Spirit Of Democracy Research Articles

PENGATURAN HUKUM CALON LEGISLATIF MANTAN NARAPIDANA

Election or local election is a way of channeling the rights of every principle community, which means that the right to vote and vote is contained in his constitutional rights as citizens. In article 28 letter D of the Republic of Indonesia Republic of 1945 which reads that "every citizen has the right to have the same opportunity in government". The sound contained in the article contains the understanding that the State guarantees each of its citizens to obtain the rights to sit in government either as People's Representatives, regents, Mayors, Governors, or even become a President. The method used in this study is normative juridical legal research which uses a statutory approach. The issue raised by the author is How the Human Rights Perspective of Legislative Candidates in Organizing Elections and How Comparative Legal Arrangements for Former Legislative Candidates Examined From Law Number 7 of 2017 Concerning General Elections With Regulation of the Election Commission Number 20 of 2018 Regarding Nominating Members Regional Representative Council, Provincial Regional Representative Council, Regency / City Representative Council. In terms of the implementation of elections need to be held honestly, fairly and democratically based on the spirit of Democracy that has been carried out so far so as to create leaders and representatives of the people who side with their people. Speaking of Human Rights, everyone has the same rights before the State and applies to former corruption convicts who have or have the same political rights as other citizens guaranteed by the constitution.

ALTERNATIF BAGI PENGUATAN DEMOKRASI: PENGALAMAN MEKANISME ANGGARAN PARTISIPATIF (PARTICIPATORY BUDGETING) DI KOTA PORTO ALEGRE, BRAZIL

As a form of government in which the people who are sovereign and in power to determine their lives, democracy not only provides a breath of fresh openness and freedom but also promises a million hopes for a prosperous people's life. However, in line with the history of mankind, the government system that is predicted to be the best model of government from the worst, are also not free from problems, criticisms and crises that occur in it. The sovereignty of the people which has become the spirit of democracy has been eroded by the problem of the crisis of representation and direct involvement of the people in policy making. Democracy as a model of government reaps a crisis of public confidence which starts to regard this government system as an illusion of prosperity and justice. Interestingly, in the midst of the storm of problems that have plagued the democratic governance system in the present era, a breath of a new fresh air has emerged for the continuity of the sovereignty-based government system. In the city of Porto Alegre, Brazil, which is one of the main countries in the Latin American region, alternatives for strengthening participatory democracy have emerged through a model of governance based on Participatory Budgeting. "The implementation of this Participatory Budgeting has turned out to be able to restore the vital role of the people in policy making while at the same time improving the model of modern democratic governance which is increasingly hit by a crisis of trust and legitimacy from the people of today." Keywords: Democracy, crisis of representation, alternative democracy, participatory budgeting

South Korea's Democratic Decay

South Korea (hereafter Korea) is following global trends as it slides toward a depression Both the spirit of democracy and actual liberal-democratic standards are under attack The symptoms of democratic decline are increasingly hard to miss, and they are appearing in many corners of Korean society, the hallmarks of zero-sum politics in which opponents are demonized, democratic norms are eroded, and political life grows ever more polarized Unlike in countries where far-right elements play on populist sentiments, in Korea these aggressive and illiberal measures are the work of a leftist government Disturbingly, the key figures in Korea's democratic backsliding are former prodemocracy activists who have now risen to become a new power elite

The Radical Islamic Movement in Indonesia: Roots and Factors

Radicalism has become one of the recent world problems faced by many countries, including Indonesia. The radical movement in this country is growing rapidly, especially after the reformation era. The spirit of democracy has provided opportunities for radical Islamic groups to express their beliefs openly and use religious symbols in their religious and social movements. This article aims to analyze the historical roots of radicalism in Indonesia and the factors that influence it. This article uses descriptive qualitative methods. The results of the study indicate that the radical movement in Indonesia can be traced from the tendency of groups trying to realize the Islamic State system (the khilafah) in Indonesia. This tendency can be found in several radical groups such as Darul Islam (DI/TII), Jama'ah Islamiyah, Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), Laskar Jihad, Laskar Jundullah, Laskar Fisabilillah, Islamic Defender Fronts (FPI), and Preparatory Committee for the Application of Islamic Sharia (KPPSI). The study concludes that radicalism in Indonesia is the response of Muslims to the social, economic, and political conditions of Muslims in Indonesia.

