Central Asian States Research Articles

China’s BRI in Central Asia & Its Impact: An Appraisal of the 10 Years

The year 2023 marked the ten-year anniversary of Chinese President Xi Jinping inaugurating the ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) during his state visit to Kazakhstan. This article discusses China’s approach towards Central Asian countries under the BRI and their responses. While China has evidently profited from expanding connectivity along the ancient silk road and meeting its strategic interests, it is essential to understand whether Central Asian states have equally benefited from this initiative. Furthermore, the concern of debt-trap diplomacy has been prevalent in low-income countries where BRI has been operational. In this context, the article seeks to locate Central Asia in BRI, evaluating its impact on the region to determine if the BRI is a win-win for both the parties involved as touted by China. This article argues that despite differing interests and concerns about potential debt-traps, the BRI has been largely beneficial for both China and Central Asia given that BRI investments and projects remain crucial for the growth and development of these states and the region.

Analysis of the strategies of China and the United States in Central Asia: a look at the "C5+1" mechanism

The subject of the study is a comparison of the policy of China and the United States in the Central Asian region within the framework of the "C5+1" model. Both the United States and China, being the major powers of the modern world, seek to protect their interests in this region. In addition to existing bilateral and multilateral dialogue platforms, the United States and China have established a C5+1 dialogue mechanism with Central Asia. This mechanism has developed differently in both countries, each of which has created its own unique model and achieved a number of diplomatic results. The methodological basis of this research consists in an integrated historical and sociological approach. The authors used a historical approach to analyze the main factual information covered in the article as a whole. The innovation of this article is to scrutinize and compare the development of the “C5+1” model in China and the United States. The conclusion is that each US government has its own strategic priorities and diplomatic plans, the US “C5+1” mechanism has developed unevenly. Compared with the US mechanism, China's mechanism is more complete and at the same time has a higher level. Both China and the United States have developed their strategies in Central Asia according to their own interests, and that the main goal of the United States' current Central Asian strategy is to create a counterweight to Russia and China. For China, preserving sovereignty and stability as well as economic development are its primary interests.

Сравнительный анализ интеграционных инициатив и проектов России и Китая в Центральной Азии

Based on the analysis, the author concludes that after the collapse of the USSR, Moscow made numerous attempts to create an integrated political and economic union in the post-Soviet space. However, in the first decade of the 21st century, none of these efforts was realized in reality, and the formation of the EAEU is seen as a step towards more effective economic growth and success compared to other post-Soviet initiatives. The path from the Customs Union to the Common Economic Space and from there to the Common Market appears not only logical but also realistic. In terms of military-political cooperation, it is recognized that there is no alternative to the CSTO in the post-Soviet space. It is the only structure that shapes the security architecture in its area of responsibility and ensures the security and stability of member countries against external and internal challenges and threats in the modern world. On the other hand, Beijing has made significant progress in its diplomatic contacts with the Central Asian states by establishing two major institutional pillars – the SCO and the global initiative BRI. These two instruments have become the fundamental basis that has improved China's foreign policy and external economic positioning in the Central Asian direction.

AFTER ATHEISM: A SOCIOLOGICAL EXAMINATION

The fall of communism and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the processes of nation building in five Central Asian states have changed the status of religion in these post-soviet countries. The religious freedom is recognized as one of the fundamental humans right in the Republic of Kazakhstan. This essay aims to highlight a unique form of secularism in Kazakhstan, one that is based on the low level of everyday religiosity and evidence that the eventual expansion of Islam in the physical and spiritual spaces does not negate the influence of established secular cultural attitudes. This study examines Kazakh religiosity through a comparative examination of World Values Survey data from 2011 and 2018. The examination of the features of religiosity and the proposition of the distinction between a believer and a religious person define this paper’s subject. The empirical data indicates that Islam has the capacity to transcend moral norms, despite the fact that the majority of Kazakhs' national attitude does not align with Islamic religion in the twenty-first century. Finally, the study draws the conclusion that since most people in post-atheistic Kazakhstan continue to keep secular attitudes, state policy must preserve the secular character of the state while adjusting state-confessional relations to changing Kazakhstan's religious landscape.

