Struggle For Peace Research Articles

African International Relations, Genocidal Histories and the Emancipatory Project. Part 2

Silences in the discipline of International Relations on genocide amount to a form of genocide denial, which is one of the foundations of future genocide. The paper posits that in the era of militarized global apartheid, progressive scholars are challenged to critique and expose the past and current crimes against humanity that are occurring in Africa. Drawing from the consolidation of an alternative analysis in the context of the Bandung Project, the paper analyzed the contributions of the ideas that emerged out of the anti-apartheid struggles and the struggles for reparative justice. Struggles from the Global South had culminated in the World Conference against Racism (WCAR) process, elevating the anti-racist battles as a core challenge of Africas International Relations. This rejuvenation and energies coming out of the protracted struggle for bread, peace and justice took the form of the transition to the African Union leaving behind the concept of the noninterference in the internal affairs of states. The paper analyzed the ways in which afro-pessimism was being reinforced by the constructivist path in African International Relations. The contributions of radical African feminists are presented as one new direction where there is the coalescence of the progressive anti-imperialist intellectual traditions with radical feminisms. These two traditions open possibilities for an emancipatory project. This project has taken on extra importance in the period of the fragility of global capital when the precariousness of capitalism threatens new and endless wars and destabilization in Africa. Modern humanitarianism forms one component of the weaponization of everything and it is within this ensemble of ideas that scholars need to deconstruct the discussion of failed states in Africa.

My Struggle for Peace: The Diary of Moshe Sharett, 1953–1956

My Struggle for Peace: The Diary of Moshe Sharett, 1953–1956

La lucha por la paz y el progreso con justicia social: Compromisos revolucionarios promovidos por el Gobierno de Reconciliación y Unidad Nacional en Nicaragua

El presente ensayo es personal argumentativo y tiene por objetivo exponer los cambios más significativos en cuanto a la lucha por la paz y el progreso con justicia social en Nicaragua a partir del año 2007 con la administración del Gobierno de Reconciliación y Unidad Nacional (GRUN), liderado por el Comandante Daniel Ortega Saavedra y la compañera Rosario Murillo Zambrana. Es decir, la transición de un período de 16 años con gobiernos serviles a los intereses del imperio estadounidense, quienes promovieron políticas neoliberales que sumergieron al País en el atraso, la dependencia económica y la desigualdad social, a un período de lucha por la paz y el progreso con justicia social promovido por el GRUN por medio de la ejecución de Políticas y Proyectos Sociales y Públicos, con alianzas de cooperación y acuerdos comerciales con otros Países, y con la promulgación de la Ley N° 985 (Ley para una cultura de diálogo, reconciliación, seguridad, trabajo y paz).

Changing the World from “Below”: U.S. Peace Activists and the Transnational Struggle for Peace and Détente in the 1980s

Much more so than previous works in the field of U.S. foreign relations, this article explores the relationship between the Helsinki Accords and peace activism in the United States. The article explains how well-known groups such as U.S. Helsinki Watch and lesser-known ones such as Campaign for Peace and Democracy West/East used the Helsinki Final Act when they challenged U.S. peace activists to defend the rights of imprisoned anti-nuclear activists in the Soviet bloc and to link the causes of peace and human rights. The article also demonstrates how the exchanges between U.S. human rights and anti-nuclear activists fit into transnational debates about linkages between the issues of human rights, peace, détente, and the “Helsinki process.”

Hispanismo y neutralismo: articulaciones transnacionales en España y Argentina durante la Gran Guerra

En el marco de la renovación historiográfica de los estudios sobre la Gran Guerra vinculados a la Historia Transnacional, este artículo realiza un estudio centrado en dos países, España y Argentina, que se mantuvieron neutrales durante todo el conflicto. A partir del análisis de documentación de ambos países, pone de relieve que las disputas locales sobre la neutralidad estuvieron relacionadas con dos elementos de carácter transnacional: el combate simbólico por la paz y por el futuro de ambas naciones. En este desarrollo, la proyección del hispanismo contribuyó decisivamente en la configuración de un espacio neutralista y germanófilo compartido entre ambos países. Los elementos que lo conformaron, como se muestra al final del artículo, fueron centrales en la conformación del renovado hispanismo que formularían las derechas reaccionarias en los años veinte y treinta en ambos países.

