. A New Framework for Analysis (1998). The basis of this analysis was the ideas of societal security, securitization of the most problematic issues in the media and of regional security complexes. The main disadvantages of the school's approach are the specific understanding of society in constructivism, which is considered as a phenomenon relatively autonomous from the state, the limited validity of the concept, the analysis of security through a set of changeable states and contexts. Despite a number of comments made to the school, the school's approach allows us to speak about the specifics of European society as a whole. The focus of the European media in the context of a pandemic is on socio-political problems, it gradually shifted towards the topic of the pandemic in 2021. Nevertheless, political issues still occupy a central place in the focus of international security perception. Quantitative analysis shows the prime importance of traditional issues at the pan-European level. The pandemic did not displace, but rather caught up with it in the total amount of information. The European media show the “subsidence” of the panEuropean level of security before the national one in the conditions of a pandemic as a regional security complex. Not only COVID-19 played a role here, but also Brexit and other internal processes of the region's development: difficulties with flights, the introduction of immunity passports, restrictions on movement, lockdown in some countries (Belgium, Germany, the Netherlands and France). As a result, in 2021, national measures to overcome the development of the pandemic led to a decrease in the number of reports on general regional issues. There is a certain shift in emphasis towards the problems of societal security, which objectively reflects the reaction of the European communities. Within the social field, which is the specificity of the European region, the sphere of restriction of personal and political rights of people plays a critical role. At the same time, in the context of the development of regional protest sentiments, this aspect is an important factor in the formation of a pan-European societal agenda. The situation with the reaction to COVID-19 affected the fundamental values of society, not individual countries, but European identity as a whole. This allows us to speak about the formation of a general level of social self-identification.

Role of Soft Power in India’s Foreign Policy

The article focuses on power and its ramifications which has always been the central point in all security studies in international relations. Power is a crucial element of international relations that influences world affairs. As a result, power plays a significant role in foreign policy formulation. Realism is the dominant theory of international relations, and it revolves around the concept of power. Power can come in a variety of forms and implies the capacity to influence others to do what one wants. There are two types of power: hard power and soft power. These two types of power influence international politics, security, economy, and foreign policy. Whereas hard power derives from a country’s military or economic might, soft power derives from the attractiveness of its culture, political ideals, and policies. In international relations, soft power is just as important as hard power. This paper argues that soft power is one dimension of power that refers to one’s ability to persuade others to do something. Different countries place a high value on soft power in today’s international politics. In international relations, the concept of soft power discourse emerged in the early 1990s. This article also argues that foreign policy of a country consists of self-interest strategies. It contains a general objective that guides the activities and relationship of one state in its interaction with other states. This paper intends to explain and analyze India’s foreign policy on the ideas of friendly relations, international cooperation, and peaceful coexistence among all nations, regardless of their political systems. Maintaining national security, advancing democracy, fostering world peace, providing aid, and establishing open trade are the main objectives of India’s foreign policy. The purpose of this paper is to theorize the dynamics of soft power in international relations and to analyze India’s soft power potential. In recent years soft power has become an important tool for governments to achieve their foreign policy goals. India, a country with rich sources of soft power, has made great efforts to use this capacity to achieve its foreign policy goals. Among Indian leaders Narendra Modi has paid considerable attention to the capacity of soft power in India’s foreign policy.

Relacje niemiecko-namibijskie jako przykład stosunków specjalnych

The article is focused on the issue of bilateral relations, using the concept found in the study of international relations, which is special relations. The shape of German-Namibian relations is discussed, taking into account the special place that the Republic of Namibia holds in the foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. For this purpose, the theoretical approach to the concept of special relations, the historical background of the relationship, as well as its contemporary shape are presented. The article presents arguments in favor of the thesis that Namibian-German relations can be described as special relations.