Конституционные преобразования политических систем постсоветских государств Центральной Азии

The article examines the constitutional transformations of the political systems of the Central Asian states, which had an impact on the structure, powers and competence of the key power actors that make up the apparatus of public power, the political practice of their functioning and interaction with each other, which in turn affected the choice of the form of government and the configuration of political forces in the post-Soviet states under consideration. The authors trace the relationship between the constitutional reforms carried out in the post-Soviet states and the choice of the form (i.e. model) of government. As a result, the authors concluded that the two Central Asian countries under consideration, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, have chosen a presidential (presidential-centric) model of government, with strict autocratic tendencies in public administration, which is explained by the type of political leadership and the mentality of the majority of the country's electoral corps. Whereas Kazakhstan, which has long adhered to the same formula as the two above-mentioned countries, since the constitutional reforms of 2017. There is a transformation from a super-presidential to a presidential, and subsequently a mixed republic, while retaining key powers of the head of state.

Socio-political factors in the emergence of border armed conflicts in Central Asia

This article examines the socio-political causes of border disputes and armed conflicts between states in Central Asia. Socio-political causes of border disputes in Central Asia encompass ethnic tensions, resource allocation conflicts, geopolitical influences, weak governance, cross-border community ties, and strategic national security interests. The article assesses the importance of Central Asia in the world political system and describes interactions between the states of the Central Asian region in the context of the settlement of territorial disputes at the present stage.

Причины модификации внешнеполитических усилий Турецкой Республики в отношении государств Центральной Азии в 1991–2022 гг.

The article analyzes the reasons behind the modification of the foreign policy efforts of the Republic of Turkey towards Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) from 1991 to 2022. During this period, Turkey’s efforts were modified due to several general factors: global historical events, shifts in international relations, the emergence or decline of new actors in international relations, the evolution of ideas within the state’s political framework, rapid scientific and technological advancement, increased accessibility to information, and the development of new methods of societal engagement. The analysis identifies specific reasons for these modifications: the diversification of Turkey’s foreign relations aimed at enhancing its geopolitical role in the world, the resurgence of Pan-Turkism in Turkey’s foreign policy, the variability and frequent changes in the ruling parties within the country, the absence of foreign policy invariants and constants in the execution of its foreign policy course, the political struggle between pro-Islamic parties and Kemalists, and the multi-vector nature of the country’s foreign policy from 1991 to 2022. The results obtained may assist Central Asian states in formulating strategies and tactics for their international relations with Turkey and other actors.

TURKEY AS A CONDUCTOR OF NATIONAL AND INTERNATIONAL INTERESTS IN CENTRAL ASIA

The study examines the historical features of Turkey’s existence within the framework of the manifestation of national and international interests in the Central Asian region. The relevance is due to the state’s attention to cooperation with other neighboring territories, within the framework of ensuring cultural, historical, religious, and political unity. As a result of the study, aspects of the significance of the models of contact between the policies and interests of Turkey and the Central Asian states were reflected. The main guidelines for ensuring the stability of the region and the mutual interest of all countries in confronting the challenges of our time are highlighted. The author’s conclusions concerning the maintenance and further regionalization of political, international, and international relations of all players in this territory are presented.

Transboundary Water Management in Central Asia and the Iberian Peninsula: Path Dependence Approach

This article examines the historical background and the state of the art of transboundary water management in the Central Asian region, which includes the republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, on one hand, and the Iberian Peninsula, which consists of the Kingdom of Spain and the Republic of Portugal, on the other hand. These distances from each other regions are studied for the reason that both of them are located in arid landscapes and further climate change is posing grave challenges to transboundary water security. By highlighting the differences and similarities in the water management practices of Central Asia and the Iberian Peninsula, this article employs a path-dependence approach to shed light on new perspectives on good water management. As a result of identified opportunities, the Central Asian states could enhance their policy in the water management system and adopt new measures based on positive foreign experience.

Conflict potential of Central Asian immigration (using the example of the Yaroslavl region)

The article is devoted to the problem of conflict potential arising as a result of immigration to Russia of the indigenous population of the Central Asian states. Most researchers of labor migration from Central Asian countries to Russia have so far studied the problems of adaptation of migrants and their integration into Russian society. In addition, xenophobia towards migrants by the indigenous population of the Russian Federation is a common research topic, while the radicalization of migrants themselves in Russia and their participation in extremist movements remain poorly studied. The proposed study focuses on the conflict potential created by both temporary, labor, and permanent, long-term migration of the indigenous population of Central Asian countries to Russia. The relevance of the study is related to the sharp aggravation of the problem of Central Asian migration in Russia. Signs of this aggravation appeared even during the COVID-19 epidemic in the form of a sharp increase in the number of conflicts involving migrants, and became especially acute after the terrorist attack in Crocus City Hall. The practical significance of studying the conflict-causing potential of Central Asian immigration is due to the need to timely identify the social risks associated with it and develop measures to neutralize them.

