State Law Enforcement Research Articles

Enforcement Overdrive: A Comprehensive Assessment of ICE's Criminal Alien Program

The Criminal Alien Program (CAP) is a massive enforcement program administered by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) and has become the primary channel through which interior immigration enforcement takes place. Between two-thirds and three-quarters of individuals removed from the interior of the United States are removed through CAP. Each year, Congress allocates hundreds of millions of dollars to fund this program. Until now, however, little has been known about how CAP works, whom CAP deports, and whether CAP has been effective in meeting its goals.Based on government data and documents obtained through the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA), this report examines CAP’s evolution, operations, and outcomes between fiscal years 2010 and 2013. That data shows that through CAP’s enormous web, ICE has encountered millions and removed hundreds of thousands of people. Yet, CAP is not narrowly tailored to focus enforcement efforts on the most serious security or safety threats — in part because CAP uses criminal arrest as a proxy for dangerousness and because the agency’s own priorities have been drawn more broadly than those threats.As a result, the program removed mainly people with no criminal convictions, and people who have not been convicted of violent crimes or crimes the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) classifies as serious. CAP also has resulted in several anomalies, including that it appears biased against Mexican and Central American nationals. Moreover, the number of CAP removals differs significantly from state to state.ICE’s reliance on CAP to achieve its goals will likely continue as ICE further narrows its focus on removing noncitizens with criminal convictions and continues to seek partnerships with state and local law enforcement to find them. This examination of CAP’s outcomes from fiscal years 2010 to 2013 offers important insights into CAP’s operations over time and its potential impact on communities moving forward. In particular, it raises questions about the ability of a broad “jail check” program to effectively remove serious public safety threats without resulting in serious unintended consequences, such as those described in this report.

Re-evaluating community policing in a polycentric system

AbstractElinor Ostrom and her colleagues in The Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis at Indiana University in Bloomington conducted fieldwork in metropolitan police departments across the United States. Their findings in support of community policing dealt a blow to the popular belief that consolidation and centralization of services was the only way to effectively provide citizens with public goods. However, subsequent empirical literature suggests that the widespread implementation of community policing has been generally ineffective and in many ways unsustainable. We argue that the failures are the result of strategic interplay between federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies that has resulted in the prioritization of federal over community initiatives, the militarization of domestic police, and the erosion of genuine community-police partnerships.

KONFLIK KPK VS POLRI JILID III: KONTESTASI KUASA DALAM PENEGAKAN HUKUM DI INDONESIA

Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) and Polisi Republik Indonesia (Polri) are two state law enforcement institutions. Indeed both institutions can carry out the organization of law enforcement, particularly in combating corruption, in shoulder to shoulder. But less than a decade, both institutions practice it often indicates that fights enemy volumes. The aims of the sstudy in this paper is to identify, to analyze, and to formulate how the KPK-Polri has a relations in a configured-usurpation than shoulder to shoulder in law enforcement. The corpus study is a series of events conflicts KPK vs Polri Volume III, triggered by the determination of Commissioner General Budi Gunawan as a suspect and arrest event Widjojanto by the Police as well as efforts to make the entire leadership of the KPK suspects. This study indicates the charge contestation or dispute the power ini law enforcement eradication of corruption. The indicators include conjoined twins jurisdictions, law enforcement power struggle, and political events set in law.

Risk factors for injury in law enforcement officer vehicle crashes

Purpose – Vehicle crashes and being struck by vehicles are the leading causes of death among police. The purpose of this paper is to identify risk factors for injury in police officer vehicle crashes in order to help determine the most effective approaches to improve officer vehicle safety. Design/methodology/approach – The study entailed a cross-sectional survey of officer drivers involved in vehicle crashes from 16 local, county, and state law enforcement agencies across the USA over one year. The relative risk of injury for officers in crashes with a given characteristic relative comparison crashes without that characteristic was computed to determine which characteristics are more likely to be associated with injuries. Findings – The survey yielded 854 crashes, 90 of which involved injuries to the officer driver. Crash characteristics associated with a statistically significant increase in the risk of injury include multiple vehicle collisions, collision direction, officer vehicle type, officer vehicle being stopped, driving under emergency conditions, conducting traffic control or assisting motorists, not wearing a seat belt, and others. Most findings hold for all crashes and when minor crashes are excluded from the analysis. Originality/value – This study presents the first quantitative estimates of the risk factors for injury to law enforcement officers in vehicle crashes. Our findings indicate that seat belt use remains a critical safety intervention; driving under emergency conditions is high risk, though the reasons for this are unclear; better practices are needed to protect officers in stationary vehicles; agencies should carefully weigh the benefit of motorcycles against the vastly increased risk of injury they present; and that mobile data terminals are both a major distraction hazard and important source of injuries in crashes.

