State Of International Affairs Research Articles

What Do Think Tanks Think? Proximity to Power and Foreign Policy Preferences

Abstract Through the use of survey methods, the study presents the first systematic comparison of America-based international relations professors to think tank employees (TTEs) in terms of their preferred conduct of the United States in international affairs. The difference between the two groups in their support for military intervention is stark. TTEs are 0.47 standard deviations more hawkish than professors based on a standard measure of militant internationalism (MI). Controlling for self-described ideology mitigates this effect although it remains statistically significant. Beyond quantifying their relative foreign policy preferences, this study helps to resolve why TTEs tend to assume more hawkish policies. The authors find evidence that hawkishness is associated with proximity to power. Professors who have worked for the federal government score higher on MI, as do TTEs based at institutions located closer to Capitol Hill. In general, the results point to a self-selection mechanism whereby those who favor interventionist policies are more likely to pursue positions to increase their policy influence, perhaps because they know that powerful institutions are more likely to hire hawks. Alternative explanations for differences, such as levels or kinds of foreign policy expertise, have weaker empirical support.

Future dis(order)

The current global order is structured into multiple, fragmented, sometimes overlapping regionalisms. These regionalisms are simultaneously caused by and perpetuate great power competition between the United States and China. The legacy of a past liberal order is still visible in places such as Europe, where the European Union (EU) has developed into a strong and stable actor, even if its influence does not extend to other parts of the world. Between 2020 and 2035, three types of actors left their marks on the increasingly messy state of international affairs: the EU as an example of a successful international organization, individual citizens joining forces in grassroots movements and the two superpowers, the United States and China, competing with each other. Three cross-cutting processes contributed to the contemporary global order: stepping back and taking stock, becoming more inclusive as well as defining priorities and following through on them. Where one of these processes was effectively applied, coordination across different ‘worlds’ was possible. Where these processes were absent, the global order was marked by chaos. The outlined future is extrapolated from current trends. Once we acknowledge how daunting the challenges for the current global order are, we can move forward to change them.

The Chronology of the Negotiations that Led to the Historic Moment of the Signing of the Brexit Agreement

The reality is that we have witnessed in the last 4 years, since the procedure of negotiating the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union in 2016 has started, a real political impasse on the stage of European relations. Who would have imagined on the 1st of January 1973, when England became a member of the European Union after many indecisions – some of them more arrogant than others that in 47 years' time it will be the first Member State to avail itself of Article 50 of the Treaty of Lisbon, which for the first time provided for the right of a Member State to withdraw voluntarily from the European Union? If we look a little at the historical context of England's accession to the EU, we may see similar hesitations that have delayed it so much in joining the EU. Although after the end of the Second World War the economic situation of England was precarious, it still manages to become one of the great world powers. However, in 1951 it refused to join the founding group of the ECSC and also refused to sign the Treaty of Rome in 1957. England believed that the status of leader of the Commonwealth offered you a privileged status compared to other European states in international affairs, especially those with the United States of America, but, nevertheless, it did not bring benefits in the relations with the 6 European states, that were going to establish the European Union. When it realized that this was not a good way for things to happen, in 1961 announced its intention to join the European Economic Community, only that in 1963 France voted against the request. It was only after Charles de Gaulle's resignation in 1969 that the United Kingdom's path to accession was opened. Political and economic integration seemed to be the best solution for achieving a stable economic future.

Understanding the dynamics of good neighbourliness under Rawlings and Kufuor

ABSTRACT It is widely recognised that leadership influences relations between neighbouring states in international affairs. This article seeks to further illuminate the relationship between leadership idiosyncrasies and the nature of Ghana’s neighbour relations under Presidents Rawlings and Kufuor. The argument is that, while political institutionalisation and the international environment may influence neighbour relations to some degree, leader idiosyncrasy is an important intervening variable. Indeed, based on the findings, the international environment may have had less influence on Ghana’s neighbour relations in the period under study (1981–2008) than conventional wisdom suggests.