Interculturality: struggle for peace and hospitable conviviality

Interculturality: struggle for peace and hospitable conviviality

“God Damn This War”: Virginia Woolf's Struggle for Peace between the Wars

This paper analyses Virginia Woolf's non-fiction and fiction writings in the years surrounding three wars which had a direct impact on her life: the First World War which shaped her generation and made her question the sanity of the society that went on living as if millions had not perished in vain, the Spanish Civil War to which she lost her nephew Julian Bell and which would become one of the driving forces for her book-length anti-war essay Three Guineas (1938), all the way to the Second World War that would eventually play a significant role in her ending her life. How can an experience (such as war) be communicated to others in writing is a preoccupation throughout, and I trace Woolf’s private and public views as they change over time, comparing them to those of her contemporaries, such as her husband Leonard Woolf, Katherine Mansfield and Stephen Spender, as well as juxtaposing them with Ludwig Wittgenstein’s propositions from the last part of his Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus which arrives at kindred conclusions.

«Против огня войны»: практики советского миротворчества в условиях холодной войны

The struggle for peace was of great importance to Soviet cultural diplomacy during the Cold War. In this article, the author analyzes the arsenal and content of the peacekeeping practices of the USSR, forms an idea of the stages of development of Soviet peacefulness, studies the dynamics of its transition from effective innovative strategies to formalized measures. The study of the peacekeeping efforts of the Soviet Union, the internal and external political context of the second half of the 20th century, makes it possible to determine the reasons for the depletion of the potential of the Soviet struggle for peace as an instrument of influencing public opinion and forming an attractive image of the country.

Shared Video Work and Shared Writing

We examine the meaning of shared video work and shared writing in its epistemic dimension. Our reflections are based on our own experiences of working on the video Acteal. Ten years of impunity. How many more? produced by the communications department of the Civil Society Organisation ‘The Bees of Acteal’ in Chiapas, Mexico. We interpret the shared work in this production as an act of epistemic solidarity that contributes to the process of First Nations or First Peoples “sowing and growing” their own media at the margins of capitalist logic. We thus emphasise the appropriation of video as a technology of knowledge that can reinforce the oral and visual traditions of First Nations in their epistemic and aesthetic dimensions. We exemplify how The Bees have used video as a media strategy in their struggle for justice and peace and conclude that shared video work and shared writing are complementary strategies for an “ecology of knowledge” (Santos 2010) through epistemic solidarity.

«DOBRUDJA QUESTION» IN FOREIGN POLICY OF ROMANIA AND POSITION OF THE GREAT BRITAIN EVE OF AND DURING A PERIOD WORK PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE (1918–1919)