The experience of adolescent victims of commercial sexual exploitation in the United States: a qualitative systematic review protocol

The experience of adolescent victims of commercial sexual exploitation in the United States: a qualitative systematic review protocol

Re-Evaluating Community Policing in a Polycentric System

Elinor Ostrom and her colleagues in The Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis at Indiana University in Bloomington conducted fieldwork in metropolitan police departments across the United States. Their finding in support of community policing dealt a blow to the popular belief that consolidation and centralization of services was the only way to effectively provide citizens with public goods. However, subsequent empirical literature suggests that the widespread implementation of community policing has been generally ineffective and in many ways unsustainable. We argue that the failures are the result of strategic interplay between federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies that has resulted in the prioritization of federal over community initiatives, the militarization of domestic police, and the erosion of genuine community-police partnerships.

Are We Training Our Detectives? A Survey of Large Law Enforcement Agencies Regarding Investigation Training and Training Needs

In this study, a mail survey was conducted of 146 of the largest local, sheriff, and state law enforcement agencies in the United States to assess the extent and type of investigation training they receive, and to identify needs. Twenty-nine agencies (20%) responded regarding extent and training for investigators that provided references for agency training programs. Many agencies reported similar courses, delivery systems, and needs. This indicated similar central investigation tasks across agency types, and suggested standardized training courses and delivery systems would likely fit their training needs. Two promising developments concerning online training were noted.

Hold Your Fire: Did the 1996 Federal Gun Control Act Expansion Reduce Domestic Homicides?

AbstractIn 1996, Congress expanded the federal Gun Control Act (GCA) to prohibit defendants convicted of a qualifying domestic violence misdemeanor from possessing or purchasing a firearm. Using the FBI's Supplementary Homicide Reports along with homicide data collected from selected state law enforcement agencies, I investigate if this expansion was successful in reducing homicides among the target groups. I use variation from a legal loophole and a series of circuit court decisions to generate difference‐in‐differences estimates. I find evidence that the GCA expansion led to 17 percent fewer gun‐related homicides among female intimate partner victims and 31 percent fewer gun homicides among male domestic child victims. The law also has protective benefits for those that were not targeted by the legislation. “Other” family members (parents and siblings) also experience a 24 percent reduction in gun homicides. I find no evidence that reductions in gun homicides were offset by an increase in nongun homicides. While most falsification and robustness tests support the above conclusions, some tests suggest caution when interpreting the results and a need for further research.

Resolute Enforcement is Not Just for Restrictionists: Building a Stable and Efficient Immigration Enforcement System

This essay, part of a symposium held at the University of Virginia, defends the importance of resolute enforcement in sustaining generous immigration policy, particularly America’s singularly high lawful admission levels and relatively successful immigrant integration record. Drawing on other studies and the author’s experiences in government service, the paper explores the risks to humane policy when the public perceives that migration is out of control. The public reaction to the Mariel boatlift, Congress’s enactment of harsh enforcement measures in 1996, and the Obama administration’s stern response to the child migrant crisis of 2014 illustrate the point. Though the current period is relatively quiet on the public opinion front, that situation is fragile, highly dependent on the relatively low net inflow of unauthorized migrants. The essay then examines specific ideas for building a truly effective and sustainable enforcement system. All would work far better if accompanied by an expansive one-time statutory legalization program – which is both a humane response to the reality of long-resident populations and a step that would empower more resolute enforcement against newer violators. (1) E-Verify holds real promise, but Congress and the executive are too complacent about its vulnerability to identity fraud. Congress should provide strong inducements for states to share driver’s license photos to be used in E-Verify’s “photo tool.” (2) Stronger enforcement against visa overstays would foster a culture of compliance with the immigration laws. It is a misconception that we need first to build a biometric exit monitoring system; existing biographic data systems, built in the wake of 9/11, are sufficient once the political will to curb and deter overstays exists. (3) Revitalized and carefully designed cooperation with state and local law enforcement agencies (LEAs) is also a crucial element. The essay recounts the history of Secure Communities (SC), a fundamentally sound and efficient program that wound up losing support through mistakes in implementation, bad timing (rolled out when it could affect many long-resident unauthorized migrants based on minimal apparent criminal violations), and skillful litigation attacking immigration detainers. The Secretary of Homeland Security terminated SC in November 2014, replacing it with a new Priority Enforcement Program. This change addressed most LEA objections but preserved key enforcement efficiencies pioneered through SC, while laying the groundwork for eventually rebuilding sound LEA cooperation. (4) Congress should restore wider versions of discretionary relief from removal available in immigration court, to provide a more professional and reliable means (as compared to prosecutorial discretion) to soften the harsh edges of enforcement and thereby foster public support.