Using Intelligent Clustering to Implement Geometric Computation for Electoral Districting

Traditional electoral districting is mostly carried out by artificial division. It is not only time-consuming and labor-intensive, but it is also difficult to maintain the principles of fairness and consistency. Due to specific political interests, objectivity is usually distorted and controversial in a proxy-election. In order to reflect the spirit of democracy, this study uses computing technologies to automatically divide the constituency and use the concepts of “intelligent clustering” and “extreme arrangement” to conquer many shortcomings of traditional artificial division. In addition, various informational technologies are integrated to obtain the most feasible solutions within the maximum capabilities of the computing system, yet without sacrificing the global representation of the solutions. We take Changhua County, Taiwan as an example of complete electoral districting, and find better results relative to the official version, which obtained a smaller difference in the population of each constituency, more complete and symmetrical constituencies, and fewer regional controversies. Our results demonstrate that multidimensional algorithms using a geographic information system could solve many problems of block districting to make decisions based on different needs.

KONSEP HANNAH ARENDT TENTANG POLITIK SEBAGAI PEMBICARAAN DAN KONTRIBUSINYA DALAM MENYIKAPI PLURALITAS PANDANGAN

<p><strong>Abstract:</strong> Differences in views in a plural community cannot be<br />avoided because each view or philosophy of life is formulated by<br />reasonable people. It is generally accepted that the plurality of<br />life views must be addressed in the spirit of democracy that relies<br />on the use of reason, where each person or group is given the<br />opportunity to convey their perspectives. But the fact shows that<br />the role of reason is getting weaker in deliberation, especially in<br />countries that implement a system of representative democracy.<br />Then, do we thus abandon democracy as an approach in addressing<br />differences of opinion? Using a qualitative approach, the author<br />argues that democracy remains the best choice in addressing<br />differences of views. However, based on Arendt’s concept of<br />politics as a speech, the ideal democratic approach should be<br />deliberative rather than liberal because deliberative democracy<br />aims to transform the perspective of each person or grouhlm.</p><p><br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> politics, pluralism, common sense, agonistic, liberal<br />democracy, deliberative democracy, political speech.</p>

Cultures of Victory and the Political Consequences of Foundational Legitimacy in Croatia and Kosovo.

What are the consequences of a culture of victory in countries undergoing new state formation and democratic transition? In this article, we examine ‘foundational legitimacy,’ or a hegemonic narrative about the way in which a new state was created, and the role particular groups played in its creation. We argue that the way in which victory is institutionalized can pose a grave threat to the democratic project. If reconciliation and democratization depend of integrating losers into the new order and recognizing plural narratives of state formation, then exclusivist narratives based on foundational legitimacy pose a direct challenge to both. We focus on two Yugoslav successor states, Kosovo and Croatia. For both cases, we trace how appeals to ‘foundational legitimacy’ by groups that claim a leading role in the struggle for independence fostered a politics of exclusion, which ran counter to both the spirit of democracy. In Croatia, foundational legitimacy was partly challenged after 2000 by reformist political forces, though more recently it has re-appeared in political life. In Kosovo, foundational legitimacy was never successfully challenged and continues to shape political dynamics to the present day.

Citizenship education for Lesotho’s context: Towards a stable democracy

This article represents a contextual analysis that seeks a lasting solution to Lesotho’s current democratic instability, which has typified its political landscape since independence. This article analyses the literature to argue that the optimised political and institutional reforms that have recently raised people’s hopes are not likely to bring about a lasting solution of democratic stability. They are likely to suffer the same fate as those that came before, which only managed to provide a temporary solution. This article contends that the sustainability of democracy in Lesotho can ideally be achieved through the cultivation of the ‘spirit of democracy’, which can be nurtured through citizenship education. The article concludes by exploring possibilities for the introduction of citizenship education in Lesotho.