SPECIAL MILITARY OPERATION OF RUSSIA AND TRANSFORMATION OF «HISTORICAL POLITICS» IN THE CENTRAL ASIA COUNTRIES. PART I

The article examines the main aspects of the historical policy of the Central Asian states, observed recently. After the Western proxy war against Russia entered an active phase on the territory of Ukraine, the Central Asian republics have seen an intensification of social discussions around various topics of historical discourse. The topic of memory policy as an integral part of the country’s ideological policy on the part of the authorities of the states in the region is in a difficult state due to a number of internal and external elements of influence on this area. This text is also an attempt to consider the degree of influence of processes that can be called “memory wars” on the formation in the republics of the Central Asian region of new ideological foundations for the existence of political systems, social well-being and foreign policy positioning of the countries of Central Eurasia.

SCARCE RESOURCES, GREAT CHALLENGE: CENTRAL ASIA'S WATER CRISIS AND ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY

Central Asia has limited water resources and increasing pressure on these resources. Large-scale irrigation projects initiated during the Soviet Union led to the over-exploitation of the Amu Darya and Sir Darya rivers and the dramatic drying up of Lake Aral. This process has caused extensive damage to the ecosystem, declines in agricultural productivity and serious problems in human health. The article analyses the historical origins and the current state of the water crisis in the region and examines the challenges of water resources management and sustainability efforts. It will also emphasise the importance of regional cooperation and modern water management policies. Central Asia's water crisis is not only an environmental problem but also a social and economic challenge. In this context, sustainable water management strategies are vital for the region to achieve its long-term development goals. Türkiye’s cooperation with the Central Asian states in this regard and transferring experience to them will contribute to the regional states' confidence in Türkiye and increase Türkiye’s prestige in the international arena. The article will use the Russian, English, Turkish and Uzbek source search method.

Azerbaıjan’s Relations wıth Central Asian Turkic States and Energy Diplomacy

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Turkic states in the Caucasus and Central Asia encountered significant political, economic, and social crises, which profoundly shaped their foreign policies. By 1993, Azerbaijan, having achieved political stability, began capitalizing on its energy resources to engage in global projects and incorporated Russia into its strategy. Through effective use of both hard and soft power in its energy diplomacy, Azerbaijan strengthened its ties with Western countries. This strategy not only cemented Azerbaijan's independence on a solid political and economic basis but also established its energy export model as a crucial component in the integration of Turkic states. The ongoing Russia-Ukraine War has revived opportunities for enhanced cooperation among these nations. This study investigates the evolution of Azerbaijan's energy diplomacy with Turkic states since independence and posits that the Russia-Ukraine conflict will further promote energy cooperation. Initially, the study outlines the framework of Azerbaijan's energy diplomacy. It then examines the legal foundations of its energy relations with Central Asian Turkic states. Finally, the study explores practical collaborations and potential opportunities in energy diplomacy both before and after the onset of the war.

STATE MIGRATION POLICY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION: FEATURES OF EXTERNAL MIGRATION IN THE POST-PANDEMIC PERIOD

The purpose of this study is to determine the features of one of the most significant areas of Russian migration policy - external migration, in the context of the lifting of restrictions associated with the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on the statistical information published by the executive authorities, it was possible to analyze data on external migration for 2022 and 2023, which allows us to affirmatively speak not only about the recovery in the volume of external migration characteristic of the period 2018-2019, but also about the existing trends in the increase in external migrations, primarily from Central Asian states. Such trends are due to the high level of migration attractiveness of modern Russia, which is characterized by the peculiarities of the migration regime implemented within the framework of existing international agreements with the Central Asian states of the post-Soviet space, concluded back in the 1990s, but also by certain provisions of the national migration legislation, which forms a special level of migration preferences for citizens of such states. At the same time, the migration system of the Russian Federation has several levels of implementation of migration policy, which allows, with the effective use of existing legal mechanisms at the regional level, to ensure the solution of the tasks of managing migration processes, in order to prevent a number of migration risks of mass external migration, namely replacement migration of the local population, the formation of places of compact residence of foreigners, the development of diasporas, the criminalization of immigrant communities, as well as the creation of tension in the labor market.

