Confrontational Strategies Research Articles

Avoidance of Ontological Confrontation of Loneliness and some epidemilogical indices of social behavior and health.

A scale, Avoidance of the Ontological Confrontation of Loneliness, was developed to assist the psychometric recorded documentation of choice of avoidance versus confrontation strategy to the issue of loneliness. Analysis showed low scores (confronters) reported increased use of soft drugs and were absent from employment more often than medium or high scorers. Borderline statistically significant findings hint that high scorers (avoiders) lean toward less alcoholic beverage consumption while low scorers lean toward fewer automobile accidents and less use of medication than medium groupings. These results both advantages and disadvantages to strategies of awareness.

Women Employees and Job-Based Alcoholism Programs

Job-based alcoholism and drug abuse policies/programs have been historically geared to male employees. This article examines the basic strategies of these efforts relative to known characteristics of women employees, both as members of the labor force and as drug abusers. The trend toward equalization of male and female drinking and alcoholism problems, together with the growing participation of women in the workplace, makes such an examination an urgent matter. Features of the labor market suggest that high priority be given to the development of job-based programs where women are concentrated in both professional and service occupations. Extant evidence also suggests that the strategy of constructive confrontation is viable for women employees with two prominent cautions: stressful life events, often present at onset of problem drinking, and higher likelihood of attempted suicide suggest some muting of the confrontation process with an emphasis on positive offers of help.

Seasonally variable effects of conspecific odors upon capture of deer mice ( Peromyscus maniculatus gambelii)

Traps were set in triplets of one male-scented (M), one female-scented (F), and one neutral (N) trap. Bedding from laboratory-caged, adult deer mice (Peromyscus maniculatus gambelii) was the source of M and F odors. In winter, outside the breeding season, deer mice, pocket mice, and kangaroo rats all avoided deer mouse odors and preferentially entered N traps. In spring, when breeding had commenced, deer mice preferentially entered scented traps, and avoidance of deer mouse odors by other species was reduced. These changes are interpreted as reflecting seasonally variable strategies of social confrontation.

Alcoholism Programs in Unionized Work Settings: Problems and Prospects in Union-Management Cooperation

This paper explores the vital role of unions in job-based alcoholism programs, pointing out the inevitable involvement of unions where they are duly authorized as legitimate representatives of employees. Consequently it is essential that unions be realistically involved in job-based policies and programs. This, however, has typically not been the case. On the other hand, this state of affairs is rapidly changing, and the present paper examines the problems and payoffs involved in union-management cooperation and joint effort. Specific attention is paid to the concern of labor unions about the strategy of constructive confrontation, indicating how this strategy must be adapted to the legitimate concerns of unions. In addition union initiated and collectively bargained programs are examined, and the role of arbitration and the labor arbitrator is analyzed, pointing out the possibility that the psychodynamics of alcoholism may lead to the employee playing his grievance rights against management. In this connection some of the concerns of numerous members of the labor movement about the “broadbrush” pro grams are listed; and the relationship between unions and the treatment community is described. Finally a review of extant data about the involvement of labor unions is presented, pointing out its scarcity.

The Role of Political Parties in Promoting the Interests of Ethnic Minorities

Au sujet du rôle des partis politiques, comme promoteurs des intérêts des minorités ethniques, on a surtout insisté sur leur contribution en matière d'abolition des barrières ethniques à la mobilité sociale. Une telle limitation convient mal à la situation canadienne. Plusieurs Canadiens de langue française désirent l'assimilation entendue selon un certain sens (intégration socio-politique structurelle), alors qu'ils veulent l'éviter si elle est entendue autrement (assimilation culturelle). Le présent article distingue ces deux acceptions du concept d'assimilation et examine si les partis peuvent accélérer l'assimilation (intégration serait un terme mieux approprié, en français) structurelle d'une minorité ethnique à la vie et aux institutions de la société dominante, tout en protégeant cette minorité de l'assimilation (au sens strict) à la culture de cette même société.L'auteur suggère que le gouvernement peut servir les intérêts d'une minorité ethnique de quatre façons différentes; il s'interroge alors sur les relations qui peuvent exister, à cet égard, entre les activités du parti et les quatre modes d'action gouvernementale préalablement retenus. Il conclut que le support massif d'un seul parti, par une minorité, peut favoriser son intégration structurelle mais semblerait un instrument inefficace de lutte à l'assimilation culturelle.

The Political Economy of Black Power

Black Power is a coherent ideology incorporating a philosophy, an ethic, a strategy for confrontation, and a view of the Negro as a man in relation to the broad contours of society. Giving force to the viability of the Black Power ideology are new urban conditions and a general discontent derived from the characteristics of American capitalism. Because the salvation of the black community is increasingly being viewed as existing outside the private market and outside the existing political routines, the Black Power movement may ultimately lead to the break-up or fundamental alteration of the Democratic Party. A complete solution to the Negro problem requires the Negro's control of the inner city and the launching of a vast program involving cultural, social, political, and economic development.

Malaysia, Indonesia – and Maphilindo

While this article is being written, a ceasefire along the Malaysian-Indonesian border in North Kalimantan threatens to give way to full-scale hostilities. February drew to a close, Tunku Abdul Rahman accused Indonesian aircraft of violating his country's air space and Indonesian-led guerrillas of committing fresh incursions and slayings; he also departed from his usual mild manner in describing Sukarno and his associates: As Prime Minister I have dealt with Communist terrorists, gangsters, thugs and cut-throats, but never have I come across such despicable, callous and utterly irresponsible persons. RAF fighters have joined Malaysian patrols in reply to Djakarta's announced intention to air-drop supplies to the guerrillas. A conference held in Bangkok by the foreign ministers of Malaysia, the Philippines, and Indonesia has collapsed over Djakarta's refusal to order the withdrawal of these forces from Malaysian Borneo, and Tunku Abdul Rahman announced on March 5, 1964, that his government will take its dispute to the United Nations since Malaysia cannot negotiate at gunpoint. What is the natureand regional implicationsof Indonesia's confrontation strategy against its recently-created neighbour?