TERPILIHNYA FIGUR MINORITAS DALAM MASYARAKAT MAJEMUK BELOTO KABUPATEN FLORES TIMUR: TINJAUAN PERSPEKTIF TEORI PENGARUH MINORITAS DAN TEORI KONTAK

Election of Beloto village head East Flores District 2015 is a paradox in modern-pragmatic political logic, where Solhan Masang, who was the personification of the Muslim minority group, was chosen as the head of Beloto village in the middle of the majority of Catholic communities. The Beloto community practices village head elections in accordance with the principles and spirit of democracy. The decision to choose Solhan Masang as the Village Head, the Beloto community does not take into account the brand of religion, ethnicity, group or group what the candidate is as a uniform political calculation with the majority of the people as long as the political drama of the election is presented. This reason is why this research needs to be conducted to explore this healthier political phenomenon more deeply in Beloto Village. There are two theories that I use in analyzing this phenomenon, namely, first, the theory of minority influence, this theory approach emphasizes 3 (three) components that minority figures must have, namely attitudes of consistency, confidence (self-confidence) and persuasive. Second, contact theory, this theory emphasizes more interaction between individuals and minority groups and the majority are bound by a condition that must be fulfilled

The dualistic nature of lobbying in modern democracies

The development of lobbying in the modern world is directly related to the dynamics of democratic regimes. The interaction between interest groups and the state is inherent in the nature of constitutional democracies. However, as shown in this article, lobbying in a democracy can be viewed from two opposite perspectives — as a continuation of the spirit of democracy and the development of a dialogue between the civil society and the state and as a deviation from the principles of representative democracy. The article analyzes the categories of public and private interests and it is shown that the interpretation of the role of interest groups and lobbying in a society depends on how we understand the interest and whom we consider as carriers of political interests. It is shown how in the XXth century a classical discussion was developing around the role of interest groups in politics and that this discussion has not lost its relevance today.

ІДЕОЛОЛОГІЧНІ ЗАСАДИ КИРИЛО-МЕФОДІЇВСЬКОГО БРАТСТВА

The article attempts to outline and analyze the ideological and ideological and political principles and principles of the Cyril and Methodius Society. The urgency of the article is that the Cyril-Methodius Brotherhood has formed a completely unique ideological principles that have become an important basis for the national liberation struggle of several generations of Ukrainians. The purpose of the article is to analyze the ideological foundations of the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood as one of the leading ideological and political organizations in Ukraine during the period of statelessness. The methodological basis of the article is general scientific and special disciplinary methods of scientific research. In particular, the methods of theoretical generalization, analogy and abstraction are used when considering the preconditions for the formation of the ideology of the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood; deduction and induction, analysis and synthesis – in the analysis of state-legal ideas of the Cyril-Methodius Brotherhood. Also, the method of historical comparatism contributes to the characterization of the political ideas of the Cyril and Methodius brotherhood. The results of the study are based on the conclusion that the Cyril-Methodist people sought to achieve national consensus on the basis of the development of education and science, to ensure high spirituality and put it all at the service of gaining statehood. The concept of the Slavic federation, M. Kostomarov, penetrated with the spirit of democracy, opened in Pan-Slavism the principle of humane international relations, without any signs of conquest or domination between the united Slavic republics. The activities of the Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood caused a significant resonance in the then Ukraine on both sides of the Russian-Austrian border. His political and legal ideology became a milestone in the formation of Ukrainian political thought, a kind of catalyst for processes that allowed the nation to emerge from the spiritual crisis associated with the collapse of the Hetmanate and marked a new stage in the struggle for an independent state-political existence.

ANALISIS TENTANG PARLIAMENTARY THRESHOLD DAN CALON PERSEORANGAN BERDASARKAN UNDANG-UNDANG NOMOR 10 TAHUN 2016 DALAM PERSPEKTIF DEMOKRASI DAN PRINSIP CHECK AND BALLANCES

