Spanish Language Edition Research Articles

HERNÁNDEZ, Mª Belén (UM): Traducciones y transplantes del libro CUORE, de Edmondo De Amicis

El presente artículo propone un repaso de las distintas traducciones y versiones del libro Cuore de Edmondo de Amicis en el ámbito hispánico, siguiendo las variantes cronológicas de las ediciones castellanas, desde aquellas autorizadas por el propio autor publicadas por Hermenegildo Giner de los Ríos, hasta otras más recientes de finales del siglo XX. El estudio crítico comparativo realizado revela las intenciones de cada traductor según la época, así como las transformaciones interpretativas de la obra en dependencia de las circunstancias culturales en Italia y España a lo largo del tiempo.

Review: The Cinema of Sara Gómez: Reframing Revolution, edited by Susan Lord and María Caridad Cumaná with Víctor Fowler Calzada

Book Review| December 01 2021 Review: The Cinema of Sara Gómez: Reframing Revolution, edited by Susan Lord and María Caridad Cumaná with Víctor Fowler Calzada The Cinema of Sara Gómez: Reframing Revolution, edited by Susan Lord and María Caridad Cumaná with Víctor Fowler Calzada Juana Suárez Juana Suárez JUANA SUÁREZ is the director of the Moving Image Archiving and Preservation Program at New York University (NYU MIAP), a scholar of Latin American cinema and a media-preservation specialist. She is the author of Critical Essays on Colombian Cinema: Cinembargo Colombia (Spanish-language edition, 2009; English-language edition, trans. Laura A. Chesak, 2012) and Sitios de contienda: Producción cultural y el discurso de la violencia; the coeditor of Humor in Latin American Cinema (2015); and the Spanish-language translator of Latin American Cinema: A Comparative History, by Paul A. Schroeder-Rodríguez (2020). Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar BOOK DATA Susan Lord and María Caridad Cumaná with Víctor Fowler Calzada, eds., The Cinema of Sara Gómez: Reframing Revolution. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2021. $95 cloth, $40 paper, $39.99 e-book. Film Quarterly (2021) 75 (2): 114–115. https://doi.org/10.1525/fq.2021.75.2.114 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Juana Suárez; Review: The Cinema of Sara Gómez: Reframing Revolution, edited by Susan Lord and María Caridad Cumaná with Víctor Fowler Calzada. Film Quarterly 1 December 2021; 75 (2): 114–115. doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/fq.2021.75.2.114 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search nav search search input Search input auto suggest search filter All ContentFilm Quarterly Search You do not currently have access to this content.

Chasing Geese: on the trail of fourteen British-published copies of The Royal Pastime of Cupid, or Entertaining Game of the Snake

The Royal Pastime of Cupid, or Entertaining Game of the Snake is a variant of The Game of the Goose, also known as The Royal Game of the Goose. The Game of the Goose was a popular game across Europe from the early seventeenth century until the nineteenth century. It is widely accepted as the basic model of the simple board game in which players throw dice to race their single piece around the board. Fourteen distinct examples of The Royal Pastime of Cupid issued by British-based printers or publishers are known to the author. This paper, based on presentations to the annual colloquium of the International Board Game Studies Association at the University of Copenhagen in May 2017 and at the Benaki Museum Annex, Athens, in April 2018, offers a survey of these (all extant bar one, the location of which is now unknown), with suggestions for revised publication dates for several examples. While the main focus is on British-published editions of the game, its probable French origin is established. The earliest known French edition, Le Jeu Royal de Cupidon, autrement appellele passe temps d’Amour was published in Paris, ca. 1640, while a Spanish language edition, El Juego Real de Cupido, Otramente Llamado el Passa Tiempo de Amor, with a similar design and iconography, was published in Antwerp, c. 1620. The central design in both these editions shows three couples in an enclosed garden. Another edition, with a different design, which is copied in the earliest British-published editions, has the title Het Nieuw Slange Spel, anders genaemt Koninclycke Tytkorting van Cupido and was published in Amsterdam by Claes Jansz. Vischer, ca. 1625–1640. Some discussion of the historical background sets out the relation between these earliest examples of The Royal Pastime of Cupid before the paper turns its attention to the British published editions, setting out a typology (Cupid honing his arrow on a wheel; Cupid alone with his bow beneath a floral garland; Cupid performing rough music at a peasant dance). The paper concludes with a discussion of “rough music” and Visscher’s peasant dance motif, locating Visscher’s design, with Cupid performing rough music, and the later instances of the same design in Dutch and English prints, within a shared cultural heritage of visual and literary arts, and in shared cultural practises. The English designs however, without the cuckold and the hag evident in Dutch edition, lack the internal coherence of Visscher’s print.