Preserving Liberty While Increasing Safety: Why Indiana Should Outlaw Sobriety Checkpoints

INTRODUCTION In 2011, thirty percent of fatal automobile crashes in the United States involved alcohol-impaired driving.1 During that same year in Indiana, 195 out of 675 fatal vehicular crashes involved a drunk driver with a blood-alcohol content of 0.08 or higher.2 Based on this data, no one can reasonably argue that drunk driving is not a serious public policy issue nationwide and in the State of Indiana.3 Many people across the United States have been personally affected by drunk driving. Mothers Against Drunk Driving describes the impact of drunk driving accurately, stating, “[e]ach crash, each death, each injury impacts not only the person in the crash, but family, friends, classmates, coworkers and more.”4 Lawmaking bodies and law enforcement agencies largely ignored the drunk driving epidemic until the 1980s.5 In the early 1980s, with insistence and support from the federal government, state task forces across the country examined drunk driving in order to formulate new laws to fight the problem.6 Furthermore, in 1983, the Presidential Commission on Drunk Driving made a series of recommendations to combat drunk driving.7 The subsequent changes in law included, among others, blood-alcohol limits, open container prohibitions, and mandatory sentences.8 Laws combatting drunk driving are only as effective as their means of enforcement. For years, state and local law enforcement agencies have deployed

FUNGSI JAKSA DALAM MENUNTUT TERDAKWA KORUPSI UNTUK PENGEMBALIAN KERUGIAN KEUANGAN NEGARA PERSPEKTIF SISTEM PERADILAN PIDANA INDONESIA

This thesis of prosecutor function in the implementation of the court decision related to return of financial loss caused by corruption. In addition, this study also aims to determine and assets the constraints in the implementation of court decisions related to the return of financial loss. It is invecitable that at current time, corruption is one of the remarkable (extra ordinary crime) that endanger the stability and security as well as economic development in Indonesia. Corruption in Indonesia has been so severed and widespread in the community and very alarming, its development continues to increase from year to year, both in number of cases and the amonut of state financial losses and in terms of quality. These cirminal offenses commit more systematic and scope into all aspects of life. Starting from lower level of the dominant and state officials or law enforcement. Judge in imposing sanctions not only imprisonment and also fined an additional punishment, including the return of financial loss to the state by state corruption. The method used in this research is the method of normative juridical legal research of the research using primary and secondary data sources by document. This approact to use the statute approach, the analifical and conseptual approach, case approach and comparative approach legal, basic of corruption in the judicial process is ussed act No. 8 of 1981 (KUHAP), Act No. 31 of 1999, Act No. 20 of 2001 and Act No. 16 of 2004 The constraints in the implementation of the court decision related to the return of states losses, is convicted assets and property that has been transfered, multiple population administration and duration of the judicial proceses of implementation is not effective.

