The Radical Islamic Movement in Indonesia: Roots and Factors

The purpose of this research is to present a historical review and critique of the actions of radicalism on the basis of fundamentalism in Indonesia. This research is motivated by the development of discourse related to fundamentalism and radicalism which is often identified to Islam group with negative connotation in Indonesia. The methodology used in this research is a qualitative descriptive approach with a historical-critical study method. Data were collected through literature studies and related literature of several Islamic organizations consisting of; Darul Islam Or Islamic State of Indonesia (NII); Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI); Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI); and the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI). The results show that fundamentalism and radicalism is a verbic word whose roots are not contained in the language of Muslims in various Arabic speaking countries. Fundamentalism by term is the assertion of certain religious activists who define religion absolutely and literally. Fundamentalism as a reaction to modernism emerged in the nineteenth century. At that time, modernism appeared very fiery in the United States. In the era of the 1990s, there was a change of format and fundamental strategy in radical Islamic movement in Indonesia. If in previous years this movement runs latently and always confronted by the State so as to generate political fear for Muslims then in the era of the 1990s radical Islamic movement appears openly, as seen in the movement Laskar Jihad, Jamaah Islamiah Ahlussunnah wal Jamaah, Ikhwanul Muslimin, Mujahidin Jamaah, Nurul Fikr, Islamic Defenders Front and Hizb ut-Tahrir Based on the results of research, author concluded that Fundamentalism and radicalism is not a term derived from Islam but the term of Christianity which is today used for Islam. Both fundamentalism and radicalism potentially exist to any group, whether religious, social, or political. It occurs in any religion. Fundamentalism can be a virtue if it is not performed by the action of radicalism. Therefore, the solution to the value of tolerance in fundamentalism is a deep understanding of belief or religion.

This study aims to analyze the various attitudes and movements executed by the Islamic Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam/FPI), a religious organization in Indonesia. Based on the conclusions of several scholars, FPI is categorized as one of the radical mass organizations that emerged after the reformation. This research uses a qualitative approach. Data collection was conducted by interviewing key figures of the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI)., web information searching, literature review on FPI’s attitudes and movements. The analysis used was thematic analysis, involving steps such as familiarizing with the data, initial coding, reviewing and refining the themes, and writing the report. This study concludes that FPI uses double standards in carrying out its movements. In various forums, they claim to be loyal to Pancasila and the Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), but the vision and mission do not mention the word Pancasila, instead it mentions the word Khilafah. FPI’s double standards, as well as the practical preaching performed, have made FPI a radical mass organization that has the highest support in Indonesia. FPI also plays a role in the contemporary Islamism movement, such as the widespread application of the Shari’ah Regional Regulation, as well as the politicization of religion in the 2017 Jakarta Pilkada and the 2019 Presidential Election. Double standards, preaching practices, as well as the politicization of religion have brought Indonesia to an era which the author calls a new era of radical Islamic movement in Indonesia. This era has the potential to spread religious radicalism in Indonesia in a smoother manner, which could be more dangerous compared to more overt actions, such as the open attempts to establish a caliphate.

The absence of standardization of radicalism makes people misunderstand or mistaken and often accuses others of it. This study aims to find out the meaning of radicalism so that people no longer hesitate or wrong in justifying who is radical and interpreting it. This research is a library research (library research) with a qualitative approach. Sources of data obtained in the form of journals, articles, books and relevant scientific work The results of this study explain that radicalism is the understanding or flow that requires social and political change by using violence as a stepping stone to justify their beliefs that are considered true. Forms of radicalism in Indonesia are the perpetrators of the Darul Islam (DI) movement, Hizb ut-Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), Jamaah Ansharut Daulah (JAD), and the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Visible characteristics or categories of radicalism are as follows: First, takfiri. Second, they want to establish an Islamic state within a country. Third, replace the ideology of a country which is the basis or direction. The anti-radicalism education is carried out by the family, community and education. So that the level of radicalism in Indonesia can decline even completely finished.