Mapping Don Quixote’s Route: Spanish Cartography, English Travelers and National Pride

Mapping Don Quixote’s RouteSpanish Cartography, English Travelers and National Pride Elizabeth Franklin Lewis (bio) During the eighteenth century, Don Quijote de la Mancha drew attention for its proliferation of new editions in Spanish; for its numerous translations, especially in English; as well as for the many other “spin-off” works based on the novel and its characters.1 Eighteenth-century translators, editors, and authors identified in this classic story of the misadventures of the “ingenious gentleman” of La Mancha important messages for a modern reading public. Samuel Johnson famously remarked “how few books are there of which one can possibly arrive at the last page. Was there ever anything written by a mere man that was wished longer by its readers excepting Don Quixote, Robinson Crusoe, and the Pilgrim’s Progress?”2 Eighteenth-century essayists and critics considered Don Quijote as more than an entertaining or even inspiring work of fiction: they treated it as an object of study. A 1780 edition created for the Real Academia Española by the printer Joaquín Ibarra added to the novel some important extra-textual material including an analytical study, illustrations, and for the first time, a map that situated fictional evets of the novel in the geography of contemporary eighteenth-century Spain. This map is the first representation of what would come to be known as Don Quixote’s Route—a literary tour made famous by Azorín’s 1905 La ruta de Don Quijote.3 About the same time as the Ibarra edition, British travelers to Spain also evoked elements of [End Page 35] the novel—its setting, characters, and even objects—in their observations of and writings about their experiences with Spanish culture. This essay will compare two early maps of Don Quixote’s route to references to the novel in British travel journals, showing the ways both Spanish and English readers found evidence of Don Quijote in the Spanish landscape. I argue that these editors, geographers, and authors used the novel to support claims of each nation’s cultural superiority thus bolstering national pride. Enrique Rodríguez-Cepeda identifies various types of eighteenth-century Spanish-language editions of the novel produced in Spain, each intended for a different reading public, including inexpensive pocket versions of the novel (de bosillo) intended for a common audience and high quality luxury editions destined for the libraries of wealthy connoisseurs and government officials as well as gifts to important diplomats and political figures.4 The 1780 Ibarra edition by the Royal Academy presents Cervantes´ novel as an object of admiration and study. Its small run (Rodríguez-Cepeda estimates only about 1000 copies were printed, in comparison to the more than 30,000 copies of the pocket editions), large size, and high economic value indicate that is was an edition destined for collectors.5 This edition also stands out for its preliminary study and biography of Cervantes, for its collection of fine illustrations, and for a map of Spain that highlights Don Quixote’s journeys and adventures, prepared by Tomás López, the Royal Geographer to Charles III (fig. 1). In the prologue to this edition, the Academy states its main interest in undertaking this project as based in a desire to cultivate and promote the study of the Spanish language.6 However, this edition also seeks to build upon, and even improve, an earlier 1737 Spanish-language edition published in London that included the first ever biography of Cervantes, written by Spanish enlightenment thinker Gregorio Mayans, an edition that the Royal Academy calls “magnífica” but also full of errors.7 Following Mayans, the Ibarra edition also includes its own biography and a preliminary study, both written by academy member Vicente de los Ríos.8 The text itself goes back to the original first and second editions of the novel produced by printer Juan de la Cuesta in 1605 and 1615. But added to all of the previous texts was something new—a map showing the itinerary of Don Quixote starting in La Mancha, through Barcelona, and back: Últimamente para satisfacer más la curiosidad de los lectores, se ha puesto un mapa, que comprende una buena...

Capturing the Landscape of New Spain: Baltasar Obregón and the 1564 Ibarra Expedition. Southwest Center Series. By Rebecca A. Carte.

Capturing the Landscape of New Spain: Baltasar Obregon and the 1564 Ibarra Expedition. Southwest Center Series. By Rebecca A. Carte. (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2015. xiv + 168 pp. Illustrations, maps, notes, bibliography, index. $50.00.) Baltasar Obregon’s Historia de los descubrimientos de Nueva Espana (1584) has been published in two Spanish-language editions (1989, 1997) and one in English (1928) translated by George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey. Since the noted geographer of Mexico’s northwest, Carl O. Sauer, complained in 1932 that Obregon’s text was confused and lurid, no one has attempted a critical cultural reading of it until now. Rebecca A. Carte has used her cultural linguistic skills to undertake this task, providing us with a careful, theoretically informed reading of Obregon’s history of the “greater northwest” that reconciles his purposes … Susan.deeds{at}nau.edu

Preface: Proceedings of the Vth International Workshop on Biology and Culture of the Tench (Tinca tinca) (L. 1875), Ceresole d’Alba (Italy), September 29–October 3, 2008