In the presented article the author highlights the main direction of its foreign policy Romania on Southern Dobrudja lands at the end of the First World War and the period of the Paris Peace Conference (1918–1919 ). The article highlights the work and the struggle for peace with the Balkan states of Romania and Britain politicians, diplomats and civil society towards preserving peaceful relations in the period of operation of the Paris Peace Conference.The most radical departure from the principle of national self-determination which practiced Foreign-Office came in relation to Romania’s frontier with Bulgaria. The tasks are to characterize the content of the work of the Romanian diplomatic commission in the direction of the defending the rights to South Dobrudja and the determination of the position of Great Britain as for territorial independence of the region. The main thesis of the article is that after First World War Romania sought to large an alliance with t least on of the Great Powers in case of an attack on South Dobrudja, in this sense, Romania’s diplomatic success was only partial. The Romanian government realized that only the permission of the Great Powers, such as Great Britain, would strength its presence in the region.The Great Britain treated ambiguously towards such aspirations of Romania. For the first, Foreign Office was not forgotten for Bucharest the separate peace with the Central Powers in 1918. For the second, Britain diplomatic and military mission at Southern Dobrudja did not take the politics of the terror of Romanian in Bessarabia. The Great Britain provided a summary of the position in Southern Dobrudja: provisional British military occupation is the only possible solution for the moment, in spite of the unrest this causes to the Rumanian Government.From the first of the being in Paris, the Romanian diplomats were sounded actively the question how the Great Britain and France would see the future status of Southern Dobrudja. The Romanian demand for Southern Dobrudja was strongly citing national self-determination and protecting peace in Balkan. Most in the British delegation hoped that this could be agreed.However, the British and French refused absolutely to compel an ally to surrender territory to an enemy. The decision, British politics believed, lay with Romania: such readjustment could only be made after friendly conversations with the Rumanian Government. It is important that the Rumanian politics themselves should be a consenting party to the cession of Southern Dobrudja and that Romanians should not be left with the feeling that they have been robbed by their Allies to placate their enemies.In the Parice Peace Conference Foreign Office took the legalistic view that, because Southern Dobrudja was secured by Romania before the war, its future was beyond the remit of the Peace Conference. The Britain Commission stated in its projects that it was not authorized to recommend a modification of the frontier which would involve the cession to an enemy State of a territory forming de facto et de jure an integral part of an Allied State.The Romanians, angry about losing part of the Banat, never offered to give up Southern Dobrudja. The Americans pushed their view in the Council of Heads of Delegations between July and November, but the British were unyielding. The issue was not even mentioned in the Treaty of Neuilly with Bulgaria in November. Thus, in the words of a member of the Bulgarian Delegation, the settlement proclaimed the principle that no land can be claimed from the victors. It has been argued here that Bucharest gained territory not because of the wartime treaty that promised her so much, and not because of the dubious diplomatic skills of Romanian delegation, but because the Roma nians had a strong case and it was effectively presented by Romanophiles like Britain delegation. There was one other reason, however, that tended to shine its harsh light on every issue, the simple idea that these people are our friends and those are our enemies. This was stated most starkly and frequently by the French, but it was also evident in the British unwillingness to coerce the Romanians over Southern Dobrudja.The consequence of making a settlement which dealt severely with losers was that they became revisionist and eventually allied themselves with those who would undo the hated treaties. Romania remains much bigger than she was in 1918, but the settlement that created Greater Romania did not survive the vengeance of its enemies.

Book Reviews

Neil Caplan and Yaakov Sharett, eds., My Struggle for Peace: The Diary of Moshe Sharett, 1953–1956 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2019), 3 vols. 1,950 pp. Hardback, $125.00.Adia Mendelson-Maoz, Borders, Territories, and Ethics: Hebrew Literature in the Shadow of the Intifada (West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2018), 252 pp. Paperback, $30.00. Kindle, $26.00.Alejandro Paz, Latinos in Israel: Language and Unexpected Citizenship (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2018), 327 pp. Hardback, $75.00. Paperback, $32.00. Kindle, $20.00.Neta Oren, Israel’s National Identity: The Changing Ethos of Conflict (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2019), 291 pp. Hardback, $65.00.

POLISH RADIO ON THE BACKGROUND OF SYSTEMIC CHANGES IN POLAND IN THE YEARS 1945-1956

The Polish Radio began its activity on the first of February 1925. On this day the first program of the Polish Radio technical Society was broadcasted. From then on, the radio accompanied Polish people in good and bad times. The years 1946 – 1956 were not so glorious. At that time, Polish radio became the propaganda tool for the PPR and from December 1949 the PZPR. These parties, mainly under the slogans of the reconstruction of the country from war damage and the struggle for peace, sought to Stalinize Poland on the model of the USSR. While studying those times, it should be stated that information and publication hardly existed because it was replaced by a hypocritical, brutal and intrusive propaganda. However, history of Polish Radio in those years should not only been described in critical way. At that time, many very important and socially necessary initiatives took place. Since the first year after regaining independence, more and more new broadcast stations have been launched in various regions of Poland. New programs were broad-casting more and more often, such as "Muzyka i Aktualności", in which various mes-sages were given with ease, interwoven with modern jazz music.

