Coalition Of States Research Articles

Implementing a Comprehensive CPR Education in New York State Public High Schools: Ideas, Drawbacks, & Future Directions.

Cardiopulmonary resuscitation (CPR) is a lifesaving skill that can be employed when people experience cardiac arrest. While the benefits of CPR on survival are well known, much of the American population remains uneducated on how to perform it. There are many reasons for this, ranging from the cost of CPR courses to fear of making mistakes in emergency situations. There have been a variety of efforts across the United States that attempted to boost CPR education, one of which is education in schools. While not a federal law, many states now require some degree of CPR education to be provided to high school students. New York joined this coalition of states in September of 2014. Signed into law by then Governor Cuomo, Act 804-C helped pave the way for CPR education across many pupils in the state. While undoubtedly a step in the right direction, many elements of 804-C promote a disjointed, unequal, and sometimes insufficient CPR education across different schools and counties in the state. In this review, we will highlight some shortcomings of 804-C. We will also highlight ways in which New York State can improve upon their CPR education efforts while also acknowledging logistical and financial obstacles that our proposals might incur.

“I would not wish for anything better than to be invited to this unification of forces”: accession of The Republic of the Seven United Netherlands to the First League of Armed Neutrality (1780)

The Declaration of Armed Neutrality, proclaimed by Empress Catherine II on 10 March (O.S. 28 February) 1780, constituted one of the most significant Russian international legal acts of the eighteenth century. During the US War of Independence (1775–1783), which resulted in a war between Great Britain and a coalition of states, the primary objective of the principles set forth in the declaration was to safeguard the rights of maritime neutrality. This allowed ships of neutral countries to continue trade with the belligerent powers without impediment. As a result of the endeavours of Russian diplomacy, the First League of Armed Neutrality (1780–1783) was established. The Republic of the Seven United Netherlands was among the inaugural members. Historically, the Republic’s accession to the League of Armed Neutrality has not been a subject of extensive examination. Consequently, this article represents an initial contribution to the field of research on this matter. The study draws on the documents of the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, more specifically the reports of Dmitry Golitsyn, Envoy Extraordinary of the Russian Empire to the States General of the Republic. The envoy’s reports are written in French and have been translated by the author of the article. The study focuses on documents from the period between 1778 and 1781, providing a detailed account of the foreign and domestic political life of the Republic. The author addresses several key issues, including the perception of the Russian Declaration of Armed Neutrality in the United Provinces, the rationale behind the States General’s decision to join the League of Armed Neutrality, and the operational dynamics of the Republic’s political decision-making process. The author presents a compelling argument that the accession of the United Provinces to the First League of Armed Neutrality was a strategic move that aligned with the Republic’s long-standing policy of maintaining neutrality towards foreign countries, a stance it had adopted since the mid-1750s. Additionally, the author highlights the Republic’s interest in strengthening its ties with Russia, which was a significant factor in its decision to join the League. Nevertheless, the opposition of England and the subsequent outbreak of the Fourth Anglo-Dutch War prevented the United Provinces from becoming an active participant in the League of Armed Neutrality.

The American Cancer Society National Lung Cancer Roundtable strategic plan: Introduction.

Lung cancer is the leading cause of cancer death in the United States and across the world. The American Cancer Society National Lung Cancer Roundtable (ACS NLCRT) was established in 2017 as a consortium of public, private, and voluntary organizations with a mission to lower the impact of lung cancer via prevention, early detection, and optimal therapy. The ACS NLCRT supports a comprehensive scope of work that covers the lung cancer continuum, from risk reduction, tobacco prevention and control, and early detection (screening and incidental lung nodule management) to guideline-based staging, biomarker testing, treatment, and survivorship and overarching issues such as stigma and nihilism, health equity, and tactical approaches such as state coalition efforts and policy initiatives. Applying a multidimensional and multisector approach, over 220 public, private, and government agency member organizations and 250 volunteer experts, patients, and caregiver advocate representatives collaborate to address challenges across the lung cancer continuum by catalyzing action to conceive, build, and strengthen innovative solutions. The wide-ranging membership allows the ACS NLCRT to harness the collective power and expertise of the entire lung cancer community by connecting leaders, communities, and systems to improve equity and access. These national, state, and local relationships provide partnerships for the dissemination of ACS NLCRT-developed tools and resources. This article describes the ACS NLCRT and introduces the series of accompanying and future articles that together make up the ACS NLCRT strategic plan, which provides a roadmap for future research, investment, and collaboration to reduce lung cancer mortality and lung cancer-related stigma and enhance survivorship.