Since 2000 the world has witnessed the rise of Islamic radicalism in Southeast Asia. This paper would like to see Islamic radicalism as a social movement by focusing on the process of collective identity formation. The author argues that collective action is not a given reality but is the outcome of the construction and consolidation of internal identity. That is why without understanding the construction of internal coherence; it is difficult to understand the logic of actions undertaken by the activists. This paper draws analysis from five radical islam organizations: Forum Komunikasi Ahlus Sunnah wal Jamaah (FKASWJ) and its military wing Laskar Jihad (LJ), Front Pembela Islam (FPI), Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI), Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) and Jamaah Islamiyah (JI).

Introduction The 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States have focused unprecedented attention on militant Muslim groups across the world and prompted strategists and commentators alike to scour the globe for possible targets in the Bush Administration's war against terrorism. In the case of Indonesia, considerable coverage has been devoted to the militant conservative Muslim group, Laskar Jihad, and allegations of links between this organization and Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda network. Laskar Jihad is a Java-based paramilitary group which, since April 2000, has intervened on behalf of local Muslims in the vicious fighting between Christians and Muslims in Maluku, which is estimated to have claimed more than 9,000 lives. (1) Laskar Jihad leaders have repeatedly expressed their intent to eradicate Christians from Ambon island (Maluku's political and economic hub) and have used murder and terror in their efforts to achieve these ends. (2) In November 2001, the group carried out its oft-stated threat to enter a conflict between Christians and Muslim populations in the region of Poso, Sulawesi, provoking a rapid escalation in the level of violence. In an interview with the New York Times on 7 January 2002, U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defence, Paul Wolfowitz, drew attention to the dangers of ungoverned regions within certain countries which had become havens for terrorists. Wolfowitz chose to illustrate his point with reference to Maluku and central Sulawesi, two areas ravaged by communal violence where Muslims, not outside Indonesia, have come in and exacerbated that situation -- a clear reference to the armed interventions of Laskar Jihad. This article examines what can be ascertained about the political position of conservative Islam in Indonesia from the emergence and activities of the Laskar Jihad. As President George Bush and bin Laden, in different ways, project a polarizing vision of a world unequivocally divided into friendly and hostile forces, how should we view Indonesia? Do groups such as Laskar Jihad have the capacity to make a difference to whose side, or which list, or axis Indonesia finds itself on? Subsequent to a brief examination of the context in which Laskar Jihad emerged, the article focuses on the activities of the group in Maluku in eastern Indonesia since April 2000. Laskar Jihad's intervention in this region provided the justification for its creation, and has been its primary zone of operation. As such, it provides useful indicators as to the possible impact on central Sulawesi, and Indonesia as a whole, of the Laskar Jihad's recent intervention in Poso. It also offers substantial evidence for the central contention of this article: that what Laskar Jihad reveals about conservative Islam in Indonesia is the fundamental weaknesses in its political position and its lack of support among the largest Muslim population in the world. Laskar Jihad: The Context Laskar Jihad was established in the early months of 2000 at a time when political gains made by conservative modernist Muslim groups during the final years of Soeharto's New Order were in danger of being overturned. Conservative modernist organizations, such as DDII (Indonesian Council for Islamic Predication) and its offshoot KISDI (Indonesian Committee for Solidarity with the Islamic World), which spent the first two decades of the New Order set in lonely and dangerous opposition to the regime's pro-Western, secular outlook, had been co-opted by Soeharto as he sought to establish new sources of support outside the senior ranks of the armed forces from the late 1980s onwards. (3) This co-optation saw the Muslim hardliners attacking Soeharto's opponents in return for state patronage and new freedom to carry out their activities, which included undermining more moderate Muslim rivals. (4) It broadly coincided with Soeharto's elevation of a socalled Green (the colour symbolizing Islam) tendency within the TNI (the Indonesian armed forces) -- officers distinguished less by personal piety than by willingness to use Islam as a political tool. …