Event and Discourse: A Review of the Transnational Struggle for Peace and Justice in Kashmir and Afghanistan

Event and Discourse: A Review of the Transnational Struggle for Peace and Justice in Kashmir and Afghanistan

Fuera esas manos tintas en sangre. La poesía antiimperialista de Raúl González Tuñón

Este artículo revisa críticamente la producción de Raúl González Tuñón de las décadas del cincuenta y sesenta, a la luz de los programas de acción que, en el contexto de la Guerra Fría, formula el Partido Comunista. En esta dirección, se analizan, en primer lugar, los textos programáticos del autor, en los cuales explicita un proyecto literario para los países latinoamericanos, sometidos a la amenaza imperialista. A partir de los lineamientos de ese proyecto se leen, luego, los poemas del autor como una intervención ligada a las consignas partidarias de la defensa de la libertad cultural y la lucha por la paz.

On the Struggle for Peace

On the Struggle for Peace

Emancipatory Education and Youth Engagement in Brazil: A Case Study Bridging the Theory and Practice of Education for Social Transformation

Actualizing education beyond the scope of traditional schooling and incorporating elements of critical pedagogy and social transformation are essential for efforts aiming to reduce inequalities and enhance the livelihoods of excluded populations. This article examines emancipatory education through a Freirean lens by considering its dimensions of critical pedagogy, both in practice and in theory. Drawing from a case study of an NGO-led initiative enabling hundreds of young people from the favelas of Rio de Janeiro to formulate and implement their own ideas for social action, the article examines the links between the program’s objectives and practices and the aspects of the negotiated curriculum, problem-posing education, dialogical learning, and praxis that form the theoretical underpinnings of emancipatory education. The case study findings, which highlight the stages of the educational program, reveal how young people are empowered to challenge prevailing environments of exclusion and advance practices of positive community social regeneration. The study, thus, provides evidence of a form of education for social transformation (EST) which can contribute meaningfully to a peaceful struggle for social change while simultaneously redefining and humanizing education as a practice of emancipation.

Jean Jaurès’ struggle for peace: a review of his articles published in l’Humanité

espanolJean Jaures fue el parlamentario mas joven de la Tercera Republica francesa, fue doctor en filosofia y profesor de esta materia, notable orador, fundador de la Seccion Francesa de la Internacional Obrera (SFIO) que consumo la union de los socialistas franceses; pero ante todo fue un gran periodista, fundador de un periodico que ha conseguido sobrevivir al siglo XX y lo que llevamos de XXI: l’Humanite. Con el presente trabajo exploramos una constante en toda su obra: el combate por la paz, un combate teorico y practico que le costo la vida en la vispera del estallido de la Primera Guerra Mundial a manos de un militante de la ultraderecha francesa. En concreto, analizamos las ideas que defiende en el periodico que creo desde su fundacion hasta su asesinato. El corpus utilizado es de 50 textos escogidos a traves de las fuentes bibliograficas consultadas. Las herramientas del analisis del discurso, asi como las teorias que estudian la intertextualidad nos han servido para acercarnos a los textos y comprender mejor su significado filosofico, politico y periodistico. Una vez realizado el analisis, concluimos que podemos agrupar su defensa de la paz en cuatro ideas clave: la equivalencia semantica entre Republica, democracia y socialismo; la complementariedad entre la nacion y el internacionalismo; unas relaciones internacionales basadas en el derecho y el arbitraje; y la importancia del deber y de la responsabilidad. Jean Jaures creyo hasta su ultimo aliento que la paz era posible y un siglo despues sus reflexiones siguen siendo utiles. EnglishJean Jaures was the youngest Member of Parliament of the Third French Republic, he was a doctor and professor of philosophy, prominent orator, founder of the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO) that consummated the union of the French Socialists; nevertheless he was primarily a great journalist, founder of a newspaper, l’Humanite, that has managed to survive the XX and XXI century to date. Through this paper, we examine a common theme in his life’s work: the struggle for peace, a theoretical and practical struggle that cost him his life on the eve of the outbreak of the First World War in the hands of a militant of the French far-right movement. In particular, we analyze the ideas he defends in his newspaper from its foundation to his murder. The corpus we used consists of 50 texts chosen from the consulted bibliographic sources. The tools of discourse analysis, as well as the theories that study intertextuality, have helped us to get closer to the texts and better understand their philosophical, political and journalistic meaning. Upon completion of the analysis, we conclude that we can group its defense of peace into four key ideas: the semantic equivalence between the Republic, democracy and socialism; the complementarity between the nation and internationalism; international relations based on law and arbitration; and the importance of duty and responsibility. Jean Jaures believed until his last breath that peace was possible and a century later his reflections are still useful.