• The Ist Workshop, 1994, Hluboka nad Vltavou, Czech Republic, was hosted by the Research Institute of Fish Culture and Hydrobiology (convenors: Martin Flajshans and Roland Billard). Twenty three contributions were published in the Polish Archives of Hydrobiology 1995, 42(1–2), 5–225. • The IIth Workshop, 1997, Badajoz, Spain, was hosted by the Council of Environment, Urban Development and Turism, Junta de Extremadura (convenor: Juan Jose Perez Regadera y Perez). Twenty one contributions were published in the Polish Archives of Hydrobiology 1998, 45(3), 285–464. In addition, a Spanish language edition of these proceedings was published to promote tench culture in Spain and Ibero-American countries: 1999. II Reunion Internacional sobre Biologia y Cultivo de la Tenca, Polish Archives of Hydrobiology. Ministerio de Agricultura, Pesca y Alimentacion, Madrid, 190 pp. (translation: Jose Martin Gallardo). • The IIIth Workshop, 2000, Machern, Germany, was hosted by the Leibniz-Institute of Freshwater Ecology and Inland Fisheries (convenor: Klaus Kohlmann). Fourteen contributions were published in the Journal of Applied Ichthyology 2003, 19(3), 129–181. • The IVth Workshop, 2004, Wierzba, Poland, was hosted by the Stanislaw Sakowicz Inland Fisheries Institute in Olsztyn (convenor: Jacek Wolnicki). Nineteenth contributions were published in the Aquaculture International 2006, 14, 1–218. • The Vth Workshop, 2008, was held in Ceresole d’Alba (Cuneo), in the environs of Torino, Italy. It was hosted by the Department of Animal Science of the University of Torino with the precious contribution of the Associazione Amici della Tinca di Ceresole d’Alba (convenor: Laura Gasco). Thirty eight manuscripts were submitted, of which the most relevant ones were selected through a conventional peer-review process, to be published in the present issue of the Reviews in Fish Biology and Fisheries.

The Mexican Revolution

Adolfo Gilly is a native of Argentina who became a political prisoner in 1966 at Lecumberri Prison and remained there until the Mexican Supreme Court revoked his conviction for “subversion” six years later. While detained, Gilly wrote the Spanish language edition of this book, which became a legendary hit after its 1971 release, eventually reaching an eighth edition by January 1977. Like a breath of fresh air after the harsh repression of Tlatelolco, and responding to widespread disgust with the ruling system, Gilly’s book passionately disputed the official history of the revolution in a leftist and even postmodern framework. The new edition, a smooth page-turner, retains its strong Marxist analysis of the 1910 – 20 civil war and benefits from a fine translation by Patrick Camiller as well as a foreword by Friedrich Katz. Gilly makes several solid conclusions, such as pointing out that U.S. influence did not become the decisive factor in determining the outcome of the revolution. Although he criticizes Venustiano Carranza consistently, Gilly reiterates frequently the powerful appeal of carrancista nationalism in terms of its strident international policy. The author points out correctly that Carranza opposed the Pershing Expedition “from the very beginning” (p. 224). The chapter on Mexico City in 1914 is the most interesting portion of this book because of Gilly’s illuminating discussion concerning the decline of the Convention government. Although he favors Emiliano Zapata and Pancho Villa throughout his study, Gilly is not reluctant to point out their errors as well as castigate their bureaucratic supporters in the muddled Convention experiment.Despite the author’s determination to analyze the outcome of the revolution, his lack of interest in current or past scholarship leads him to state such mistakes as asserting that once Porfirio Díaz consolidated his power in 1884, “it became the norm to repress any form of labor organization”(p. 35). It is a shame that Gilly did not read the late David Walker’s study of labor organizations during the Porfiriato, but Gilly is not much of a researcher. There are few endnotes, a great many of which are devoted to Katz or John Womack, and no bibliography. There are frequent factual errors, such as stating that the Madero family came from San Luis Potosí and that a revolution broke out in Portugal in 1909 (actually 1910), and that Morelos was the most modern industrial region in Mexico by 1910 when, as Bill Meyers has shown, the Laguna region actually enjoyed that honor. Furthermore, Gilly states that Zapata controlled the southern portion of Mexico, overlooking the southeast. Despite Gilly’s assertion that Carranza never ceased labeling Zapata as a bandit, there is not a single reference to such a statement in the Carranza archive. Gilly also makes it appear that there was a love feast between the northern masses and Villa’s army, when in fact commoners often feared Villa. Despite what Gilly claims, Villa did not oppose the U.S. invasion of Veracruz. Gilly’s discussion of the 1914 Carranza-Zapata negotiations is muddled; the Carranza land reform decree of January 6, 1915, did not reflect the disastrous Ley Lerdo legislation that the juaristas unveiled earlier.Several modifications could have improved this study. The author overuses the term peasant, which should have been defined carefully. To characterize Villa’s army as a peasant force is an oversimplification; Gilly does not seem to understand that many rural inhabitants wanted to own their own land rather than work ejidos (communally owned lands). He should have developed the rise to power of the CROM (Confeder-ación Regional Obrero Mexicana) labor organization instead of constantly emphasizing the Casa del Obrero Mundial. Although Carranza eventually repressed the Casa, Gilly should have put into context Carranza’s opposition to their general strike when the Carrizal battle with the Pershing forces took place only a month earlier. His discussion of the 1917 constitution does not mention Pastor Rouaix and other individuals who were key in formulating Article 27. The role of women during the revolution is virually ignored. Finally, I doubt that Carranza exterminated half the population of Morelos, as Gilly claims.In summary, Gilly’s book fails to contribute much to the history of the Mexican Revolution because of its weak documentary foundation. Although Gilly claims that his new periodization is a fresh approach, emphasizing the 1914 alliance of Villa and Zapata in Mexico City, others have actually done the same thing.