The Results of the War of the Augsburg League and Representation of the Peace of Ryswick 1697

From the perspective of a systematic approach and the method of event analysis, the author of the article set a goal to consider the international and legal significance of the congress in Ryswick in 1697, which summed up the results of the War of the Augsburg League (1688–1697), and to show its role in the broadcast of subsequent international forums. Based on the analysis of the results of the war and peace treaties, the following conclusions were drawn. The Ryswick agreements were of a phased nature. France, against which almost all of Europe opposed, gained nothing, but the coalition of European states failed to return this state back to its borders. However, for the first time since the beginning of the Louis XIV’s European wars, the international situation swung towards balance. Despite the fact that the congress in Ryswick did not resolve all the pressing problems, it prepared the international and legal basis for further diplomatic discussions at the congresses in Utrecht (1713) and Rastatt (1714), which for the first time recorded the metaphor of the «balance of power» in international law. Finally, after the conclusion of the Peace of Ryswick, Europeans began to regularly receive information about wars, negotiations, meetings of monarchs and diplomats, and dynastic alliances in special international publications.

Integrated Approach of Retrofitting an Existing Residential Building to a Nearly Zero Energy Building with Simultaneous Seismic Upgrading

Introduction The current study's goal is to apply an integrated approach of retrofitting a typical building in Cyprus that was designed and constructed for the refugee settlements in the period 1975-1985. The existing building is retrofitted to a nearly zero-energy building. Methods This typical type of building examined represents approximately 15,347 houses and stands for 3.57% of households in Cyprus. This percentage is considered significant with regards to energy consumption, as this type of structure has an estimated energy consumption of 1000 kWh/m2/y and CO2 emissions of 293.74kg CO2/m2/y. This corresponds to 0.293 Mt CO2/y, which stands for 4.18% of total CO2 emissions in Cyprus for 2011, based on the latest IEA (International Energy Agency) data. An integrated approach is followed for the retrofitting of the existing building, which involves both energy and structural upgrades, taking into account the earthquake resistance upgrade. Since Cyprus is in a highly seismic region, an important factor in this approach is the ability of the structure to survive a strong earthquake during its remaining lifetime, according to the design criteria. The study presents and discusses three possible coalitions with multiple scenarios of approaching the upgrade of the existing building. In each coalition, various criteria and implementation actions are considered based on the energy consumption, the CO2 footprint, and the seismic resistance. Results The study also investigates whether the extension of life expectancy of the existing structure through earthquake resistance upgrade will have a positive or negative effect on the CO2 life cycle footprint and cost of the building. Results show that for the examined typical building, simultaneous energy and earthquake resistance upgrade is more efficient in terms of cost and environmental impact. The building with the smallest construction age had the smallest Decision-Making Index (DMI) from the A, B and C coalitions. Conclusion It is important that for an existing building, the option to remain in its original state (coalition A) without any upgrading intervention is not the most favorable option. Therefore, the need to evaluate the existing building stock and plan the upgrade of the buildings in question is of utmost importance.

The participation of the USSR in development of penicillin industry in the Eastern Europe

The article considers on the basis of analysis of archival documents issue of rendering assistance by the Soviet Union to the countries of Eastern Europe to organize production of penicillin. It is established that by the mid of 1950s, modern powerful plants were launched in Bulgaria, Romania and Czechoslovakia by the forces of Soviet engineers . Their construction was carried out on preferential terms for countries-customers. The mutually beneficial cooperation in sphere of production of antibiotics carried out and with other countries of this region. It is demonstrated that the USSR, performing task of enormous humanitarian significance in conditions of the Cold War, simultaneously implemented another goal - formation of loyalty of population of these countries and organization of coalition of friendly states on its Western borders.