The Enforcement Pathologies of Immigration Policing

State and local police have become increasing involved in enforcing immigration law. While so called “immigration policing” is not new, as some scholars have claimed, it has increased in visibility and influence. This is due in large part to state and federal legislation that has broadened the footprint of immigration policing programs, and to increased federal funding, which has enabled state/federal cooperative programs to flourish. The federal government has created many of the immigration enforcement partnerships between federal agents and state and local police. Today, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement lists no fewer than thirteen immigration enforcement cooperatives, including the 287(g) program and Secure Communities, recently renamed the “Priority Enforcement Program.” In addition, state legislatures have also been busy empowering state and local police to do immigration enforcement in their jurisdictions, including in Arizona where an important immigration policing provision was upheld by the Supreme Court in Arizona v. United States.The increased participation of state and local officials has thrust immigration policing into the limelight and triggered passionate reactions by scholars and the media both pro and con. While these debates have important things to say, this article will assume that immigration policing – in some form – is here to stay. The reason is simple: Immigration policing simply makes sense (or in any event it is too tempting to resist). State and local police are already on the street interacting with citizens, enforcing laws, investigating suspicious conduct, and arresting suspected criminals. Why not ask officers engaged in these activities to pursue any suspected immigration violations at the same time, especially if they can do so without changing their ordinary policing activities? While there are 18,000 federal immigration agents there are over 750,000 state and local police with arrest authority. Conscripting state and local police creates a substantial “force multiplier” for the much more limited federal immigration workforce. Proponents of immigration policing argue that state and local police can serve as a force multiplier without producing any adverse effect on either federal immigration priorities or state law enforcement priorities. The goal of this article is to dispute this claim. The claim relies on the assumption that state and local officials will continue to make law enforcement decisions uninfluenced by the knowledge that stops, investigations, and detentions in connection with other crimes are a gateway to immigration enforcement. It is well know, however, that police officers routinely use “pretextual” street and traffic stops for minor offenses to investigate other crimes for which they lack probable cause. Not surprisingly, police involved in immigration policing are using street and traffic stops as a mechanism for investigating suspected immigration violations. This strategy both compromises federal immigration policy – by shifting the focus away from dangerous criminal aliens and toward minor offenders – and diverts state and local policing resources away from ordinary criminal enforcement. Moreover, stops with hidden immigration enforcement motivations lead almost inevitably to racial profiling, most of which is either legal or very difficult to challenge.The second part of the article draws on lessons from the Fourth Amendment context to explore possible solutions that will address these distortions while retaining important benefits from the federal/state/local partnerships. The most important strategy for addressing pretextual policing is to decouple state and local policing from automatic (or the perception of automatic) immigration enforcement. One step toward decoupling is to treat stops and arrests for minor offenses, which create the risk of pretextual stops and racial profiling, differently for purposes of immigration enforcement than stops and arrests for more serious crimes. A number of states have moved in this direction by declining to honor ICE detainers for potential immigration violators unless those individuals have actually been convicted of a serious crime. Other states have adopted policies that bar police from initiating police action for the purpose of investigating suspected immigration violations. ICE has also taken steps to channel its enforcement efforts toward illegal aliens who have committed serious crimes or repeatedly flouted federal immigration.Such efforts point the way forward in an enforcement world in which state and local immigration policing is here to stay.

Enforcement of Alcohol-Impaired Driving Laws in the United States: A National Survey of State and Local Agencies

Objectives: Enforcement of alcohol-impaired driving laws is an important component of efforts to prevent alcohol-involved motor vehicle fatalities. Little is known about the use of drinking–driving enforcement strategies by state and local law enforcement agencies or whether the use of strategies differs by agency and jurisdiction characteristics.Methods: We conducted two national surveys, with state patrol agencies (n = 48) and with a sample of local law enforcement agencies (n = 1,082) selected according to state and jurisdiction population size. We examined 3 primary enforcement strategies (sobriety checkpoints, saturation patrols, and enforcement of open container laws) and tested whether use of these strategies differed by jurisdiction and agency characteristics across state and local law enforcement agenciesResults: Most state patrol agencies reported conducting sobriety checkpoints (72.9%) and saturation patrols (95.8%), whereas less than half (43.8%) reported enforcing open container laws. In contrast, a lower proportion of local law enforcement agencies reported using these alcohol-impaired driving enforcement strategies (41.5, 62.7, and 41.1%, respectively). Sobriety checkpoint enforcement was more common in states in the dry South region (vs. wet and moderate regions). Among local law enforcement agencies, agencies with a full-time alcohol enforcement officer and agencies located in areas where drinking–driving was perceived to be very common (vs. not/somewhat common) were more likely to conduct multiple types of impaired driving enforcement.Conclusions: Recommended enforcement strategies to detect and prevent alcohol-impaired driving are employed in some jurisdictions and underutilized in others. Future research should explore the relationship of enforcement with drinking and driving behavior and alcohol-involved motor vehicle fatalities.

