Spanish Loans Research Articles

The Perceptual Origin of Added Glottals in Spanish Loans in Modern Nahuan

The Perceptual Origin of Added Glottals in Spanish Loans in Modern Nahuan

Use of Aymara in the Chile, Peru, and Bolivia Frontiers: A Micro-Sociolinguistic Analysis

The Aymara language (AL) is one of the most important languages in the central Andean region. However, there are few studies on its use from a microsociolinguistic approach. This paper aims to analyze the use of the Aymara language in six commercial speech events in a tri-border context involving Aymara speakers from Chile, Peru, and Bolivia. The conversations that happened within these events were collected through audio recordings and written records in a qualitative ethnographic intervention in the so-called three-part fair or “Feria Tripartita” (FT), a commercial event that occurs weekly in the three-border area. The analysis is based on ethnography of communication, conversational analysis, and interactional sociolinguistics. Drawing on this analytical framework, the use of the AL that is manifested there shows code-switching with Spanish, both inter- and intra-orally, along with a series of interlinguistic phenomena, such as the presence of a series of Spanish lexical bases with Aymara suffixation, and the use of unnecessary Spanish loans. Thus the FT, in spite of being an Aymara space that conforms a bilingual speaking community, is a space of influence of the Castilian language, which structurally affects the use of the AL.

Sociolingüística: la lengua y sus hablantes. Casos de variación en náhuatl y cuicateco

In this article I study of linguistic phenomena that link internal (grammatical) with external factors (socio-cultural, geographic, etc.), and endeavor to account for such phenomena holistically. Specifically, I present two case studies, one regarding Spanish loans in Nahuatl and another on Cuicatec's phonetic variation where I apply this analytical model. Finally, I conclude that while there are linguistic phenomena that are independent of their socio-cultural context, there are many other phenomena, where it is necessary to explain the link through linguistic and non-linguistic factors that define and restrict them. Any linguistic research, regardless of the perspective from which it develops, must be anchored in the language. The dichotomy of language versus context is a false problem, the link between the two, from my perspective, is indivisible.

Las penurias de doña María: un análisis sociolingüístico de unrelato náhuatl moderno

The author offers a particularly interesting story reflecting a real happening in San Miguel Canoa, Puebla. The Nahuatl text, in which not only Spanish loans but whole sentences in that language are abundant, becomes here the subject of a penetrating sociolinguistic analysis.

PADRE NUESTRO, TICMOMACHILTIS. ANÁLISIS PRAGMÁTICO-DISCURSIVO DE UN EXPEDIENTE DE AMATITLAN, 1661

Presentamos un expediente elaborado en Amatitlan, pueblo del obispado de Guadalajara. Elexpediente está conformado por tres textos, uno en náhuatl, escrito por los cofrades y las autoridadesde Amatitlan, dos más en español, escritos por su vicario. Entre los tres textos se reconstruye el confl ictosurgido a raíz de que los cofrades, sin avisar al vicario, tomaron cuarenta pesos de la caja de la cofradía,y enviaron a un maestro de música a Michoacán a comprar un bajón y chirimías. Tal decisión irritaal vicario. Entonces escribe al obispo informándole de la insumisión ya usual de los cofrades, según sedesprende de su dicho. El análisis se centra en el texto en náhuatl, en la argumentación de los cofradessobre su decisión para gastar el dinero en los instrumentos. Se basa en el uso de deícticos, en los operadoreslógicos y en el tipo de préstamos del español presentes en el texto.

Development of a model of price competition in the Spanish loans market

PurposeThe main objective of this paper is to propose a model that allows the detection of the competitive pattern of the Spanish loans market between 1992 and 1996.Design/methodology/approachIn order to achieve this objective, the paper estimates, following the New Empirical Industrial Organization paradigm, a conjectural variation model for the strategic marketing dimension of price. The model proposed allows the measurement of strategic group‐level rivalry while simultaneously considering demand, costs, and profit specifications for each bank.FindingsThe findings evidence a high degree of competition between the firms within the same strategic group. Further, the demand for loans of a firm has a positive (negative) relationship with the rivals' price (own price), with the own branch network (rivals' branch network), and with the economic activity in the regions where firm operates.Research limitations/implicationsThe major limitation of this research could become from the necessity to operate with detailed information that the authors try to overcome using proxies of several non‐available variables.Originality/valueThe model proposed herein represents a contribution to previous works and also provides more information about banking competition in the sense that it estimates price competition between firms within three strategic groups.