Водоотводный канал «Кош Тепа» — угроза продовольственной независимости государств Центральной Азии: миграционный и политико-правовой аспект

The article discusses the problems associated with the construction of the Kosh Tepa drainage canal. It is revealed that the construction is carried out with complete disregard for all the required norms and rules that must be observed during the construction of such structures. It was noted that Afghanistan has every right to use water from the Amu Darya River, the problem is in the violations allowed, due to which a significant part of the water will seep through the sandy soil and be irretrievably lost, loose soil will serve to waterlog some areas, especially those located below the level of the canal under construction, there will be a violation of the ecological balance in the region. It was emphasized that over the past decade in Central Asia, with a significant decrease in precipitation, there has been an increase in the average annual temperature. The issues of functioning of the Interstate Coordinating Water Management Commission, in which representatives of the republics of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan participate, have been studied. It has been revealed that the demand for water resources will gradually increase. The lack of water will affect migration processes, due to the lack of prospects for further residence in arid and arid territories, the population will mix in more prosperous regions, most of which will go to Russia. It is shown that all the economic results achieved in the agro-industrial complex of the Central Asian states are directly related to land irrigation. It is recommended that, within the framework of the functioning of the ICWC, the Central Asian states involve representatives of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan in the work of the commission, at the level of a multilateral format, by adopting a package of interstate agreements, to resolve issues of water extraction from the Amu Darya River, for the needs of agriculture and industry in the Central Asian region.

China's Impact on Sustainable Economic Growth in Central Asian Countries in the Context of the Silk Road Economic Belt

This paper examines how the economic relations between China and the Central Asian countries affect the economic development of the Central Asian countries in the context of the Belt and Road economy. China has come up with the global economic strategy initiative known as `"`One Belt, One Road" as a way of incorporating and expanding its economic activities around the world into this initiative. The article argues that China's economic activities in Central Asia are part of its global economic strategy. China's global "``Belt and Road Initiative" is aimed at realizing its political aspirations through economic dominance, which then leads to a virtuous cycle. Of course, we all know that every country in the world needs to develop its economy, and Central Asian countries are no exception. Central Asian countries have the need and desire to cooperate with China to develop their own economies, which is the basis of this article. The method of argumentation in the article is to analyze the development needs and relations of cooperation between the two sides in terms of economic indicators, trade cooperation, economic dependence, infrastructure investment, geopolitical pattern of energy, and transportation of goods of Central Asian countries, respectively, and at the same time, data from World Energy Statistics Yearbook, World Bank, China Statistical Yearbook, and China's Outward Foreign Direct Investment Statistical Bulletin are used as the basis. This provides a clear understanding of the patterns of economic cooperation between China and Central Asian countries, and how they interact with each other. Despite the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, Central Asia remains a central element of the People's Republic of China's (PRC) security strategy, a strategic location that creates a continuum between China's internal and external security. The guiding principle of China's policy towards Central Asia is primarily stability, which is the main theme of current Chinese politics, with the goal of ensuring continuity from domestic stability to the stabilization of border regions and surrounding areas. Throughout their independent existence, the Central Asian states have had different perceptions of Russia, the United States, China, and European countries, which is one of the prerequisites for the formation of multidirectional foreign policies in Central Asian countries. The balance of interests among Russia, the United States, China, and European countries in the region is of vital importance for Central Asian countries, which ensures the independent foreign policy and development paths of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan, as well as contributes to the stability of the region.