The application of the parliamentary threshold in the conduct of the elections is still a problem for political parties. Determination of the limits of the requirements to be met by political parties to be able to register candidates as set forth in the provisions of article 40 paragraph (1) of Act No. 2016 10 years about the election of the Governor, Governor and Mayor, was by fulfilling the most gains of at least 20% of the total area of the House of representatives seats or 25% of the accumulated gains of legitimate votes in the general election of members of the House of representatives in the Regions concerned. In addition, the mechanism of elections nowadays also provides the opportunity for individual candidates to be able to advance in the implementation of the elections. This is a real form of the implementation of the people's democracy, due to the demands of the people to get the leaders of his country who have the attitude that aspirational, competent, legitimate and not just think of the interests of political parties. But in fact, the spirit of democracy through mechanisms of individual candidates much have obstacles, one of which is to embody the principle of checks and balances in the Organization of the functions of Government. Based on the above description, then the legal research is trying to give the explanation with regard to whether the reason that the application of parliamentary threshold in the law No. 10 The year 2016 could hinder the implementation of democracy and how are the dynamics of the working relationship between parliament and the prospective head of the area of an individual who is not capable of embodying the principle of checks and balances. This study derives the conclusion that implementation the parliamentary threshold in the conduct of the elections could hinder the implementation of democracy because it is contrary to the laws and regulations and may also harm the justice the coveted by society and are protected by the Constitution of 1945. With regard to the inability to realize the principle of checks and balances in the relationship between Government function of organizing local and regional head of individual candidates that caused a political attitude which parliament does not provide support politics to the head area of an individual.

Building a Modern Political Ecology and the Need to Demystify Political Meritocracy

Abstract To construct socialism with Chinese characteristics, advance socialist democracy, and establish a political ecology for socialism with Chinese characteristics, we should devote our efforts toward building a stronger political system and strengthening the rule of law and democracy. Important projects, such as the anti-corruption campaign, mass-line education, or team building for government officials should be guided by the spirit of democracy and the rule of law and proceed in an orderly and regulated manner. Still, voices in support of political meritocracy have become increasingly audible in Chinese political and academic circles, supporting a political phenomenon completely incompatible with the goal of building a socialist democracy. Meritocracy as a political system entails a high degree of uncertainty, unsustainability, and risk and is essentially just a modified version of the rule of man or, to put it differently, the rule of man “2.0.” Its fatal weakness is its inability to resolve two fundamental problems related to the legitimacy of political power: Where does power originate, and how can we control it? An important theoretical prerequisite for building a clean political ecology is thus to demystify meritocracy and dispel any popular myths surrounding it.

Inicijative lokalnog planiranja u kulturi u Srbiji za vreme tranzicije (2000-2018)

In Serbia, transition has implied a transformation of the entire social system in the spirit of democracy. On the road to developing democracy, strategic planning has been a key instrument of cultural policy. Although it used to be practiced in the self-management system, based on the method of cooperative planning, the start of transition introduced the concept of strategic planning as a complete novelty. This is why the implementation of long term planning can be observed as a new/old challenge on all levels of management. This paper deals with the implementation of strategic planning in Serbia on the local level, in the period 2000­2018. It gives a review of local strategic planning initiatives in culture and analyses their implementation on the local level. Since the start of transition, over ten years, we have had a Law on activities of public interest in the field of culture (1992) which was in conflict with the increase of autonomy of local self-governments and the processes of democratization and decentralization that started in Serbia after 2000. This incompatibility, as well as the lack of a national strategy for cultural development has also reflected on the absence of local strategical plans in the field of culture.

Resources for hope: Ideas for alternatives from heterodox higher education institutions

This report describes my field visits to Berea and Deep Springs Colleges in the U.S.A. and explores their forms of ownership/control, governance, financing and organisational structure. Berea and Deep Springs are small, liberal arts colleges, distinctive in American higher education, in which students actively participate in a spirit of democracy. This report highlights the relationship between these heterodox organisational forms and student outcomes. It examines the practical significance of these two colleges for education policy and how certain features could be resources for hope used in constructing heterodox higher education institutions in other parts of the world. This report complements that of Wright, Greenwood and Boden (2011) on Mondragón University – a cooperative in the Basque country of Spain – by adding to the body of knowledge on alternative models of higher education institutions.