Transforming doctor-patient relationships

Historians often ponder how books change history. Our Bodies, Ourselves, the enormously popular and influential work, will long be studied for igniting and sustaining a worldwide women’s health movement. It should also be studied for how it transformed doctorpatient relationships and why it is such a trusted source of health information. The book began in a small discussion group on ‘women and their bodies’ at a Boston women’s conference in 1969. It grew into a course on women and their bodies and finally into a book with global appeal. Between 1973 and 2005, the Collective published seven English language and two Spanish language editions in the USA and over 20 foreign language editions. Within five years of its first publication it was a bestseller, and by 1999 had sold over four million copies. In her history of the women’s health movement, Morgan argues that it would be difficult to exaggerate the impact of Our Bodies, Ourselves. It filled the void where there existed few popular books on women’s health. Many colleges, universities and medical schools adopted it as a text. It was unique in that it gave voice to women’s own experiences of reproductive health and body issues. Elevating and validating women’s experiential knowledge, the Collective broke new ground in medical communication. The authors urged women to demand answers and explanations and to insist on enough information to negotiate the health care system. They envisioned creating a new type of partnership between patient and doctor that bore almost no resemblance to the model that existed. In the new model, it was envisioned that doctors and patients would have different responsibilities with the latter having ultimate control. Our Bodies, Ourselves evolved through a dialogue whereby ordinary readers communicated with the Collective to get information, lodge concerns and complaints, and suggest revisions to the book. The Collective was urged to add information relevant to an ever-growing array of ‘people like me’. As they corresponded with their readers, they enhanced coverage for women with disabilities and women of colour, weathered tumultuous storms over how to address lesbian health issues, and expanded the scope and coverage of a growing array of issues. Kline’s research on letters from women to members of the Collective during the 1970s and 1980s details how critical a role readers played in the evolution of this work. Finding ways to include many voices and yet retaining control over the final product posed many challenges. Invited contributors and people who corresponded sometimes had conflicting views on what was important. Keeping the book affordable was always at odds with expanding coverage. Editorial effort increased exponentially. For the 2005 edition, editors Judy Norsigian, Heather Stephenson and Kiki Zeldes managed and coordinated the work of 102 contributors and hundreds of ‘voices’ with the help of a ‘tone and voice editor’ and a photo editor. The evolution of Our Bodies, Ourselves is visible in the front matter of each edition. For example, the preface to the 25th Anniversary Edition, written by feminist luminaries Byllye Avery, Helen Rodriguez-Trias and Gloria Steinem anchored the volume in a continuation of second wave feminism. The current edition takes a very different approach. Reaching out to a new generation of women for whom second wave feminism is history, not lived experience, the front matter includes only a brief ‘Introduction’. A short letter from the founders tells readers that the history of the book is available on the web. How has the content evolved? The 1973 edition focused heavily on women’s changing sense of self in response to the second wave of feminism. It encouraged women to change internalized sexist volume covered the anatomy and physiology of reproduction and sexuality, the social and cultural aspects of sexuality and relationships, and included a controversial chapter written by a Boston gay collective that was replaced in later editions. Short chapters on nutrition, exercise, rape, self-defence, venereal disease, birth control, abortion, deciding about having children and childbearing were followed by a limited discussion of the menopause. A well-formulated critique of the American health care system rounded out the 275-page paperback that sold for $2.98, but with substantial discounts to clinics and women’s groups. The 2005 edition, an 832-page encyclopedic version, opens with chapters on body image, eating well, drugs, exercise, complementary health practices, emotional wellbeing, environmental and occupational health, and Correspondence to: sruzek@temple.edu Sheryl Burt Ruzek PhD, Professor, Department of Public Health, 1700 N Broad Street, College of Health Professions, Temple University, Philadelphia, PA 19122, USA.