The conclusion of the Soviet-Afghan “Treaty of Friendship” in the context of new archival sources

New archival documents published in Russia and the United Kingdom make it possible to identify the stages and peculiarities of the negotiation process between Afghanistan and the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic on the conclusion of the Treaty of Friendship of 1921. The initial aim of Soviet diplomacy in drafting this document was to turn Afghanistan into a foothold for subversive activities against British India. The Afghan Emir Amanullah Khan, in turn, wanted to obtain military and financial aid from Soviet Russia through the Treaty of Friendship to fight Great Britain. His second goal was to strengthen Afghanistan’s position in Turkestan, where he wanted to create a confederation of Central Asian states under his control. As the declassified archival documents of the NKID show, the Soviet government was not prepared to pay such a high price for an agreement with Afghanistan. During the negotiations, there were many pauses caused by the aggravation of Soviet-Afghan rivalry over Bukhara and the amount of Soviet assistance to Amanullah Khan. However, both sides understood the need to establish strong partnerships to stabilize the international position of the RSFSR and independent Afghanistan. For this reason, after difficult negotiations in Kabul and Moscow, the Soviet-Afghan Treaty of Friendship was concluded on February 28, 1921. It allowed Soviet Russia to strengthen its position in Central Asia, creating a significant counterbalance to British intrigues in the region.

INDIA AND THE CENTRAL ASIAN FACTOR OF EURASIA’S ENERGY AND TRANSPORT SECTOR RESTRUCTURING

The article analyzes the prerequisites and main directions of India’s possible actions to expand its influence in the Central Asian region. The author assesses the importance of transport and energy projects in Central Eurasia for India, as one of the key consumers of energy resources from Russia and Central Asian states. Another spotlight of this research is the strategy for expansion of Indian-Uzbek cooperation as the most promising support base for the implementation of India’s geopolitical and geo-economic interests in the region.The ongoing and deepening global geoeconomic and geopolitical transformations are creating a wide field of opportunities for restructuring of the continental energy and transport systems. In these conditions, the Indian leadership is required to take active steps in implementing its foreign policy so as not to remain on the sidelines of large-scale projects for the development of key areas of the continent, including the resource and transit potential of Russia and Central Asia.

The Eurasian Space in Chinese Official and Academic Discourses

The «Belе and Road Initiative» (BRI), proposed by China, marked a new phase in its external openness and growing desire to influence regional and global processes. However, BRI should not be viewed solely as a Chinese blueprint for restructuring Eurasia. The broad interpretative and geographical scope set by Chinese authorities allows flexibility in adapting the initiative to specific regions and countries, which is strategic for modifying or withdrawing commitments as needed. This paper examines why BRI has not become the foundation for a Chinese concept of Eurasia despite its significant impact on regional geopolitics.Our analysis begins with a critical examination of President Xi Jinping's speech at Nazarbayev University in 2013, identifying the nuanced usage of «Eurasia» that primarily refers to the post-Soviet space rather than the entire Eurasian continent. We delve into the subsequent official documents, noting the delay and ambiguity in defining the geographical and conceptual boundaries of BRI. The 2015 document, "Vision and Actions on Jointly Building Silk Road Economic Belt and 21st-Century Maritime Silk Road," illustrates the initiative's extensive and vague geographical scope, indicating that China did not initially aim for a broad Eurasian strategy.By employing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), we uncover how China's official rhetoric strategically frames BRI. The analysis reveals that Chinese discourse emphasizes bilateral rather than multilateral engagements within Eurasia, reflecting a «point-to-point» rather than a networked approach. This strategic ambiguity allows China to navigate its relationships with key regional players, notably Russia and the Central Asian states, without committing to a comprehensive Eurasian integration framework.The findings highlight the cautious and adaptive nature of China's engagement with Eurasia. The shift from a regional to a global scope in BRI discourse underscores China's pragmatic approach in balancing its regional ambitions with global aspirations.

Strengthening academia: embracing an open dialogue on fieldwork in the authoritarian states of Central Asia

ABSTRACT Students embarking on fieldwork across Eurasia, Africa and Latin America will encounter various political practices of regimes and conflicts involving varying levels of open violence. Although they leave their universities equipped with often stunning theoretical and methodological knowledge, surprisingly little attention is paid to practical preparation for uneasy situations. Fieldwork handbooks do exist, but they rarely offer positionality-sensitive guidelines and cannot provide ongoing mentoring during fieldwork or debriefing upon return. Drawing on previous scholarship initiatives and my experiences conducting field research in authoritarian Central Asia, I call for an open academic debate on fieldwork in challenging contexts and increased peer-to-peer solidarity at all academic levels. Addressing teaching professionals, advanced PhD students and anyone else involved in teaching and training newcomers in research and learning, I offer specific examples of what such a cooperation and support leading to a more resilient community may look like in everyday academic and research practice.