Objectives: This study aims to examine how Islamic ecotheology is constructed within political Islamic movements in Indonesia, particularly focusing on the rise of green radicalism. It explores how Qur’anic ecological verses are politicized by radical groups to criticize democracy and promote the caliphate system. Theoretical framework: The study uses Althusser’s ideology theory and Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis to analyze how ecological narratives are politicized. It also introduces the Radical Ideological Ecotheological (EIR) Model, combining maqāṣid al-sharī‘ah and SDGs frameworks. Literature review: A systematic review of 42 articles highlights the politicization of Qur’anic ecological verses by political groups and the intersection of Islamic ecotheology with global sustainability discussions. Method: The study employs a systematic literature review (SLR) of 42 articles, using Althusser’s ideology theory and Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis to analyze how radical movements utilize ecological narratives. Result: Radical groups selectively use Qur’anic ecological verses to criticize democracy and advocate for a caliphate. The study introduces the Radical Ideological Ecotheological (EIR) Model, which integrates Islamic law objectives (maqāṣid al-sharī‘ah) with the SDGs framework. Implications: The study suggests practical ways to strengthen ecological literacy in Islamic education, promoting an understanding of Islamic teachings on ecology within the global sustainability discourse. Novelty: The introduction of the Radical Ideological Ecotheological (EIR) Model and the integration of Islamic ecotheology with the SDGs framework offer a new perspective on how radical movements politicize Islamic teachings on ecology.

This paper reviews Hizb ut-Tahrir in the landscape of Islamic da'wah and political movements in Indonesia. The discussion is divided into four sections: Hizbut Tahrir and the trans-national Islamic movements in Indonesia, Hizb ut-Tahrir as form of Islamic political consciousness, Hizb ut-Tahrir as a da'wah and political movement and its khilafah as challenge to Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia (NKRI-the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia) concept. As trans-national movement, Hizbut-Tahrir spread through three major aspects i.e. social movements, education and da'wah, as well as through publications and the internet. Hizbut Tahrir in Indonesia then becomes mass organization with its official name Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). HT is model of Islamic political awareness based on the blueprint of the past government model of khilafah ala minhajun nubuwwah. The awareness of political Islam is strongly based on response to the condition of Muslims and Islamic countries experiencing downturn and under the control of Western dominations and hegemonies after the colonialism era. Based on this, the presence of HTI in Indonesia cannot be separated from movements carrying the mission of siyasah (politic) to achieve the HTI’s goal of Khilafah Islamiyah . In order to realize the goal, the HT movements choose parliamentary paths through door to door dakwah in the form of halaqah . Khilafah and NKRI (Pancasila) are two diametrically different concepts. HTI Movements in Indonesia of course will receive resistance, even be considered as a latent danger that threaten the existence of NKRI and Pancasila. The idea of enforcing Khalifah Islamiyah as political struggle will certainly challenge the existence of NKRI and Pancasila as the ideology of the Republic of Indonesia. The concept of Khilafah Islamiyah is essentially 180 degrees different to the concept of NKRI and Pancasila.

Abstract: Since the Reformation Era, various Islamic organizations or groups have emerged in Indonesia with different ideologies and movement models, such as Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), the Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI), the Indonesian Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), and Jemaah Islamiyah. Most Indonesian Muslims do not warmly welcome their presence as the spirit of their struggle is not appropriate with the character and culture of the Indonesian people. They often use violence and even terror in struggling for Islam with the reason of amr ma’ruf nahi munkar (enjoining good and forbidding evil). So it is not surprising that the government recently dissolved the HTI and FPI. By using a qualitative approach, this study aims to uncover their ideology and movement model and the ideologies that influence them. From the data obtained from various related literature such as textbooks, journals, and the web, this study finds that these Islamic groups are ideologically influenced by trans-national Islamic groups with fundamentalism and even radicalism characters. They disagree with the Indonesian government system, which is considered secular and incompatible with Islamic values. They often use violence and terror to enforce Islamic shari'ah and even change the NKRI system with the system of Khilafat Islamiyah (Islamic caliphate).
 Keywords: Radicalist, fundamentalist, Islamic caliphate, shari'ah.
 Abstrak: Sejak Era Reformasi, berbagai ormas atau kelompok Islam bermunculan di Indonesia dengan ideologi dan model gerakan yang berbeda, seperti Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI), Ikhwanul Muslimin Indonesia, Front Pembela Islam (FPI), dan Jemaah Islamiyah. Sebagian besar umat Islam Indonesia tidak menyambut baik kehadiran mereka karena semangat perjuangan mereka tidak sesuai dengan karakter dan budaya masyarakat Indonesia. Mereka sering menggunakan kekerasan bahkan teror dalam memperjuangkan Islam dengan dalih amr ma'ruf nahi munkar. Maka tidak heran jika belakangan ini organisasi tersebut, khususnya HTI dan FPI, dibubarkan oleh pemerintah. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengungkap ideologi dan model gerakan mereka serta ideologi yang mempengaruhinya. Dari data yang diperoleh dari berbagai literatur terkait seperti buku teks, jurnal, dan web, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kelompok-kelompok Islam tersebut secara ideologis dipengaruhi oleh kelompok-kelompok Islam transnasional dengan karakter fundamentalisme bahkan radikalisme. Mereka tidak setuju dengan sistem pemerintahan Indonesia yang dianggap sekuler dan bertentangan dengan nilai-nilai Islam. Mereka kerap menggunakan kekerasan dan teror untuk menegakkan syari'at Islam bahkan mengubah bentuk NKRI (Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia) dengan sistem Khilafah Islamiyah.
 Kata kunci: Radikalisme, fundamentalisme, khilafah Islamiyah, syari'at Islam.