A Democracy, If You Can Keep It

A Democracy, If You Can Keep It Danielle Allen (bio) The question of whether the United States counts as a democracy has become a theme that introduces partisan bickering. Although the United States is in common parlance now called a "democracy," some insist that the only proper label for its political form is that of "republic." Take as an example the education system of the state of Utah. The 1895 Utah constitution guarantees a free public education to all, and the state code (amended as of 2003) requires the state's public education system to "offer a world-class core curriculum that enables students to successfully compete in a global society, and to succeed as citizens of a constitutional republic."1 Utah's US Government and Citizenship Core, voted into effect in August 2010 by the Utah State Board of Education,2 establishes as the first objective of the first standard that students "investigate the ideas and events that significantly influenced the creation of the United States Constitution and the United States' form of government, a compound constitutional republic." The third standard sets the expectation that "students will understand the distribution of power among the national, state, and local governments in the United States federal system, or compound constitutional republic." And the sixth standard, which requires that students understand the links between the United States and international systems, tasks students with comparing "different political systems with that of the United States; e.g., dictatorship, democracy, theocracy, monarchy, totalitarianism."3 Students in Utah are bound to learn that the United States is not and was never intended to be a democracy. Will they have learned the right lesson? The question of whether the United States is best understood as a republic or a democracy is, in my view, a nonquestion. In fact, it can seem a real question only if the compromises that secured the early American [End Page 368] polity are obscured. In 1776, plenty of founders invoked the idea of democracy as the goal of their pursuit. Take Samuel Adams as an example, in this letter written to Benjamin Kent, dated July 27, 1776: New Govts are now erecting in the several American States under the Authority of the people. Monarchy seems to be generally exploded–and it is not a little surprising to me, that the Aristocratick Spirit which appeared to have taken deep Root in some of them, now gives place to that of Democracy. You justly observe that "the Soul or Spirit of Democracy is Virtue." No State can long preserve its liberty "where Virtue is not supremely honored." I flatter my self you are mistaken in thinking ours is so very deficient, and I do assure you, I find relief in supposing your Colouring is too high.4 During the heady days of the Revolution, both before and after the passage of the Declaration of Independence, political matters were debated not in terms of whether to pursue a democracy or a republic but with regard to the question of how "popular" new political institutions ought to be. The question, in other words, was the degree to which popular sovereignty, rather than an aristocratic principle, ought to be the basis for the newly forming polities. This was the controversy that John Adams worried would block reception of his April 1776 pamphlet Some Thoughts on Government. "In New England, the 'Thoughts on Government' will be disdained," Adams wrote on May 12, 1776, to James Warren, " because they are not popular enough. In the Southern Colonies, they will be despised and detested, because too popular."5 New England's politics were dominated by the structure of democratic town meetings; the Southern plantation economy tended toward more aristocratic political forms. The first period of founding saw extensive experimentation with the possible forms of political institutions. The Pennsylvania constitution chose a maximally popular structure, establishing a single unicameral legislature based in the franchise of all the freemen of the commonwealth. In other words, it eschewed a structure with an upper, "aristocratic" house to counterbalance a lower house. Thomas Paine was among the ardent supporters of this constitution. In contrast, the Articles of Confederation rested not on a principle of popular...

Impact of Social Media on Tribal

The media today has well and truly spread its wings. The use of social media has drawn significant role in recent years. An increasing number of practitioners have started using social media in their teaching. From being limited to the whims of a few individuals, it has come a long way to become a means of social participation. While the fourth estate has been in order for a long while, it seems to have realized its true potential and purpose in the new millennium only in the true spirit of democracy as envisaged by Abraham Lincoln's of being an institution ‘of the people, by the people and for the people’. This has been facilitated by the advent of the social media. Social media, with its immediate and amplified reach, has transformed the way people interact with each other. This is significant because information and social awareness have emerged as important factors of human empowerment. The focus of this paper is to delineate the relationship between social media and Tribal India.

NEGARA HUKUM DAN POLITIK HUKUM ISLAM DI INDONESIA: CATATAN KRITIS ATAS PEMIKIRAN NURCHOLISH MADJID

Many muslim scholars believed that the idea and model of legal state had exsited since the first hijriya Islamic century ago, when the prophet of Muhammad SAW declared Madina State, including with all instruments and its requirement of the state such as territory, constitution, society, and declaration. This view is also admitted by the Western Scholars who stated that the Prophet of Muhammad SAW had successfully implemented the bases of political authority and the model of the strongly modern state with the spirit of democracy in the past.

