the latter type of factionalism may have engendered the splitting off of dissident groups and the founding of new communities, today conflict is either resolved or tolerated, and the integrated village persists. In this paper we describe a schism in Santa Clara Pueblo which began in 1894 and finally ended in 1935 with the adoption of an elective form of gov? ernment under the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934. The general nature of Pueblo factionalism is also discussed, and an attempt is made to explain the persistence of these villages despite internal conflict and external pres? sures. Santa Clara Pueblo is one of six Tewa-speaking communities in the Tewa basin between Sante Fe and Taos in northern New Mexico. The other five villages are San Juan, San Ildefonso, Nambe, Pojoaque, and Tesuque. An? other Tewa pueblo, Hano, is located in Arizona among the Hopi Pueblos. Although Hano speaks a language intelligible to the Tewa of the New Mex? ico pueblos, their culture is sufficiently different to consider them culturally distinct from the New Mexico Tewa. Studies of the New Mexico Tewa (Harrington 1916; Parsons 1929; Whitman 1947) indicate that their cultures are fairly uniform. Frequent intermarriages, ceremonial co-operation, and constant social interaction among these peoples have undoubtedly been re? sponsible for their similarities. The population of Santa Clara Pueblo has increased rapidly since the nineteenth century. According to estimates in Hodge (1910: 325), it rose from 187 in 1889 to 325 in 1905. Parsons (1929: 9) reported a figure of 354 in 1926, a census showed 440 in 1934, and the present population is about 600. The essential characteristics of Tewa society and culture may be briefly summarized. Tewa kinship terms are descriptive and bilateral. The house? hold is partially extended to include relatives on either the mother's or the father's side. There is no evidence of a lineage principle in the organization of kinship terms, in the family structure, or in the behavior of its members. A 172