A broad study of the strategic group – performance relation: the movement of Spanish savings and loans across strategic groups

Argues that researchers need to recognize the importance of the temporal factor in research on strategic groups, paying more attention to interdependencies between a firm’s strategy and its surrounding environment.

Modelling price competition across many markets (An application to the Spanish loans market)

The purpose of this work is the structural modelling of price competition in a product-differentiated industry in which many firms of varying size compete across many independent small markets, with the target of identifying price behaviour. We apply it to model competition among the more than 79 banks that were active in the Spanish loans market during the period 1983–1991, using micropanel data. A model in which national banks (as opposed to regional and local banks) fully internalize their cross-rate effects in pricing is selected as the model that best fits the data. Our framework allows us to estimate the dead-weight loss due to market power, and to decompose it assessing the part attributable to price coordination.

A Dictionary of the Maya Language As Spoken in Hocaba, Yucatan (review)

Reviewed by: A dictionary of the Maya language as spoken in Hocabá, Yucatán by Victoria Bricker, Eleuterio Po’ot Yah, and Ofelia Dzul de Po’ot Verena Haser A dictionary of the Maya language as spoken in Hocabá, Yucatán. By Victoria Bricker, Eleuterio Po’ot Yah, and Ofelia Dzul de Po’ot. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1998. Pp. 410. Yucatec Maya is spoken by some 750,000 people in Mexico and Belize. In contrast to many other indigenous languages of the Americas, it is fairly well documented, both in its earlier and more recent stages. The present volume thus enters a fiercely competitive field of similar projects. What are its principal advantages or disadvantages? Extant dictionaries of Yucatec, however meticulously compiled, suffer from a major shortcoming. Based on the work of colonial lexicographers who approached the language from the angle of Latin grammar, they invariably fail to do justice to its characteristic wealth of derivations. It is the main objective of the present volume to redress these deficiencies. Thus, the authors have taken pains to elicit all possible stems which can be traced to a given root. Identifying such derivations, in itself no minor feat, would be a well-nigh interminable task if it were to be accomplished for all varieties of Yucatec. Hence, the attempt to cover the full range of grammatical forms available in the language had the unfortunate, if inevitable, consequence that only a single dialect could be taken into account. For various reasons, the authors’ choice fell on the town of Hocabá. In many respects, present-day Yucatec is noticeably different from the language spoken in the 1970s or earlier: the past three decades have seen a major reshuffling of the lexicon in particular, with the number of Spanish loans steadily on the increase. Generally, such items have not been taken into account except for words which exhibit Yucatec root structure or form part of compounds combining words of Spanish and Yucatec origin. As a result, the number of foreign lexemes incorporated in the dictionary amounts to merely 156, 135 of which are Spanish. The central focus of the work, however, is on some 1940 Maya roots and their derivations. Numerous sample sentences are provided which illustrate how the respective words are used. The dictionary proper is complemented by a brief sketch of Maya grammar (focusing on morphology and inflections) as well as a botanical index and a bibliography. Quite apart from its usefulness for linguists and language learners, the book is to be recommended for the insights it offers into everyday life. The cultural domains covered include education, ritual, humor, medical prescriptions, and culinary practices, to mention just a few. Finally, surveying the rich stock of metaphorical and other types of nonliteral expressions makes for highly entertaining reading. Who, for example, would have guessed at the interconnection between brushing one’s teeth and consuming alcohol, as reflected in the euphemism ‘I am brushing my teeth a little’ (i.e. ‘I am drinking beer’)? In sum, the dictionary under review is an essential, indeed an indispensable, contribution to Amerindian linguistics which scores both for its wealth of cultural information and for opening up a new perspective on Mayan morphology. Verena Haser Freiburg University Copyright © 2001 Linguistic Society of America