WESTERN UKRAINIAN PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC: FOREIGN AND ECONOMIC BASIS OF THE ESTABLISHMENT OF UKRAINIAN STATEHOOD

In the scientific article based on a comparative study, it was traced how the economic potential of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic, which was to become the basis of Ukrainian Statehood, was distributed and used in geopolitics by the world leaders. The main purpose of the study is to analyze the development and use of the economic potential of the Western Ukrainian lands to ensure the independence and unity of the Ukrainian state. The natural resources of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic did not contribute to the establishment of a united and independent Ukraine. Instead, they became statistics and grounds for the reasoning of independence of the Western Ukrainian lands in diplomatic documents at the Paris Peace Conference. The Unification Act between the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic did not become the basis for the final unification of two parts of Ukraine. Events of the Ukrainian-Polish war, the decision of Council of Ten at the Paris Peace Conference, Warsaw Treaty assisted intruding and claim of Polish power in East Galicia. Since it was to proceed in the dictator of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic Yevhen Petrushevych regardless of Western Ukrainian People's Republic, a diplomatic action, it is created 14 emergency diplomatic representations and legations, in separate countries strategic interests of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic presented the financially-trade representative offices of Western Ukrainian People's Republic. Fight of government Western Ukrainian People's Republic in exile and President of Ukrainian National Advice Yevhen Petrushevych during 1919 - 1924 were sent to proceeding in the independence of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic. The effort of that time building the Ukrainian state system in different parts of Ukraine became a headstone for the revival of the newest Ukrainian state. Western Ukrainian People's Republic's natural resources were attractive in world geopolitics. The economic potential of Galicia allowed bringing ratings at the foreign market. That is why an international association interest was folded by resources, but not unity and independence of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic. Including of Western Region to the Ukrainian People's Republic, which had considerable potential too, was pre-condition to the prosperity of the well-educated state. Fight for a claim of the own state system for the Western Ukrainian People's Republic (Western Region of Ukrainian People's Republic) quickly grew into a fight for survival. Statesmen of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic often were inconsistent in the decision of the "Galician question," and they were connected by a general fight for proceeding in the independence of the Western Ukrainian People's Republic. The diplomatic representations of the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic organized powerful activity for the maintenance of Ukrainian collegiality and independent status, though the international state of affairs was not on a benefit to the young state. The current Ukrainian collegiality and statehood have the durable historical tradition stopped up previous building the states, payment of every fighter for the Ukrainian statehood provided its revival and continued the persistence in the development of the newest Ukrainian state. Keywords legation, diplomatic representation, economic potential, natural resources, Western Ukrainian People’s Republic, Ukrainian statehood.