ECAM: Moving Forward

<i>eCAM</i>: Moving Forward

A framework for evaluating community-based physical activity promotion programmes in Latin America

A growing interest in promoting physical activity through multi-sectoral community-based programmes has highlighted the need for effective programme evaluation. Meeting in Rio de Janeiro, an international workgroup of behavioural, medical, public health and other scientists and practitioners endorsed the principle of careful evaluation of all programmes and in a consensus process developed the Rio de Janeiro Recommendations for Evaluation of Physical Activity Interventions". Among these recommendations and principles were that when possible, evaluation should 'built into' the programme from the beginning. The workgroup also called for adequate funding for evaluation, setting a goal of about 10% of programme resources for evaluation. The group also determined that evaluations should be developed in conjunction with and the results shared with all appropriate stakeholders in the programme; evaluations should be guided by ethical standards such as those proposed by the American Evaluation Association and should assess programme processes as well as outcomes; evaluation outcomes should be used to revise and refine ongoing programmes and guide decisions about programme continuation or expansion. It was also recognised that additional training in programme evaluation is needed and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's Physical Activity Evaluation Handbook could be easily adapted for use in culturally diverse communities, especially in Latin America. This paper describes a 6-step evaluation process and provides the full set of recommendations from the Rio de Janeiro Workgroup. The handbook has been translated and additional case studies from Colombia and Brazil have been added. Spanish and Portuguese language editions of the Evaluation Handbook are available from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Physical Activity and Health Branch.

Memorial de Solola (review)

Reviewed by: El Memorial de Sololá y los inicios de la colonización Española en Guatemala. Publicación Especial No. 39 Christopher H. Lutz El Memorial de Sololá y los inicios de la colonización Española en Guatemala. Publicación Especial No. 39. By J. Daniel Contreras R. and Jorge Luján Muñoz. Guatemala City: Academia de Geografía e Historia de Guatemala, 2004. Pp. x, 102. Illustrations. Bibliography. Index. Two of Guatemala's most distinguished historians present six essays which deal with the Memorial de Sololá, the classic Kaqchikel Maya chronicle which covers the late prehispanic period up to ca. 1600. Most readers will be more familiar with either the English or original Spanish language editions of the same work published in 1953 and 1950 respectively by Adrián Recinos. This book is a useful companion volume to a new Kaqchikel/Spanish edition of the Memorial (1999) by a native Kaqchikel speaker, Simon Otzoy, which was edited by Jorge Luján Muñoz with essays by him and Daniel Contreras. In his first essay, Luján undertakes a meticulous account of the history of the Memorial. He outlines its complex publication history from a partial French version by the cleric Brasseur de Bourbourg in the late 1850s until the Otzoy edition 140 [End Page 152] years later. In between, nine other versions have appeared in Guatemala, Mexico, the United States, and Europe in Spanish, English, French and Kaqchikel. Luján points out that Brasseur left a translation in Guatemala that resulted in a French-to-Spanish edition in 1873-74 by a Guatemalan ecclesiastical notary and history aficionado, Juan Gavarrete. Brasseur took the only known manuscript copy to France. Subsequently it was translated into English (1885) by Daniel Brinton. The translator acquired it in 1887 and upon his death in 1899 it was donated to the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania. Luján's second essay discusses the Memorial's authorship, arguing convincingly that it contains entries by at least three primary authors, beginning with a grandson of the Kaqchikel ruler or ajauj, Jun Iq'. The grandson wrote or, more likely, copied the prehispanic "mythological" entries (they are very similar to the Popol Vuh ) and wrote the historic parts up to the late 1550s, then Francisco Hernández Arana authored the entries from 1559-60 until 1581, when Francisco Díaz took over. In addition, Luján argues that two additional Sololá vecinos chronicled events in the late sixteenth century. Luján points out the Memorial was a collective work because it gathered together elements of the Kaqchikels' shared secular tradition with regard to their origins and migrations and was documented by "memorialists" who were all members of the xahila' clan and residents of Sololá. The third essay, by Contreras, looks at the naming of the tinamit, Kaqchikel city or royal court. Contreras points out the name used today for the Tinamit, Iximché, is a more modern usage based on the mis-translation of patinamit chi iximché as the "city of iximché" when it should be the "city in iximché," or the place of the Ramon trees. Contreras calls for changing the name back to Tinamit Kaqchikel, Patinamit, Antiguo Tecpán Guatemala or just Guatemala. He shows that the city was referred to by some of these names or slight variations on them beginning with Pedro de Alvarado in 1524 in his letters to Hernán Cortés and by the chroniclers beginning with Bernal Díaz who first visited the city in 1526. In the next essay Contreras, focuses on the colonial chroniclers' mistakes and fantasies in writing about the founding of the first Spanish city at Iximché in 1524 and its permanent establishment in Santiago in Almolonga in 1527 and the Kaqchikel rebellion. He refutes many of their accounts and contrasts them with the more reliable versions found in the Memorial. In Contreras' last essay he compares two famous "indigenous warriors," the legendary K'iche' King Tecún Umán and the lesser known Kaqchikel ruler known as Aposotzil Kahi Imox, or simply Sinacán. Ironically, even though Tecún has been officially declared (in 1960) a "National Hero" and is a "symbol of...