When Bullets and Ballots Collide: How the Dissolution of the Anti-Islamic State Coalition Stalled Iraq’s Transition to Peacetime

ABSTRACT Iraq’s 2017 victory over the Islamic State (IS) ushered in a period of political gridlock and electoral violence. Rather than demilitarising to compete in elections, pro-government militias retained their weapons while simultaneously providing public goods and services. Iraq’s experience presents a challenge to existing theories of civil war transitions, which suggest that wartime coalitions either fragment or demilitarise as peacetime approaches. Iraq’s stalled transition presents a third possible outcome—a stalled transition—which emerges from constraints confronting pro-government coalitions. Iraq’s ecosystem of ‘militia-party hybrids’ resembles Lebanon, Libya, Syria, and Yemen, where armed groups enter peacetime politics without fully demilitarising.

Lessons Learned From the COVID-19 Pandemic in the United States by Domestic Violence Coalition Leaders.

This U.S. study explores lessons learned about domestic violence service delivery during the COVID-19 pandemic identified by state, territory, and tribal coalition leadership to advance preparedness and guide structural improvements for future disasters. Semi-structured interviews with 25 Coalition leaders identified public health control measures and victim-centered strategies used to mitigate the pandemic's impacts on services and advocacy. Three main themes emerged: workforce innovations, system empowerment, and the simultaneous pandemic of racial injustice. The COVID-19 pandemic inspired Coalitions to respond creatively and highlighted resources needed to support survivors and the domestic violence (DV) workforce going forward, including reassessing the current state of the DV movement.

Reforming the United Nations Security Council: cross-country analysis of a G-4 potential permanent membership

The paper uses methods of historical and comparative analysis and studies the functioning of United Nations Security Council (UNSC) since its establishment. It finds out, that the debate on the institutional performance is characterized by a consensus, i.e. the lack of reforms has led to the lack of its effectiveness. Nowadays, such a finding is even more evident, the aggressive war that one of the permanent members, Russia started against Ukraine, added new arguments of the same logic. The paper draws on secondary data to explore the weaknesses of the UNSC with a particular emphasis on the negative impact of the veto right. It highlights the limits of the UNSC and the attempts of state coalitions to overcome them. It elaborates on criteria for legitimate right to accede to UNSC permanent membership and justifies the relevance of four of them on the grounds of their current appropriateness. Further on, the paper introduces outcomes of a cross-country analysis of a G-4 (Germany, Japan, Brazil and India), the most influential state coalition for UNSC reform. The results of the comparison illustrate legitimate potential of states to become permanent members of the UNSC. The discussion includes policy recommendations for UNSC reforms: adopting criteria for legitimacy of permanent UNSC membership; change in the structure of the permanent UNSC membership; abolition of the veto right and introducing the method of qualified majority voting.

Impacts of the COVID-19 Response on the Domestic Violence Workforce.

Many frontline and essential workers faced increased levels of stress, anxiety, depression, and even suicide ideation during the pandemic response. These and other factors led to burnout, shifts into non-patient or client-facing roles, or leaving an occupation altogether. Domestic violence advocates experienced increases in many types of stressors as they continued to provide essential services to victims and survivors during the pandemic. However, in most cases they did so without protections offered to essential workers, like priority access to personal protective equipment (PPE) or vaccines. Executive directors of U.S. State and Territorial Domestic Violence Coalitions were identified using the National Network to End Domestic Violence website and contacted via email to schedule key informant interviews. Interviews were conducted, recorded, and transcribed using Zoom. Themes were identified using both inductive and deductive coding. Twenty-five of 56 (45%) coalition executive directors completed an interview. Three main themes related to workforce were identified, including an accelerated rate of job turnover among both leadership and staff; a lack of essential worker status for domestic violence advocates; and unsustainable levels of stress, fear, and exhaustion. While familiar challenges drove these outcomes for this predominantly female, low-wage workforce, such as a lack of access to childcare, other factors, including the lack of access to PPE, training, and hazard pay for those working in person, highlighted inequities facing the domestic violence workforce. The factors identified as impacting the domestic violence workforce-turnover, low status, and high levels of stress, fear, and exhaustion-made the already challenging provision of advocacy and services more difficult. Domestic violence advocates are essential first responders and must be supported in ways that increase the resilience of empowerment-based services for victims and survivors.