The author studies the current features and main characteristics of the development of radical politi-cal Islam in modern Indonesia in the first half of the 2020s. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the social and ideological history of modern Indonesian radical Islam in the first half of the 2020s. Methodologically, the article belongs to modern interdisciplinary historiography. It is as-sumed that the current history of modern radical Islam begins with the banning of the Islamic De-fenders Front. The ideology of modern Islamism is analysed through the prism of intellectual history and the history of ideas. The political programme of radical Islam is perceived as a set of ideological constructs and invented traditions. It is assumed that ideological contradictions and organisational difficulties in the development of Islamism in Indonesia have become significant factors that influ-ence the vectors and trajectories of the development of Islamism. The ideological features of the de-velopment of Indonesian radical political Islam are analysed. The author believes that the develop-ment of radical Islam is updating the collective demand of some segments of modern Indonesian society for political Islam as an alternative to secularism. The article shows that radical Islam in In-donesia is the only real alternative to the political and ideological programme proposed by the ruling secular political elites. The purpose of the article is to analyze the main vectors of transformation of political Islamism. The author’s objectives are 1) to analyze the organizational foundations of radical political Islam, 2) to clarify the ideological programmes and preferences that are put forward and de-veloped within the framework of radical Islamist discourse, 3) to study the prospects and possible trajectories and vectors of development of radical political Islam in modern Indonesia.

The issues of radical Islamic movements in Indonesia cannot be separated from that of the Islamic movements in the Middle East. Hassan Hanafi also did not escape the radar that he was one of the seeds of progressive revolutionary Islamic thinkers. Hassan Hanafi as one of the Ikhwanul Muslimin activists and identified as one of the actors of the rebellion of his time. Hassan Hanafi, through his revolutionary Islamic Left, is very fertile in the world of movement activists in Indonesia. This paper seeks to see and explain Hassan Hanafi from another perspective. In Hassan Hanafi's thought, there is a horizon that can be an offer in sowing peace in the middle of a revolutionary Islamic movement in Indonesia. The author sees that the proliferation of revolutionary Islamic movements that quote Hassan Hanafi's thoughts is due to the lack of comprehensiveness in reading this horizon. Keywords: Hassan Hanafi; Theoanthropocentis; and the Radical Islamic Movement.

The present study to analyze the social activities of the fundamentalist movements in contrast to those of the moderate Islamic movement in Indonesia. It focusses on two groups in Salatiga Central Java: the Hati Beriman Foundation and the Khadijah Volunteer representing the fundamentalist groups, which they call themselves as the Back-to-Islam movement, and the Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) representing the moderate groups. By observing the activities of those groups and interviewing their key activists, the study investigates their contstations and why the Back-to-Islam group has gained more popularity to te public rather than those of the moderate groups. The results show that that the emergence of Back-to-Islam movements marks a new contestation between Muslim fundamentalism and moderate Muslims in Indonesia. Previously, the contestation focused on debates around the meaning of Islamic texts or teachings, but now it moves forward to get more Muslim sympathy in general. Moreover, that transition arises because of the political defeat of Muslim fundamentalist groups in upholding Islamic law (sharia). Besides, the transition occurred because fundamentalist Muslim groups considered that Muslims in Indonesia were experiencing pressure through radical stigma and terrorism