Panama’s Poor: Victims, Agents, and Historymakers

This excellent study, one of a handful of book-length works on the campesino populations of the Panamanian interior, fills a major gap in the ethnographic and historical literature on the region. Based on long-term fieldwork carried out from 1972 to the mid-1990s, it traces the fortunes and misfortunes of the inhabitants of Loma Bonita, a small highland community in Coclé Province.Rudolf examines the impact of capitalist agriculture and the market economy on Loma Bonita through five stages or transformations: from subsistence cultivators with abundant land (up to the 1920s) to peasants impoverished by commercial agriculture (1920s–1960s) to peasant laborers (1970s) to “postpeasants” in global capitalism (1980s) to further marginalized postpeasants following the 1989 U.S. invasion.As early as the 1970s, “the majority of community members perched on a narrow economic ledge . . . constantly in danger of slipping off” (p. 96), and they were increasingly differentiated into the comparatively well off and the truly desperate. Insisting on both the importance of peasant agency and the dangers of romanticizing it, Rudolf examines the strategies and devices by which people struggled to survive: shortened fallow periods, farming far from home in Atlantic-side forests, exchanges of land, labor, and food, longer work hours, seasonal work on lowland plantations, and especially migrant labor in the city.A point of special interest is the discussion of the populist programs of the Torrijos government and the Catholic Church, exemplified in a telling vignette about a weeklong workshop run by clueless visiting students in which the thinnest facade of local consultation rationalized the authoritarian imposition of a credit cooperative (pp. 136–38). Despite the failure of these programs, the high costs of participation, and the skewing of leadership toward males and richer peasant families, Rudolf holds out hope that the church programs, at least, “planted seeds of social activism” (p. 192) that may yield fruit over the longer term.As bleak as its subject matter may be, Panama’s Poor is a pleasure to read. The author’s political commitment, devotion to the community, and insightful remarks on her field experience strengthen its analysis. Moving back and forth adroitly between macro and micro perspectives, Rudolf demonstrates that even if the experiences of these few hundred people cannot stand for all of Panama’s poor, they are nonetheless broadly representative. In this respect, although Rudolf makes good use of earlier work (especially Steven Gudeman’s now classic studies of peasant life in Veraguas), she would have strengthened her conclusions by comparison with Stanley Heckadon Moreno’s Cuando se acaban los montes (Editorial Universitaria; Instituto de Investigaciones Tropicales Smithsonian, 1983), which deals with some of the same transformations in Los Santos Province.In a fitting tribute to Rudolf’s committed research, a Spanish-language edition of the monograph was presented to the public in the town of Coclé in July 2000 at an event attended by Panamanian social scientists and many of the inhabitants of Loma Bonita.

Research in Progress

Research in Progress By Christopher Densmore and Barbara Addison Claus Bernet (Tauroggener Str. 2, 10589 Berlin, Germany) is preparing biographical entries of 17th and 18th century Quakers for a Germanlanguage biographical dictionary. David A. Reibel (University ofYork, 22 Elmsfield Terrace, York, Great Britain Y031 IEH) is studying the life of Quaker grammarian Lindley Murray (1745-1826). English Quaker author Amelia Opie (1769-1853) is the subject ofresearch by William McCarthy, Professor Emeritus, Iowa State University (1 124 Prospect St. Westfield, NJ 07090). Rachel Findlay (Pendle Hill, 333 Plush Mill Road, Wallingford, PA 19086) is studying John Woolman and economics. Sarah Susan Palmer (331 S. Fairmount St. #3F, Pittsburgh PA 15232) is collaborating on a Spanish language edition of John Woolman's journal. Quaker response to abolitionism from 1830-1860 is the focus of dissertation research at Princeton University by Ryan Jordan (16 Magie Faculty Road, Princeton, NJ 08540). Peter Emery, Hunter College (3 1 5 1st Street, #C-1 , Brooklyn, New York 11215) is researching Friends Cemetery, Brooklyn, New York. David J. McNitt (38 Clayburg Road, Thornton, PA 19373) is investigating removal of burials from a Quaker cemetery in Westchester County, New York, during the building of the Croton dam. Ruth Hyde Paine (551 25th Ave. S.E, St. Petersburg, FL 33705) is researching Quakers and the delegation sent to Nicaragua in 1 927 by the Fellowship of Reconciliation. T. Earle Edwards (235 Crosslands Drive, Kennett Square PA 19348) is researching Friends General Conference, 1951 to 1954. Research into the history ofFriends in Cape May County, New Jersey, is being undertaken by Memma S. Kilgannon (2753 Lantern Lane, Audubon, PA 19043-2240). Marcia Angermann (2363 Aquetong Road, New Hope, PA 18938) is researching the history of Buckingham Friends Meeting. ...