God Bless Baseball by Okada Toshiki

Reviewed by: God Bless Baseball by Okada Toshiki Kee-Yoon Nahm God Bless Baseball. Written and directed by Okada Toshiki. Under the Radar Festival. Japan Society, New York. 16 January 2016. A Korean-speaking man (Lee Yoon Jae) repeatedly loses his train of thought as he tries to explain to two women (Wi Sung Hee and Nozu Aoi) the rules of baseball. The terms that confuse the women are second nature to him: inning, strike, out, first base, home plate. But knowing something does not mean you can explain it. This idea, introduced in the comic opening, ran throughout Okada Toshiki’s God Bless Baseball, presented by the Japan Society as part of the Public Theatre’s Under the Radar Festival. Despite the everyday feel, reminiscent of a weekend morning at the neighborhood park, the performance underscored the difficulty of communication. Although none of the characters seemed to notice, the performance jumped between Korean and Japanese. A pair of projection screens displayed subtitles at all times in one of the two languages plus English, calling attention to the many levels of translation and approximation (Fig. 1). Added to this was the bizarre body language of the laborious choreography, the actors warping their bodies into uncomfortable positions in ways that turned the mundane act of explaining the sport into a strangely tense endeavor. Audiences familiar with Okada’s work in two previous invitations to Under the Radar would have recognized the hyper-colloquial language and defamiliarizing physicality as his signature. They marked the triptych of one-acts, Hot Pepper, Air Conditioner, and the Farewell Speech (2012), performed by Okada’s own theatre company chelfitsch, and Zero Cost House (2013), a collaboration with Philadelphia’s Pig Iron Theatre Company. The latter work was a decisive shift, overtly voicing social concerns (the Fukushima nuclear disaster) in contrast to the disillusioned apathy of earlier plays such as Five Days in March and Enjoy, both produced by American companies in New York in 2010. Whether in Japanese or in English translation, Okada’s hilariously contorted dialogue encapsulates contemporary youth culture even beyond a Japanese context. Jason Zinoman (2010), reviewing the English-language production of Enjoy for the New York Times, noted that Okada can “capture the way hipsters talk in Williamsburg, as well as in Tokyo.” God Bless Baseball, on the other hand, is about the specificity and untranslatability of cultural contexts. This was not only his most political production to date, but also painfully straightforward with its metaphors. Halfway through the performance, one of the women (Wi) stated without irony that everything onstage was “an allegory of reality.” The God Bless Baseball program (2016) noted that this international collaborative project explores “the relationship between Korea and Japan and both countries’ positions within the international state of affairs.” The work was commissioned by the Asian Arts Theatre in Gwangju, Korea, where it premiered in September 2015, followed by a run in Tokyo and then the United States. Now is both a risky and opportune time to take up this subject, as animosity escalates between the two nations, due especially to both neoconservative governments’ disastrous foreign policies on issues such as territory disputes and reparations for Korean “comfort women.” Although baseball seems [End Page 226] Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 1. Projection screens displayed subtitles at all times in one of the two languages plus English. (Photo: Courtesy of the Japan Society) [End Page 227] at first to be a dubious entry point, the performance adopted the sport’s slow pace and rhythmic waltz of defense and offense to bring clarity to the historically stormy relationship between Japan and Korea. Perhaps because of foreign presences, Okada’s characters rambled less. Instead, they calmly exchanged stories about baseball culture and the professional leagues of the two countries. There was no dramatic conflict; the questions and answers came at a leisurely pace because there was not much else to do to pass the time, besides half-hearted swings at practice throws and walks around the miniature diamond marked in white tape on the bare stage. (The only other set element was a large white installation suspended in the air upstage.) As they meandered, the characters...

Japan's Politics: Crossing the Rubicon

In 2015, an unprecedented set of security bills was passed in Japanese parliament, permitting Tokyo to engage in collective security by aiding allies against third parties and to loosen the tight restrictions on the Self-Defence Force in United Nations Peace Keeping Operations, its rules of engagement and other multilateral deployment abroad. With these bills, Japan has crossed the Rubicon and evolved into a “normal” state in international affairs.

Congress and the Reconstruction of Foreign Affairs Federalism

Though the Constitution conspicuously bars some state involvement in foreign affairs, the states clearly retain some authority in foreign affairs. Correctly supposing that state participation may unnecessarily complicate or embarrass our nation’s foreign relations, the Supreme Court has embraced aggressive preemption doctrines that sporadically oust the states from discrete areas in foreign affairs. These doctrines are unprincipled, supply little guidance, and generate capricious results. Fortunately, there is a better way. While the Constitution permits the states a limited and continuing role, it never goes so far as guaranteeing them any foreign affairs authority. Furthermore, the Constitution authorizes Congress to enact laws necessary and proper for carrying into execution federal powers. We believe that Congress can use this authority to adopt preemption mechanisms that reflect its view of the optimal role of states in international affairs. When it comes to policing state involvement in foreign affairs, Congress, rather than the courts, ought to be in the driver’s seat. Critically, Congress can proactively police the states, meaning that it need not wait for state mischief before enacting legislation. To give a sense of the possible and to alter the terms of a debate focused on judicial policing of the states, we recommend several novel mechanisms of preempting or deterring state intervention in foreign affairs and suggest categories of state law that ought to trigger these mechanisms. The precise mix is for Congress to consider based on its own sense of the vices and virtues of state forays in international affairs and of our existing foreign affairs federalism.