Characterizing the impacts of public health control measures on domestic violence services: qualitative interviews with domestic violence coalition leaders

BackgroundPrior to the availability of pharmaceutical control measures, non-pharmaceutical control measures, including travel restrictions, physical distancing, isolation and quarantine, closure of schools and workplaces, and the use of personal protective equipment were the only tools available to public health authorities to control the spread of COVID-19. The implementation of these non-pharmaceutical control measures had unintended impacts on the ability of state and territorial domestic violence coalitions to provide services to victims.MethodsA semi-structured interview guide to assess how the COVID-19 pandemic impacted service provision and advocacy generally, and how COVID-19 control measures specifically, created barriers to services and advocacy, was developed, pilot tested, and revised based on feedback. Interviews with state and territorial domestic violence coalition executive directors were conducted between November 2021 and March 2022. Transcripts were inductively and deductively coded using both hand-coding and qualitative software.ResultsForty-five percent (25 of 56) of state and territorial domestic violence coalition executive directors representing all 8 National Network to End Domestic Violence (NNEDV) regions were interviewed. Five themes related to the use of non-pharmaceutical pandemic control measures with impacts on the provision of services and advocacy were identified.ConclusionsThe use of non-pharmaceutical control measures early in the COVID-19 pandemic had negative impacts on the health and safety of some vulnerable groups, including domestic violence victims. Organizations that provide services and advocacy to victims faced many unique challenges in carrying out their missions while adhering to required public health control measures. Policy and preparedness plan changes are needed to prevent unintended consequences of control measure implementation among vulnerable groups as well as to identify lessons learned that should be applied in future disasters and emergencies.

The Politics of the European Minimum Wage: Overcoming Ideological, Territorial and Institutional Conflicts in the EU Multi‐level Arena

AbstractUntil recently, the idea of a European minimum wage (EMW) policy had never taken concrete shape, due to the heterogeneity of national wage‐setting and collective bargaining institutions, uncertain EU competence on the matter, and widespread scepticism amongst political actors. In 2022, however, the EU adopted a directive on adequate minimum wages. How did this make it to the EU agenda, despite the many political, territorial and institutional tensions? What coalitions supported and opposed it? Based on a reconstruction of the policy process substantiated by an analysis of news media data and 14 interviews, this article investigates the multi‐level politics of the EMW. It shows that, despite enduring ‘euro‐social scepticism’ in northern Europe, the emergence of pro‐minimum wage coalitions in key member states and the increase of party‐competition dynamics at the EU level were crucial in overcoming the lines of conflict that had long hindered EU initiatives on minimum wage co‐ordination.

ASIAN NEUTRALISM AND THE RUSSIA-UKRAINE WAR: HOW TO CHANGE THE BALANCE IN UKRAINE’S FAVOR

The author analyses the evolution of the modern concept of neutralism in international law, as historically practiced by the countries of the Asian region starting from the middle of the 20th century. The Asian region is viewed as the birthplace of foreign policy ideas about neutrality and non-alignment. The bloc confrontation during the Cold War functioned both the source of and the environment for the formation and consolidation of neutrality and non-alignment. These concepts are associated with Jawaharlal Nehru, the first prime minister of independent India, who proposed the “geopolitical code” of India, which has its roots in the ancient traditions of the Indo-Buddhist civilization. This notion greatly outlived its creator; however, as after his death, the locus of further promoting neutralism shifted to the countries of Southeast Asia. The main ideological core of the consolidation of this subregion was the idea of ​​Asian neutralism and anti-communism. At the same time, neutralism was channeled against active military and political interference in the affairs of the subregion by external states, primarily the USA, the USSR, and China, as well as attempts by them to involve the SEA countries in their conflicts. Evolving from the key concept of the bloc confrontation of the Cold War to neutrality as an important factor in the confrontation between the USA and the PRC in the East Asian region after the end of the Cold War, on today's stage neutralism manifests itself as an important factor in the military confrontation of Ukraine against the Russian aggressor, and in a more global context, the confrontation between global liberal democracy and authoritarianism or totalitarianism.
 The political positions of traditionally neutral (in the sense of the mentioned evolving concept) Asian countries, as well as those that openly declare and consistently maintain a neutral status regarding the Russian-Ukrainian war, are analyzed in detail. A conclusion is made regarding the possibilities of changing the balance of power and “pulling” certain neutral countries to the side of the pro-Ukrainian coalition of states.