Web-based child pornography: The global impact of deterrence efforts and its consumption on mobile platforms

Our study is the first to look at mobile device use for child sexual exploitation material (CSEM) consumption, and at the global impact of deterrence efforts by search providers. We used data from Google, Bing, and Yandex to assess how web searches for CSEM are being conducted, both at present and historically. Our findings show that the blocking efforts by Google and Microsoft have resulted in a 67% drop in the past year in web-based searches for CSEM. Additionally, our findings show that mobile devices are a substantial platform for web-based consumption of CSEM, with tablets and smartphones representing 32% of all queries associated with CSEM conducted on Bing. Further, our findings show that a major search engine not located in the United States, Yandex, did not undertake blocking efforts similar to those implemented by Google and Microsoft and has seen no commensurate drop in CSEM searches and continues to profit from ad revenue on these queries. While the efforts by Google and Microsoft have had a deterrence effect in the United States, searchers from Russia and other locations where child pornography possession is not criminalized have continued to use these services. Additionally, the same lax enforcement environment has allowed searchers from the United States to utilize Yandex with little fear of detection or referral to United States law enforcement from the Russian authorities.

A Prospective Examination of Whether Childhood Sexual Abuse Predicts Subsequent Sexual Offending

Childhood sexual abuse has been assumed to increase the risk for sexual offending. However, despite methodological limitations of prior research, public policies and clinical practice have been based on this assumption. To empirically examine the commonly held belief that sexually abused children grow up to become sexual offenders and specialize in sex crimes. This prospective cohort study and archival records check included cases and control individuals originally from a metropolitan county in the Midwest. Children with substantiated cases of physical and sexual abuse and neglect (aged 0-11 years) were matched with children without such histories on the basis of age, sex, race/ethnicity, and approximate family social class (908 cases and 667 control individuals). Both groups were followed up into adulthood (mean age, 51 years). The court cases were from 1967 to 1971; the follow-up extended to 2013. Criminal history information was collected from federal and state law enforcement agency records at 3 points in time and from state sex offender registries. Overall, individuals with histories of childhood abuse and neglect were at increased risk for being arrested for a sex crime compared with control individuals (adjusted odds ratio [AOR], 2.17; 95% CI, 1.38-3.40), controlling for age, sex, and race/ethnicity. Specifically, individuals with histories of physical abuse (AOR, 2.06; 95% CI, 1.02-4.16) and neglect (AOR, 2.21; 95% CI, 1.39-3.51) were at significantly increased risk for arrest for sex offenses, whereas for sexual abuse, the AOR (2.13; 95% CI, 0.83-5.47) did not reach significance. Physically abused and neglected males (not females) were at increased risk and physically abused males also had a higher mean number of sex crime arrests compared with control individuals. The results did not provide support for sex crime specialization. The widespread belief that sexually abused children are uniquely at risk to become sex offenders was not supported by prospective empirical evidence. These new findings suggest that early intervention programs should target children with histories of physical abuse and neglect. They also indicate that existing policies and practices specifically directed at future risk for sex offending for sexually abused children may warrant reevaluation.

Police forces across the globe implement biometric tech

Law enforcement agencies around the world are increasingly adopting biometric technologies. The Western Identification Network (WIN), a consortium of western US state and local law enforcement agencies, is to adopt NEC's Integra-ID Multimodal Biometric Identification System (MBIS) solution. Also in the US researchers have developed the FaceSketchID System, which matches police suspect sketches with images held on mugshot databases.

Policing Sexuality: The Mann Act and the Making of the FBI by Jessica R. Pliley (review)