Imperial ontological (in)security: ‘Buffer states’, International Relations and the case of Anglo-Afghan relations, 1808–1878

This article offers a new perspective on ‘buffer states’ — states that are geographically located between two rival powers — and their effect on international relations, with a particular focus on the imperial setting. The article argues that such geographic spaces have often been analysed through a structuralist-functionalist lens, which has, in some cases, encouraged ahistorical understandings on the role of buffer states in international affairs. In contrast, the article offers an approach borrowing from the literature on ontological security and critical geopolitics in order to access the meanings that such spaces have for their more powerful neighbours. The article draws upon the case study of Afghanistan and Anglo-Afghan relations during the 19th century and finds that, in this case, due to the ambiguity of Afghanistan’s status as a ‘state’, and the failure of British policymakers to establish routinized diplomatic engagement, Anglo-Afghan relations exhibited a sense of ontological insecurity for the British. These findings suggest previously unacknowledged international effects of ‘buffer states’, and may apply to such geographic spaces elsewhere.

Reframing European security: Russia’s proposal for a new European security architecture

On 5 June 2008, then Russian President Dmitry Medvedev proposed a new European security architecture. Medvedev suggested that the new security architecture could be considered a ‘Helsinki Plus’ treaty, an adaptation of the Helsinki Final Act to the current international state of affairs. This article examines how Russia was strategically reframing European security through its proposal for a new European security architecture, and in particular the sub-issues of how Russia was strategically framing security and European security and how this framing was an attempt to change existing formulations and perspectives on European security.

Compact buried pipes system analysis for indoor air conditioning

Given the international state of affairs in what concerns the heating of buildings and the necessary reduction of costs in the heating and cooling energy consumption, it is imperative to study and develop passive methods of heat transfer including heat exchange through buried pipes. Common configurations of a heat exchanger usually consider one single layer of pipes requiring a large installation area. This major drawback can be overcome using a multiple layer configuration. This paper presents a study considering the use of a heat exchanger with a multiple layer configuration, namely, comparing it with a single layer of pipes and describing the major performance differences. A parametric analysis was also performed to better understand the effect of the main input parameters on the heat exchanger power output. It was concluded that the heat exchanger power increases with the layers depth until 3 m and that the more efficient distance between layers should be kept at 1.5 m. The heat exchanger layout is also described as well as the implementation of the numerical model and the corresponding application to a real case study.

Time to Move On? The International State of Affairs with Respect to Child Relocation Law

By surveying binding law in civil and common law jurisdictions and non-binding law produced by national, regional and international organizations, this article tries to map the international state of affairs with respect to child relocation. Various legal topics that have concerned legislatures are discussed. It appears that - worldwide and more specifically within Europe - great variety exists with respect to child relocation law, which leads to legal uncertainty. As a consequence, parents often do not know how to act in case of child relocation. This might have a negative effect on other issues, such as child abduction. Harmonization of law on child relocation seems necessary to diminish the existing legal uncertainty. It is concluded that the development of a European or international non-binding law instrument that addresses both national and international relocation cases could be a first step in the harmonization process.

9/11 on the Screen

The article explores the general theme of historization in regard to the visual representation of 9/11 in U.S. popular culture. The main thesis is that Hollywood and U.S. television were the foremost cultural apparatuses for coping with 9/11—an event that had effectively shattered the symbolic coordinates of prevailing American reality. After some initial probing in 2002 (25th Hour, The Guys), a direct exploration of 9/11 finally emerged in 2005–6, when two major feature films (United 93 and World Trade Center) and a string of TV dramas addressed its background and aftermath. In the years since, the focus has shifted further—to the war in Iraq, the progress of the global war on terror, and the role of the United States in international affairs. Yet 9/11 remains a reference, mainly on the emotional level (The Great New Wonderful, Reign over Me, Remember Me, and Dear John).

The New Territorial Imperative

Events during the first decade of the new millennium have contradicted scholarly predictions made in the 1990s about the declining relevance of the sovereign territorial state in international affairs. The state remains the proper primary focus of attention for scholars of international relations because territory remains the ineluctable and ultimate basis for power in the international system. Under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, states have claimed enormous new territories that have added to the power resources of coastal states. This realist analysis contributes to identification of the likely locations of future interstate wars and a major objective of strategic planners.