The geopolitics of human suffering: a comparative study of media coverage of the conflicts in Yemen and Ukraine

A Saudi-led coalition of states initiated an on-going-armed conflict in Yemen on 26 March 2015. Meanwhile, Russia invaded Ukraine on 24 February 2022. Though no two armed conflicts are exactly alike, there is reason to compare US media coverage of the two because: (1) civilians have been victims of both conflicts; (2) both conflicts have undermined food security; (3) the US has provided military support to a party to each of the conflicts; and (4) the conflict in Yemen is in the Global South whereas the conflict in Ukraine is in the Global North. This article comparatively analyses US media coverage of the conflicts in Yemen and Ukraine, via New York Times headlines, by documenting the number of stories and their placement; assessing the types of media frames used; reviewing headlines for attribution of responsibility; and conducting a content analysis to identify the descriptive and normative terminology used. We find extensive biases in coverage and framing, rooted in peripheralism, culturalism and differential geopolitical US positioning. This results in reduced coverage of the war in Yemen, shielded in neutral language and lacking responsibility attribution—serving to devalue the suffering of victims and condemning the crisis to be functionally forgotten.

Policymaking in the EU under crisis conditions: Covid and refugee crises compared

We study how crises situations shape the political decision-making structure of the EU and the responses adopted by European policy makers by comparing EU decision-making in the first wave of the COVID-19 crisis (March 2020-July 2020) and in the refugee crisis (2015 to 2019), based on a new data-set on policymaking. Similarities between the two crises include: comparable polarization and conflict intensity, executive dominance, a greater role of EU institutions in policy domains where the EU has higher competence, more conflict and greater resistance by coalitions of member states in domains where it has lower competence, and minority coalitions of critical member states have been crucial for possible solutions in both crises. The key difference between the two crises lies in the fact that, in the refugee crisis, the opposing coalition was able to prevent any kind of reform, while in the first wave of the Covid crisis, the opposition was more amenable to a joint solution in the crucial fiscal policy domain, where the conflict became most intense. We suggest that this key difference is ultimately rooted in the character of the original problem pressure and the different distribution of spatial incidence in the two crises.

A New Era: Power in Partnership Peacekeeping

AbstractUN blue helmets increasingly deploy in partnership with regional organizations and coalitions of states. While this development is hailed as a way out of geopolitical fragmentation and capacity overstretch, little is known about the effectiveness of these peacekeeping partnerships. We argue that UN and non-UN operations exercise different forms of power, which reinforce each other to reduce battle violence in active wars. If non-UN military operations actively engage in combat, the UN can focus on what it does best—employing its broad toolbox to coerce, induce, and persuade. Our quantitative analysis of the interaction between UN and non-UN peacekeeping supports these expectations: partnership peacekeeping works. With a non-UN partner, UN troops can reduce battlefield violence more effectively, that is, with fewer blue helmets. Importantly, non-UN missions need UN operations to successfully curb violence. The UN’s multidimensional engagement offsets the potential negative effects of an all-too militarized approach to violence reduction. Regional and coalition peacekeeping can only support the UN, not replace it.

Emerging State Practice on Maritime Limits: A Grotian Moment Unveiling a Hidden Truth?

Abstract The legal order of the oceans has seen rapid developments and paradigm shifts. At least one of them has been described as a textbook example of a Grotian Moment: the emergence of the customary international law on the continental shelf, stemming from increased demand for oil and gas, coupled with technological advances and the Truman Proclamation of 1945. Now, eighty years later, the law of the sea is again faced with fundamental changes as the basis for maritime limits is eroded by sea level rise. State practice, going back at least a century, has demonstrated that maritime limits normally fluctuate with physical changes to the coast. This understanding has not caused significant changes to the extent or location of maritime entitlements in a historical context. However, sea level rise stands to have catastrophic impacts as the submergence of individual coastal features can cause the loss of maritime areas spanning hundreds of thousands of square kilometres. This realisation has ignited a movement to change the law on maritime limits. Around 2010, the first States began to declare that their maritime limits would be stable, notwithstanding subsequent sea level rise. Several States and a coalition of States have since made similar declarations and the study of the ila Committee on International Law and Sea Level Rise indicates that the practice is in a phase of crystallisation. That suggests that new customary international law may be developing and the events leading to these developments might justify the use of the term Grotian Moment, leading to accelerated formation of customary international law or revised interpretation of the current law. The traditional requirements of State practice and opinio juris are not satisfied at present. However, the impacts of sea level rise on maritime limits may represent a moment of discovery that unveils a hidden truth about the law, overriding the traditional interpretation that renders maritime limits ambulatory.