Honors Acquired Through Struggle for Peace

Honors Acquired Through Struggle for Peace

Specific Apparatus of Vatican Diplomacy – Charity Organisations

Throughout of its existence, the Catholic Church has always tried to protect the most vulnerable members of society. This is proven by the fact that even the earliest Church documents show how the new church tried to alleviate some acute social problems. The religious and secular legal regulations which govern the operations of Catholic charity organisations and the whole institutional structure of these bodies were created by a long historical process which led to the birth of the current web of multiple different Catholic charities. Furthermore, these institutions are not merely NGOs or humanitarian relief agencies. Instead their activities are based upon the activities of the Founder, Jesus of Nazareth, and upon the spirit of the Gospels. Catholic charitable actions are mainly motivated by theological concepts and the social teaching of the Church even if these activities are executed by formal institutions. The current Pope expects a more active participation of national and international Catholic charities in multiple areas like looking after the poor and the refugees and in the struggle for universal peace. International cooperation, partly because of the universal nature of the Church, is not an unknown concept for the Catholic Church. Therefore, its charities are willing to work with every national and international institution, including secular governments, which work to make life on Earth more bearable for mankind. Since many contemporary humanitarian catastrophes take place in war zones, Catholic charities must find acceptable ways of cooperation with the various armed forces operating in these territories. This paper demonstrates the legal framework governing the work of Caritas Internationalis, which is the official charity service of the Holy See and which also acts as an umbrella organization for the more than 160 national Catholic Caritas bodies. In this article I will only mention these national Caritas institutions and any other international NGOs if this is necessary for the better understanding of either the international nature or the international activities of Caritas Internationalis.

Revolutionary Violence Vs. Passive Resistance: Liberation Strategies in Amiri Baraka’s The Slave and August Wilson’s Joe Turner’s Come and Gone

This paper traces the influence of violence and passive resistance, as two competing modes of postcolonial theory and practice, on two African American plays: Amiri Baraka’s The Slave (1964) and August Wilson’s Joe Turner’s Come and Gone (1988). Freedom of the oppressed African Americans sits at the heart of both plays, but the liberation strategies adopted by the protagonists are totally different. While The Slave suggests that violence is an indispensable tool in the fight for freedom, Joe Turner’s Come and Gone focuses on peaceful struggle and spiritual liberation. Analyzing the dilemmas of Walker Vessels in The Slave and Herald Loomis in Joe Turner’s Come and Gone, subjecting the means and ends of their pursuits to comparative critical analysis, the paper explores the validity of the different paths they take to attain freedom. Through the critical lens of postcolonial theory, the texts are situated within the larger cultural and historical context of African American struggle for freedom, with special reference to Malcolm X’s black power movement influenced by Frantz Fanon’s revolutionary violence theory and Martin Luther King’s Civil Rights Movement inspired by Gandhi’s theory of passive resistance