The protestant ethic and the spirit of democracy: what is the democratic effect of Calvinism?

Purpose– The paper considers whether and how Calvinism as a specific type of religion, ideology, and social system impacts political democracy in modern society. In contrast to the previous sociological and related literature assuming only a positive or negative linear effect, the paper proposes that Calvinism exerts mixed positive-negative and non-linear effects on democracy. The purpose of this paper is to aim at making a contribution to the sociological theory and research on Calvinism and democracy and modern society in general.Design/methodology/approach– A combination of comparative and historical sociological methodology.Findings– The main proposition and finding is that whether Calvinism is likely to have a positive or negative impact on democracy is the function of its specific position within social structure and its concrete phase of development. Thus, different positions of Calvinism in social structure are linked to its differential consequences in aggregate for democracy, and various stages of its development to time-variable non-linear effects in sequence.Originality/value– This is a relatively novel finding innovating and expanding on the literature's assumption that Calvinism has a structurally uniform, either positive or negative, and linear, time-constant effect on democracy.

BOOK/MEDIA REVIEWS

BAD TEACHER! How Blaming Distorts the Bigger Picture, by Kevin K. Kumashiro. New York: College Press, 2012, 104 pp., $14.93, paperback.Ours is certainly a bad time the public school system globally. Who are those culpable the abysmal failure of students in schools? It is the oft-repeated question in discussion circles. Wait a minute; the world is inundated with a concocted answer, that, Teachers are responsible students' failure in Is it the evil handiwork of the noisy, mainstream media that fails or proves unable to get to the bottom of the problems steering our public education sector on the face? Or, can it be the refusal, to put it mildly, of various public officers and other elected officials to see the root cause and genesis of the crises affecting schools in our countries (Edet, 2013, p. 10). Does it help to put the blame squarely on the doorsteps of public teachers, at least not even exempting those who, the society has proven and tested, and are sincerely battling to salvage the perceived situation?Years ago when I was teaching, before opting out of this terrible teachers rarely had a unified voice to push forward their agendas no matter how plausible, fear they might be held by those who see them in contempt. (Ironically the general public also was part and parcel of the hands which pointed blame on teachers, and make no mistake; it is still a part in the blame game today!) Most of teachers hardly regard the profession as a because of the treatment meted out to them. When students do not perform well in schools it is the teachers who are hammered, for failing to teach very well. Yet when it is a time to reform education (or instance, bring in new textbooks or a teacher guide, and so forth, use in schools) hardly do you see teachers consulted ahead by those who claim to speak on behalf of public schools. Surely the blame game affecting the public school sector and its performance varies; it depends on the country in focus. But generally what Kevin K. Kumashiro's thought-provoking book, BAD TEACHER! How Blaming Distorts the Bigger Picture seeks to provide readers with is a rare glimpse into the contemporary predicament of public education in America. By extension these same findings can apply to many countries; including ironically the democratic countries the world so cherished in the dawn of this century which is acclaimed to be the Age of Science and Technology.In any determined, meaningful society students no doubt are the leaders of tomorrow and the school system is the catalyst or back with which they ride on to become leaders. The teachers' good reward is to see students passing tests which are being offered to them. But schooling has been narrowly defined to the axis of competition and nothing more. Kumashiro opens up with a fact that politicians and pundits today seem to be unable to talk about educational reform in terms other than competitions among and between students even though no society wants any of them to lose (P-3).This is the crux of the matter. What really is happening? Society tends to manipulate the rules and hence the reasons why the question of, 'who made the rules?' is not directed at the appropriate place. Many things are shrouded in our societies with secrecy including public policies that ought to be plain in the spirit of democracy but others are taking advantage. No one seems to care, what truly is occurring as 'consciousness' is shaped toward predesigned interest, remotely of a certain section of the society in which we live. This is precisely what is happening today with public education, according to Kumashiro. Calls are being made to reform public education along the line of 'higher test scores' which nowadays is the only alternative learning yardstick. The argument has been carried further as the author asserts as those who merit incentives in schools should be the teacher who 'raise their students' scores' and all the bad ones should be 'fired. …