Against Self-Translation

Self-translation as I understand it means that the author of a literary text completed in one language subsequently reproduces it in a second language. The second text resembles the first one sufficiently to be presented as its translation, though obviously to define it that way begs a number of important questions. Although my primary interest in this connection is poetry, prose writers translate themselves too. I could name a Catalan novelist who invented a fictitious personage to mask his own part in the Spanish-language edition of one of his books. Indeed, self-translation is a much more widespread phenomenon than one might think. The most eminent, and some would say the most notorious recent example is the Nobel Prize-winning poet Joseph Brodsky, who, after intervening massively in the translations of his Russian originals by other hands, began to do his own, even, where he saw fit, adding further stanzas to a poem in its new English format. In Paris in 1929, Marina Tsvetaeva, whom Brodsky has described as the greatest phenomenon in Russian verse since Pushkin, attempted first a French translation, then a French reworking of her epic poem The Swain, unpublished to this day. In 1933 she also offered to a series of French journals a prose piece entitled Les nuits florentines, based on her letters to Abram Vishniak, who had run a small publishing house in Berlin when she lived there.1

Con los lanceros del emperador Maximiliano en México

This is the Spanish language edition Stanisław Wodzicki 1931's book "Z ułanami cesarza Maksymiliana do Meksyku". It was translated by Zygmunt Wojski and accompanied by introductions by Maria Paradowska and Joaquín R. González Martínez. Stanislaw Wodzicki was born in 1844 and died in 1931. The book is an account of his participation in emperor Maximilian´s military expedition to Mexico between 1864 and 1867.&#x0D; Short description written by Michal Gilewski

Further Readings on Guevara

In addition to the major biographies of Che Guevara discussed by Richard Harris elsewhere in this issue, the recent commemoration of Che's death was marked by the publication of a number of useful works, among them three from Ocean Press of Melbourne, Australia. All these volumes help considerably to fill the gap of information about dating to my own compilation of works up to two decades ago (Chilcote and Lutjens, 1986). One section of the extensive bibliography on the Cuban Revolution entitled Cuba, 19531978: A Bibliographical Guide to the Literature provides a full bibliography of the works of Che Guevara and Fidel Castro along with books and articles about them. Volume 2, chapter 63, 'Che' Speeches, Interviews, Letters, Press Conferences, has 302 entries, and chapter 64, Guevara: Books, Pamphlets, Articles by Che, has 783. One way to approach Che's thought would be to begin with the selection of readings organized by David Deutschmann, drawn from the two comprehensive Spanish-language editions of Che's works: the nine-volume Ernesto Che Escritosy discursos (Havana: Ciencias Sociales, 1977) and the two-volume Ernesto Che Obras escogidas, 1956-67 (Havana: Casa de las Americas). The materials are divided into four sections, the first covering the revolutionary war of the late 1950s, the second the period from 1960 to

Code of Canon Law Annotated. Latin-English edition of the Code of Canon Law and English-language translation of the 5th Spanish-language edition of the commentary prepared under the responsibility of the Institute Martín de Azpilcueta, edited by Ernest Caparros, Michel Thériault, Jean Thorn. Montréal: Wilson &amp; Lafleur 1993. 1631 S.

"Code of Canon Law Annotated. Latin-English edition of the Code of Canon Law and English-language translation of the 5th Spanish-language edition of the commentary prepared under the responsibility of the Institute Martín de Azpilcueta, edited by Ernest Caparros, Michel Thériault, Jean Thorn. Montréal: Wilson & Lafleur 1993. 1631 S." published on 14 Jun 1994 by Brill | Schöningh.

Save My Rainforest

Save My Rainforest Maria Anna Jankowska Serials Catalog Librarian, University of Idaho Library, Moscow, Idaho 83844 USA. TEL: 208-885-6631. Zak, Monica. Save My Rainforest. Illustrations by Bengt-Arne Runnerstromm, English version by Nancy Schimmel. Volcano, CA: Volcano Press, 1992. 31 pp. US $14.95 hardcover ISBN: 0- 912078-94-4. Save My Rainforest presents a true story about eight- year-old Omar Castillo's efforts to protect the endangered Lacandona rainforest located in southern Mexico. The boy is afraid that the disappearance of numerous plants and animals, following the destruction of the forest, will deprive other children of the opportunity to see and experience this gigantic rainforest. First he writes to the President and when he does not receive any answer he decides to walk 870 miles to Tuxtla to ask the governor to save the rainforest for the children. When this action does not bring any results he tries to meet the President because he is the one responsible for the whole country (p. 24). His adventures in attempting to achieve this goal are thrilling. Save My Rainforest is a translation of Swedish title, Radda Min Djungel, by Bokforlaget Opal. The book was also published in Spanish language edition under the title Salven Mi Serlva. The book has very fast action supported by wonderful illustrations. In the text one can find a few Spanish words which enhance the original background and give the children an opportunity to learn some Spanish. By not providing information on the type of paper used for printing this book the publisher lost an opportunity to underscore the message contained in the book. Save My Rainforest can serve as an excellent source of school discussions on protecting the rainforest in Latin America. Highly recommended for all school libraries.