Chamorro Historical Phonology

Chamorro Historical Phonology1 Robert Blust After a brief look at the synchronic phonology of this language of the Mariana Islands, the details of its development from Proto-Austronesian are set forth. Questions of subgrouping within Austronesian and the original settlement of these islands are also considered. 1. Background. Only two of the more than 450 Austronesian (AN) languages spoken in the Pacific region do not belong to the Oceanic subgroup. One of these is Palauan, the other Chamorro. The history of these languages differs markedly from that of other AN languages in Micronesia, and from one another. Each appears to have arisen through separate migrations out of insular Southeast Asia some 3,500-4,000 years ago. Although the historical phonology of Chamorro has been mentioned in passing by various writers (Conant 1908, 1910; Dempwolff 1920; Dyen 1962; Dahl 1976:46ff.; Reid, to appear) and was treated at some length by Costenoble (1940) on the basis of reconstructed forms as they were then formulated, no fully adequate account has yet appeared. In fact, some features of Chamorro historical phonology, such as glide addition and fortition, have been persistently misunderstood. No one has looked at the ordering of historical changes in Chamorro, or sorted out the substantial loan vocabulary. In short, a thorough treatment of the phonological history of this language is long overdue. In addition to shedding light on the nature of changes that produced some rather odd-looking results, a careful analysis of the historical phonology should have an important bearing on claims about the linguistic position of Chamorro. 2. Synchronic Phonology. The major published source of data on the phonology and lexicon of Chamorro is Topping (1973), and Topping, Ogo, and Dungca (1975). Before considering the historical phonology of Chamorro, it will be worthwhile to briefly examine some major features of the synchronic phonology. Topping (1973:27) lists 19 consonant phonemes for Chamorro: p, t, k, '; b, d, g; ch, y, f, s, h, m, n, ñ, ng, l, r, and w. To these we can add the labiovelar gw, which is treated as a sequence gu before a vowel, but which patterns like a single consonant.2 A single possible velarized labial appears in pwengi 'night', a word that appears to have been borrowed from an Oceanic source language. Most orthographic symbols have their expected phonetic values, the most notable exception being y, which represents [dz], the voiced counterpart of ch ([ts]). In addition, t and d are said to be typically alveolar, but are pronounced as postdental for some speakers. The phonemes b, d, k, and r have no known historical source, and are found only in known or presumed loanwords. The great majority of loanwords derive from Spanish, but a smaller number are from English or various central Philippine languages, although in some cases it is difficult to pinpoint a source. Examples of traceable loanwords include:3 b: babui 'pig' (probably Tagalog báboy), bahu 'bass voice' (Spanish bajo 'low'); d: dakdak 'knock, rap, strike with a quick, sharp blow' (Cebuano dakdak 'fall down with a bang', or a similar form in other Philippine languages), debet 'haggard, debilitated' (Spanish débil 'weak, feeble'); k: kabán 'burlap sack (100 pound)' (Tagalog kabán 'chest, trunk'), kanta 'sing' (Spanish cantar 'to sing'); r: arak 'distilled liquor made from fermented coconut sap' (Malay arak 'distilled alcoholic liquor' (ultimately from Arabic), rumót 'rumor' (Spanish rumor 'rumor, report'). Chamorro contains many loanwords of unknown provenance. Most of these probably derive from languages in the central Philippines, although some may originate from other parts of the Philippines, or Indonesia. Examples include bachet 'blind', besbes 'sizzle, as frying fat', dulok 'bore, stab, puncture, perforate', dumang 'tooth decay', kacha' 'husk a coconut; tool for husking', kilok 'revolve, roll in a circle, spin', birak 'ghost, demon, disembodied soul', chara 'type of plant that grows near the sea', sirek 'coitus, sexual intercourse'. Initial consonant clusters occur only in Spanish loans, but native words allow a variety of medial clusters, including geminate stops and nasals, as in pappa 'strip bark off a tree, skin an animal', or mommo' 'short-eared owl'. Topping (1973:36) states that voiced stops (b, d, g), affricates...