Political economy of development in the Arab republics: The state and socio-economic coalitions

ABSTRACT The question of socio-economic underdevelopment in the Arab region has been a perennial theme in development studies. While some scholars highlight the long durée effect of the Ottoman institutional legacy, others place the blame on the legacy of exploitation and expropriation of the colonial practices in the region. The article reaches beyond the two accounts (albeit departing from the colonial economic basis) and brings out the agency of the post-colonial elites who altered the socio-economic foundation of the political class and transformed processes of capital accumulation and labour commodification. I argue that the processes of state-building accompanied by social engineering measures represented a ‘critical juncture’ that impinged on state autonomy and its bureaucratic capacity and left an indelible imprint on development strategies. The article unpacks three mechanisms that proved consequential for economic policy outcomes: (1) the degree of elite autonomy to formulate policies, (2) the power of social classes to contest economic policies, and (3) the capacity of state bureaucracy to implement policies and allocate resources. A critical political economy perspective, that reaches beyond the reification of the state and examines the interaction between ‘elite deals’ and ‘social bargains’, offers a nuanced account for varied development records across the region.

In the Name of Transparency: Organizing European pharmaceutical markets through struggles over transparency devices

The controversies surrounding the heavily redacted contracts between the European Commission and Covid-19 vaccine producers have highlighted ‘transparency’ as a hotly debated concept in the pharmaceutical market. We combine research on transparency with literature on the organization of markets to investigate how such struggles over competing visions of transparency end up shaping markets and their politics. Focusing on the case of the European pharmaceutical market, we demonstrate how market transparency was implemented through devices that enacted specific visions of transparency and produced distinct market organizations over time: transparency for states (until about 1990), transparency for corporations (ca. 1990 to 2010) and transparency for state coalitions (since 2010). We discuss how the specific instrumentations and materializations of such visions of transparency play a crucial role in market politics. This debate also highlights why engaging in controversies over transparency has become increasingly important for those contesting the market status quo – in pharmaceutical markets and beyond.

Europeanisation and Its Impact on Candidate Countries for EU Membership: A View from Ukraine

Background: The nature of the European Union (EU) as a global actor has long been the subject of diverse academic debates. Proponents of an understanding of the EU as a normative force believe that its greatest transformative power lies not in coercion but in a policy of enlargement that allows the EU to stimulate reforms in the candidate countries of the Central and Eastern European region, despite the crisis of enlargement. The aim of the article is to study the impact of the Europeanisation process on the legal systems of member states and candidate countries, in particular Ukraine, as well as the formulation of proposals for national institutions regarding the perception of the ‘Europeanisation’ impact of EU law on the legal system of Ukraine. Methods: The methodological basis of the work is interdisciplinary and comprehensive approaches. The interdisciplinary approach is based on the application of theoretical developments in jurisprudence, philosophy, political science, and the theory of international relations, which make it possible to study the process of Europeanisation in relation to member states and candidate countries as fully and comprehensively as possible. The comprehensive approach is aimed at identifying the multifaceted and multifactorial ontological determinants of the Europeanisation process of legal systems. These approaches determined the choice of appropriate general theoretical and special scientific methods: hermeneutic, dialectical, analysis, synthesis, etc. Results and Conclusions: As a result of the study of the political will, capacity, and legitimacy of the EU to defend the values proclaimed in the founding treaties, in cases of violations of the regulations of the EU law by the member states, the authors come to the conclusion that the EU may face negative consequences due to the display of democratic reformist coalitions in individual member states (Poland and Hungary ), as well as due to favouring (authoritarian) stability over uncertain (democratic) change. Concession to candidate countries for EU accession in terms of the fulfilment of the Copenhagen criteria in exchange for satisfying the interests of leading member states may undermine the credibility of the project of building a European identity based on the common values of the EU, as well as the loss of the reputation of the normative power of the European Union. Accelerating the process of Ukraine’s accession to the EU, which is connected with Ukraine’s acquisition of the status of a candidate for accession to the EU, requires the Europeanisation of the domestic legal culture as a prerequisite for the modernisation of all other elements of the legal system. This, in turn, implies the completion of the process of de-Russification of legal science and education, the development and approval of the Legal Education Development Program, and the modernisation of legal terminology.