Pediatrics Welcomes Two New Overseas Editions: The Arab World and the Portuguese

Pediatrics currently has a circulation of 55 000 in the United States. Over the last several years we have quietly been enlarging our overseas editions. We now have more than 25 000 subscribers in other countries. An increasing number of our published articles are from other countries. Our Spanish-language edition in Spain, our first and oldest overseas edition, is thriving. Our Italian-language edition in Italy is in its fourth year and is rapidly growing. Last year it began to include Pediatrics in Review and commentaries by Italian authorities. PIR is published in Spanish in Argentina and is widely distributed in South America. Our English edition in India is in its fourth year and is growing slowly but steadily.

Systematics and Nomenclature of the Andean Swallow, "Petrochelidon" andecola

Andean Swallow is a relatively little-known species inhabiting Puna zone (3,100-4,600 m) of Andes of Peru, northern Chile, and Bolivia, and possibly northwestern Argentina (FjeldsA and Krabbe 1990). It was described by Lafresnaye and d'Orbigny in 1837 from a Bolivian specimen in Paris Museum and, like most swallow species, was originally placed in all-encompassing Linnaean swallow genus Hirundo, with specific name andecola. It is a mediumsized swallow (mass 14-19 g; Turner and Rose 1989), weakly iridescent bluish or greenish above, and grayish-white below with a brownish throat. Since its original description, Andean Swallow has been moved about in a number of genera and its relationships debated. Sharpe (1885) synonymized andecola with Brown-bellied Swallow, which he identified with Hirundo of Gmelin, 1789, and placed in genus Atticora, then a sort of wastebasket genus for a miscellany of Neotropical swallows. Hellmayr (1935) considered Gmelin's name to be unidentifiable, and used next oldest species name for Brown-bellied Swallow (Petrochelidon murina Cassin, 1853), while adopting for it generic name Orochelidon proposed by Ridgway (1903). Although Ridgway mentioned only murina in differentiating Orochelidon from Atticora, Neochelidon, and Notiochelidon, Peters (1960) pointed out that, in a later publication, Ridgway (1904) included andecola in his new genus as well. Peters could find no characters to separate Orochelidon from Notiochelidon, and placed Brown-bellied Swallow, but not Andean Swallow, in Notiochelidon, where it remains in modern literature (Turner and Rose 1989). Meanwhile Berlepsch and Stolzmann (1896) had demonstrated that Sharpe was in error in synonymizing andecola with cinerea Gmelin (=murina Cassin), and that andecola was a good species. Possibly influenced by Sharpe, they placed andecola in Atticora. That large genus subsequently has been reduced to extent that it now includes only two species, fasciata and melanoleuca, both of which differ from andecola in several ways, including possession of long, forked tails. Chapman (1924) divided andecola into two subspecies, naming oroyae based on three adults and an immature bird from Oroya and Chipa, Peru, using color characters and greater bill width of oroyae in his diagnosis. With only a pair before him, Hellmayr (1935) was skeptical about validity of oroyae. Zimmer (1955) reexamined type series and not only verified Chapman's color characters, but found that oroyae had a significantly longer wing, a difference overlooked by both Chapman and Hellmayr. In his description of oroyae, Chapman (1924:12) made following comments: The cliff swallows form such an obviously natural group that I hesitate to add to their genus a species that does not wear their distinctive pattern of marking and which is not known to build their peculiar type of nest. But facts that I cannot find one good generic character separating this species from Petrochelidon and that in juvenal plumage andecola has upper tail-coverts strongly tinged with ochraceous-tawny indicate that it may be placed in this genus without undue violence to either systematic or biologic ornithology. Todd (1929), definitely a splitter at generic level, pointed out that Ridgway (1904; erroneously cited by Todd as 1902) had dismembered old genus Atticora Boie, placing each species in a monotypic genus except for andecola, which, as mentioned above, he placed in his recently described genus Orochelidon. Todd completed dismemberment of old Atticora by creating a new monotypic genus, Haplochelidon, for andecola. Todd stated he could not follow Chapman in referring this species to Petrochelidon, the very points he brings up arguing against such a disposition. Nevertheless, all subsequent authors have followed Chapman rather than Todd, and kept andecola either in Petrochelidon (Peters 1960) or in a broadened Hirundo that included Petrochelidon (Turner and Rose 1989, Sibley and Monroe 1990). Chapman (1924) had pointed out that it was not then known whether andecola built a typical Petrochelidon mud-pellet nest. In a landmark paper, Mayr and Bond (1943) presented a tentative reclassification of swallows, giving major importance to structure as a character. They mentioned fact that nesting habits of andecola were unknown, and went on to say: Its nidification should either prove or disprove its relationship with typical 'Petrochelidon.' If nesting habits of this swallow are like those of species included above under 'A', recognition of Todd's Haplochelidon would seem justified. Their category A included species with nest placed in a crevice among rocks or in a building, hole in a tree, or in a burrow; no mud used in construction. first description of nesting habits of Andean Swallow appeared in first Spanish-language edition of Las Aves de Chile by Goodall et al.