The content of the Konstantinos G. Karamanlis Archive : its european dimension

Every researcher as well as anyone interested in learning about the European course of Greece, turning to the sources preserved in Greek archives, shall be limited to the pertinent archival material kept in private collections since the corresponding materials are not yet accessible in public archives. Among the private archival collections, the archive of Konstantinos Karamanlis occupies a prime position, given that during his personal governance Greece’sAssociation (1961) with andAccession to the EEC (1979) took place. What were the circumstances that led to the taking of this specific decision that has been since then the main axis of Greek foreign policy?Were there concerns and dilemmas? How did the politicians of the country deal with these issues? What role was played by the representatives that handled these issues? How decisive was the international state of affairs? Which countries and political leaders rallied behind the Greek petitions? What were the European beliefs of Konstantinos Karamanlis? The scholar investigating the events of that specific period is called upon to give responses to these very questions.

Defense Ownership or Nationalist Security: Autonomy and Reputation in South Korean and Japanese Security Policies

Countries that rely on others for military capabilities or security guarantees face questions of ‘defense ownership’ in national strategy and domestic politics. This paper develops the concept of defense ownership and examines different campaigns for ownership in current South Korean and Japanese security policies. South Korea’s defense ownership campaign focuses on national autonomy while Japan’s focuses on international reputation. Traditional factors of security policy such as national capabilities, external threat perception, and ally reliability do not explain the differences between these campaigns. The ownership campaigns can, however, be understood within the context of South Korean and Japanese national identity debates about the appropriate role and position of the state in international affairs. In South Korea, the focal points of national identity debates are eventual unification with North Korea and overcoming a history of treatment as an international object rather than international actor. In Japan, national identity debates concentrate on regaining Japan’s status as a ‘normal’ country and filling the vacuum of national pride once filled by the Japanese economic miracle, especially in the present context of a rising China. The paper concludes with recommendations for avoiding nationalist-driven policies that could cause spirals in regional security relations.

Turkish-Bulgarian relations in the post-c old war era the exemplary relationship in the Balkans

Turkish-Bulgarian relations have been full of fluctuations throughout the history, and they reached lowest point in the second part of 1980s. The assimilation campaign against Turkish minority in Bulgaria, which peaked in 1989 when Bulgaria forced hundreds of thousands of Turks to migrate to Turkey, caused a serious crisis in relations with Ankara. The assimilation process led to isolation of Bulgaria in the international arena, thus leading to overthrow of the Zhivkov regime. This was the turning point both in the modern history of Bulgaria and also Turkish-Bulgarian relations. The country entered a new era both in its domestic and foreign policies. With the end of the Cold War, it turned its face toward West and began to take steps to establish democratic political system and free market economic model. Similarly, its foreign policy priorities became integration to Western instituitions, especially NATO and the EU. Ali these changes in domestic and foreign policies have reflected in Turco-Bulgarian ties: The bilateral relations experienced an unexpected boost and the two countries become partners in many areas. Accordingly, this article tries to shed light on the changing state of Turkish-Bulgarian relations after the collapse of the bipolar vvorld order. It argues that the changes in Turco-Bulgarian relations prove the falsity of the ethnic-hatred theory often attributed to the Balkans. The improvement in ties between Ankara and Sofia shows that when there is an appropriate state of international affairs and rational leaders, Balkan countries can also achieve friendly relations