This research analyses the contemporary narratives of leftist Islam movements being developed as a counter-narrative to dominant Islamic discourse in Indonesia and Turkey. These leftist Islam movements were introduced under different circumstances in the two countries. In Indonesia, leftist Islam was initially promoted by Islamic scholars who were interacting with Marxist references. This was shown in the cases of Haji Misbach, who was one of Indonesia’s – and the world’s – first leftist Muslim figures. In the case of Turkey, some leftist Islamic movements were inspired by the modern Turkish Marxist movement, which emerged in the middle of the twentieth century and was eventually combined with Islamic elements. This research argues that as both Indonesian and Turkish governments are consolidating their modes of authoritarian neoliberal governance, combined with increasing religiosity, the narratives of leftist Islam are re-emerging as a way to provide socio-political criticisms and to formulate alternative ideas on the role of Islam in improving the livelihood of Muslims in Indonesia and Turkey. This research engages with several cases of leftist Islamic movements in Indonesia and Turkey. In Indonesia, this research takes the examples of FNKSDA (Nahdliyyin Front for Natural Resource Sovereignty) and its media outlet Islam Bergerak (Islam on the Move) which have had an important role in organising leftist Islamic movement in Indonesia during the 2010s. In the case of Turkey, we examine the role of Antikapitalist Müslümanlar (Anti-Capitalist Muslims), also known as Kapitalizmle Mücadele Derneği (Association for Fight against Capitalism). This research identifies the socio-political origins, main ideas, goals, and strategies of the contemporary leftist Islam movements in Indonesia and Turkey.

Abstract
 This article explains how the transformation of the discourse of radicalism into extremist violence in media coverage. Radical movements tend to be interpreted as acts of violence. Not only that, the root of terrorism is caused by radicalism. But the discourse about radicalism continues to develop, the form of radical action or action is also the idea of ​​building an Islamic state. Therefore the state is important to deal with radical movements or radicalism understandings, especially through the media coverage. But in the media coverage, the state labeled Islamic groups as radical grups. The labeling is caused by the government not having an overall idea or concept towards acts of terrorism or radical movements. Proof of radicalism in Indonesia always moves between two pendulum. Action and regulation. When terror and violence occur, the government responds to these events by issuing a number of regulations and discourse several policies in the media. As a result, acts of terror tend to recur, and injustice and discrimination tend to be addressed to certain groups. Therefore, the transformation of radicalism into extremist violence as a response to the discourse on the handling of terrorism in Indonesia with overall concepts and ideas.
 Keyword: Radical Movement, Terrorism, media coverage, Extremist Violence

This article explores the relationship between Islam and culture in Indonesia, focusing on aspects of ritual and religious institutions. Indonesia itself has quite a bit of cultural diversity and religious traditions, so this journal aims to investigate various aspects of Islam in life in Indonesia and how this influences rituals and institutions in Indonesia. The first part discussed in this journal is tracing the development of Islam in Indonesia, how Islam is integrated with local culture, and how the Islamic movement in Indonesia influenced the formation of religious rituals and institutions. Then the journal will explore various types of Islamic religious rituals in Indonesia, as well as explore Islamic institutions in forming Islamic identity in Indonesia, as well as explore their relationship with local culture. By presenting an understanding of the relationship between Islam and culture in Indonesia, it is hoped that the journal can contribute to religious, social and cultural studies in Indonesia in the future. The research method used is a qualitative approach with a focus on literature analysis. The research will explore information from relevant journals, books and previous research to gain an in-depth understanding of the role of rituals and religious institutions in the lives of Indonesian society.

Indonesia. Islam, nationalism and democracy: A political biography of Mohammad Natsir By Audrey R. Kahin Singapore: NUS Press, 2012. Pp. 235. Maps, Plates, Notes, Bibliography, Index. - Volume 46 Issue 2