Reviewed by: Policing Sexuality: The Mann Act and the Making of the FBI by Jessica R. Pliley Shelby Shapiro POLICING SEXUALITY: The Mann Act and the Making of the FBI. By Jessica R. Pliley. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 2014. Jessica R. Pliley has written an excellent account of the relationship between the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Mann Act, charged with enforcement of cases involving transportation of women across state lines for prostitution or “other immoral purposes.” This book will interest all concerned with changing gender roles, the growth of state institutions, law enforcement, criminality, and surveillance. Pliley skillfully weaves a number of thematic strands throughout her fascinating account: the institutional growth and development of the BOI/FBI; the centrality of the Mann Act to the Bureau’s development; the changing interpretations of the Mann Act, especially its “any other immoral purpose” clause; the racialized nature of “white slavery;” and the issue of sex worker agency. Her use of research materials, including more than 1,000 case files from 1910 to 1941, is deft and detailed, demonstrating how a good researcher can dig narrow and deep. Pliley conclusively demonstrates that Mann Act violations lay at the root of pre–World War II Bureau activities. Established in 1908, the BOI became the FBI in 1935. Its original jurisdiction had nothing to do with sexuality. Interestingly, most Mann Act cases resulted from private citizens’ complaints. The Mann Act’s predecessor, the Page Act (1875), forbade the entry of Chinese women for the “purposes of prostitution;” the Chinese Exclusion Act followed seven years later. Prostitution was perceived as a problem that evil foreigners foisted on innocent Americans, first as the Yellow Peril, and then as the Jewish Peril. Even before the Mann Act, the concept of “white slavery” had racist overtones. Victims were perceived as innocent white women; women of color were literally and figuratively “beyond the Pale.” Nefarious foreigners controlled the trade, seduced innocent white girls, or were prostitutes themselves, doubling as spreaders of venereal disease. The Mann Act’s catchall “any other immoral purpose” clause allowed the Bureau to go beyond commercial prostitution to cross-border sexual activities without any financial nexus and enabled enforcement of gender norms. The Mann Act enshrined the sexual double standard as it criminalized female sexuality while not treating men—except in the cases of African-American males—in a similar manner. Throughout, Pliley notes how those involved in the fight against prostitution consistently denied prostitutes agency; they were portrayed as enslaved, seduced, victimized, and as never willingly entering sex work. This contradicted what Bureau inspectors knew. In 1907–1908, Bureau inspector Braun “found few women that he could describe as ‘weak, frail, thoughtless women fallen from the pathway of honor’” (38). Instead, he found “hardened” women working as prostitutes often with local police officer cooperation. Almost thirty years later, a confidante of J. Edgar Hoover came to similar conclusions. Bureau inspector Braun also discovered that the so-called international traffic in women, “[a]lthough it did exist, was not organized” (50). Organized crime historian Alan Block consistently noted that the concept of an over-arching syndicate of organized criminals is a myth. Certainly organized crime existed and exists, but the degree of organization and cooperation depicted did not represent reality. Movies such as The Godfather were works of fiction—in reality gangsters constantly changed partnerships and engaged in selective cooperation with each other and with law enforcement. A 1911 innovation was the collation of data on prostitutes and census information for reasons of public health, updated as they moved from locale to locale. Those supporting [End Page 127] the regulation of prostitution by following prostitutes’ movements and by using medical means to prevent venereal disease were accused of promoting vice in much the same way that those distributing clean needles to prevent HIV/AIDS are seen as promoting “immorality.” In the twenty months that the White Slave Division existed, it collected more than 30,000 names. “This had much to do with technological advancements that benefited the development of the surveillance state: the typewriter, the telegram, and filing innovations like the Dewey decimal system” (92). Could this have been the template for other...

Law enforcement duties and sudden cardiac death among police officers in United States: case distribution study

Objective To assess the association between risk of sudden cardiac death and stressful law enforcement duties compared with routine/non-emergency duties. Design Case distribution study (case series with survey information on...

Enforcement and Immigrant Location Choice

This paper investigates the effect of local immigration enforcement regimes on the migration decisions of the foreign-born. Specifically, the analysis uses individual-level American Community Survey data to examine the effect of recent 287(g) agreements, which allow state and local law enforcement agencies to enforce Federal immigration law. The results suggest that one type of 287(g) agreement—the controversial local model emphasizing street enforcement—nearly doubles the propensity for the foreign-born to relocate within the United States. The largest effects are observed among non-citizens with at least some college education, suggesting that 287(g) policies may be missing their intended targets. No similar effect is found for the native-born. After the extreme case of Maricopa County is excluded, there is no evidence that local enforcement causes the foreign-born to exit the United States or deters their entry from abroad or from elsewhere in the United States. Rather, 287(g) task force agreements encourage the foreign-born to move to a new Census division or region within the United States.

State-Corporate Environmental Cover-Up: The Response to the 2010 Gulf of Mexico Oil Spill

Developing the concept of state-corporate environmental crime, this article examines the government and corporate response to the 2010 Gulf of Mexico oil spill. US federal responders functioned in coordination with BP and an extensive array of privately contracted oil spill response organizations to systematically conceal the environmental damage caused by the spill through various means. State-corporate responders applied unprecedented amounts of toxic chemical dispersants in an effort to hide the oil, blocked public and media access to response operations, and relied upon a network of federal, state and local law enforcement agencies alongside private security firms to enforce the ban. In combination, these efforts constitute a state-corporate cover-up of environmental crimes in the Gulf of Mexico oil spill.