TURKISH-BULGARIAN RELATIONS IN THE POST-COLD WAR ERA : THE EXEMPLARY RELATIONSHIP IN THE BALKANS

Turkish-Bulgarian relations have been full of fluctuations throughout the history, and they reached lowest point in the second part of 1980s. The assimilation campaign against Turkish minority in Bulgaria, which peaked in 1989 when Bulgaria forced hundreds of thousands of Turks to migrate to Turkey, caused a serious crisis in relations with Ankara. The assimilation process led to isolation of Bulgaria in the international arena, thus leading to overthrow of the Zhivkov regime. This was the turning point both in the modern history of Bulgaria and also Turkish-Bulgarian relations. The country entered a new era both in its domestic and foreign policies. With the end of the Cold War, it turned its face toward West and began to take steps to establish democratic political system and free market economic model. Similarly, its foreign policy priorities became integration to Western instituitions, especially NATO and the EU. Ali these changes in domestic and foreign policies have reflected in Turco-Bulgarian ties: The bilateral relations experienced an unexpected boost and the two countries become partners in many areas. Accordingly, this article tries to shed light on the changing state of Turkish-Bulgarian relations after the collapse of the bipolar vvorld order. It argues that the changes in Turco-Bulgarian relations prove the falsity of the ethnic-hatred theory often attributed to the Balkans. The improvement in ties between Ankara and Sofıa shows that when there is an appropriate state of international affairs and rational leaders, Balkan countries can also achieve friendly relations

Secession, states and international society

This article traces the evolution of the political meaning of secession from an action taken by a state within a compact or union, to an action available to a nation within a state. It is argued that this evolution, often forgotten in the customary attention given to national self-determination in international law and international relations theory, is associated not only with the modern emergence of nations and of states, but also with the emerging importance of the United States in international affairs at the turn of the twentieth century. The article puts the phenomenon of secession, currently dominated by attention to the Balkans, in a broader context by examining features of four cases: the American South, the Irish Free State, Bangladesh and Quebec.

Power and the Federal State in Canada

There are differing views about the power of the nation-state as we face the millennium. Some academics, journalists, and other policy critics suggest nation-states have become so powerless that in the 21 st century they will be replaced by regional or global authorities or, alternatively, anarchy. According to this argument, the power of the nationstate has been hollowed out by globalization and liberalization of markets. Since polls indicate that the public expects less from the nationstate in coming years, it would appear that they have bought the argument. The key concern is that power is moving away from the nationstate, which is accountable through elections, and towards actors who are not accountable in any effective way.My own view is different: although the Canadian government has lost some power and has to share power with others, it can still exert significant power when it needs or wants to do so.What the Critics SayAfter the mid-1600s, the nation-state gradually became the dominant actor in the international economy and in international relations and the prime mover in the development and management of people's economic and social life. This role grew during the 18th and 19th centuries as European powers colonized America, Asia, and Africa. With multipolar political structures and wide-open development opportunities, the state and market clearly shared the field -- neither dominated, except in localized circumstances. It can be argued that the role of the state reached its zenith in the years after the Second World War, when the bipolar cold-war era dominated the international agenda and markets frequently took a back seat to the geopolitical concerns of one of the superpowers or their surrogate states.When cold-war politics began to thaw and finally melted away with the weakening and ultimate collapse of the Soviet empire in the 1980s, the dominant position of states in international affairs seemed to disappear. Now they share their ability to set and influence the agenda with business, non-governmental organizations, and many other actors in the economy.Have Nation-states Outlived Their Usefulness?Kenichi Ohmae, a former senior partner in Japan of the global consultancy McKinsey & Company, argues that the internationalization of the four 'Is' -- investment, industry, information technology, and individuals -- has undercut the power of the state. He sees regional economies as the new sources of power and growth in the world economy and society.(f.1) Susan Strange, the leading developer of the discipline of international political economy in Britain, says power has shifted sideways to other national governments and the market has shifted upwards to international entities and nowhere.(f.2) The editors of the Economist disagree with both and contend that, far from withering away, nation-states and governments remain large and dominant actors.(f.3)Despite the varying views in the literature and in the public mind, there clearly has been change. Although politicians of all stripes promise to do much once the levers of power are in their hands, the public is unconvinced. Indications are that people see the national government (and for that matter all governments) as increasingly powerless, ineffectual, and frequently irrelevant for economic and social matters. This may partly explain why the polls suggest a lack of confidence in 'politicians' as a social group; many politicians appear to promise far more than anyone believes they can deliver.The evidence suggests that people are changing their expectations of government. In its year-end poll for 1996, Maclean's magazine tested the 'millennial expectations' of Canadians with a series of questions about the respective roles of the state and markets in 2005 and their attitudes toward these changes. The majority of respondents expected markets to make major inroads into many services that in Canada traditionally have been delivered almost exclusively by the public sector. …