Mixtepec Zapotec Ethnobiological Classification: A Preliminary Sketch and Theoretical Commentary

Abstract: Despite 470 years of contact with Spanish-speaking colonial powers, members of the Zapotec-speaking community of San Juan Mixtepec in the Sierra de Miahuatlan, Oaxaca, Mexico, have conserved largely intact an extensive body of knowledge about their natural environment. We have recorded to date 868 named plant (of which 520 are generics) and 443 of animals (of which 256 are generics). Eighteen percent of generic plant name elements are Spanish loans, which compares favourably with other conservative systems of traditional biological knowledge in southern Mexico. Mixtepec Zapotec animal classification appears to be relatively less developed than the botanical. We describe the Mixtepec Zapotec classification of oaks (Quercus spp., Fagaceae) to illustrate how precise this classification may be. Mixtepec Zapotec botanical names are routinely prefixed to the names for the generic and specific they include.Resume: En depit de 470 annees de rapports avec les pouvoirs coloniaux hispanophones, les membres de la communaute zapotheque de San Juan Mixtepec dans la Sierra de Miahuatlan, Oaxaca, Mexique, ont reussi a conserver une grande somme de connaissances traditionnelles concernant l'environnement naturel. Nous avons consigne jusqu'a present 868 taxons de plantes nommes (dont 520 sont des taxons generiques) et 443 d'animaux (dont 256 sont des generiques). Dix-huit pourcent des elements constitutifs des noms generiques de plantes sont des emprunts a l'espagnol, une situation qui supporte avantageusement la comparaison avec celle d'autres systemes conservateurs de savoir biologique traditionnel dans le sud du Mexique. La classification mixtepeque zapotheque des animaux apparait relativement moins developpee que celle des vegetaux. Nous decrivons la classification mixtepeque zapotheque des chenes (Quercus spp., Fagacees) pour illustrer la precision du systeme vernaculaire. Les noms des formes du vivant darts le systeme botanique zapoteque mixtepeque sont communement prefixes aux noms des taxons generiques et specifiques qu'ils incluent.Dedicated to Donato Acuca Vazquez, 1969-98, promising Mexican ethnobiologist and esteemed colleague.IntroductionBerlin's bold statement of general principles of ethnobiological classification and nomenclature (Berlin, 1992) defines a baseline of information all systematic ethnobiological studies should establish. An adequate ethnobiological account should list all plant and/or animal categories that merit more than idiosyncratic recognition within the community studied. In most, but not all cases, categories so recognized will be consistently named. This initial step involves defining the referential meanings of all plant and/or animal names used in the community. A large majority of such names will label basic categories or generic taxa. A certain percentage of these basic categories will include consistently named subdivisions, or specific taxa. Finally, a few broadly inclusive life-form taxa may also be named. Thus, in addition to characterizing the referential meanings of all these names, the taxonomic rank (e.g., folk generic, folk specific or life-form) of each named category should be established as far as inherent ambiguities allow. The researcher may then (or more commonly in practice, simultaneously) elaborate for all folk biological data about the scientific referents of each, such as phenological and distributional data, and sociocultural data such as the pattern of distribution within the community of knowledge of plants and animals, their uses and their ecological interrelationships.We sketch here preliminary results of an ethnobiological study in San Juan Mixtepec, a Zapotec-speaking community in the district of Miahuatlan, state of Oaxaca, Mexico (Figure 1). Zapotecan is a language family which includes an indeterminate number of languages (estimates range from four to 54) spoken today by some 400 000 people in over 250 distinct communities, the vast majority in the state of Oaxaca (INEGI, 1995). …

On Spanish Loans in Western Mono

Previous articleNext article No AccessNotes and ReviewsOn Spanish Loans in Western MonoPaul V. Kroskrity and Gregory A. ReinhardtPaul V. Kroskrity Search for more articles by this author and Gregory A. Reinhardt Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by International Journal of American Linguistics Volume 51, Number 2Apr., 1985 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/465868 Views: 4Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1985 University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Christopher Loether Yokuts and Miwok loanwords in Western Mono, ().https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110811155.101

Quechua I: Phonemics

0. The Quechua language as spoken in Ecuador is represented by approximately a million speakers located for the most part in the Andean highlands between one-half degree north and four degrees south latitude. A comparatively small scattering inhabit the central Eastern jungle area north and south of the Napo river. While considerable dialectal variation has been recorded for Ecuadorean Quechua, a subject to be treated in a later paper, the entire area may be considered one of mutual intelligibility. The present analysis is based on the speech of three individuals from the Canton of Colta in the Andean Province of Chimborazo, which lies approximately at the mid point between the two latitudinal lines indicated above. Although some dialectal variations occur in this specific area these are for the most part lexical. Phonological variations consist of the varied distribution of certain consonant allophones. Vowel variation in Spanish loans throughout the entire Ecuadorean Quechua area is correlated with degree of bilingualism of Quechua speakers.