Space Ambitions Research Articles

A normal space power? Understanding ‘security’ in Japan's space policy discourse

With the enactment of its ‘Basic Space Law’ in 2008, a significant shift occurred in Japan's space policy away from a narrowly circumscribed interpretation of the concept of space for ‘peaceful purposes’ to a broad understanding of space for ‘security’. Viewed in a global context, Japanese space policy appears symptomatic of a broadened and more malleable understanding of space for security purposes, as already advocated by several other leading spacefaring powers, and proponents of this understanding of space for security argue that this is consistent with international standards and the expectations of a ‘normal’ space power. By attempting to redefine understandings of ‘peace’ and ‘security’, however, the Basic Space Law and subsequent direction of Japanese space policy raise complex and ongoing issues over the interpretation of Japan's ‘Peace Constitution’. This article reviews policy and academic discussions of the recent evolution of Japanese space policy in this respect, arguing that greater emphasis on ‘security’ – understood in a deliberately broad sense in policy terms – has been key to articulating and justifying the reformulation and redirection of Japanese space policy, but that this also brings with it room for ambiguity over the exact nature of Japan's space ambitions at both national and regional levels.

Towards an EU industrial policy for the space sector – Lessons from Galileo

The rise of the EU as an actor in the European and world space theatres, in its various roles as initiator, owner and operator of large-scale programmes such as Galileo and GMES, has raised a number of questions with regard to industrial policy. Based on the experiences from the Galileo programme's procurement round in the Full Operational Capability (FOC) phase and on the present discussions on space industrial policy within the EU, this paper argues that, whereas the EU's political ambitions in space have been discussed and become reasonably well defined, the specific policy tools and legal instruments to put them into practice are far from complete. First, an unequivocal industrial policy for the space sector needs to be defined that reconciles the Union's political ambitions with the economic specificities of the space sector. At present, this is a work in progress, with opinions diverging between member states. Second, both logically and temporally, these policy decisions need to be translated into legal instruments that allow their implementation. This implies the development of made-to-measure funding instruments and procurement rules. We conclude by emphasising the need for a sector-specific industrial policy as an integral part of the EU's space policy.

New York Times issues "Invitation to a Dialogue: Our Ambitions in Space"

<xhtml:span xmlns:xhtml="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en"> Opportunity to discuss an aerospace engineer's view of the future-of-NASA. Will members of the physics community respond? </xhtml:span>

An Asian Moon race?

After a gap of 40 years, the Moon is again the focus of several countries’ space ambitions. Japan, China and India have already launched their first Moon missions and are expected to send humans moonwards within the next 10–15 years. This revival of lunar programmes in the post-cold war era goes beyond symbolism and is also about the race to grab the natural resources of the Moon. Such ambitious missions by these states imply that they intend to change the unipolar world into one with multiple power centres, and would use space technology as one of the components to do so. This paper examines the first phase Moon missions of the Asian states and argues that their overall deep space mission aspirations have strategic ambitions attached.

The EU should freeze its military ambitions in space

In a clear departure from previous policies and activities, the European Union, together with the European Space Agency, have embarked on a series of military and security related space activities in recent years, often under the umbrella of largely civilian programmes. Such dual-use space programmes not only silently introduce military use of space in the context of the EU, they are to become an integral and essential part of the EU’s growing military ambitions. While these ambitions are opposed by large sections of European society, the EU has made milspace projects a top priority, with no international answer yet to the real and growing risks of military rivalry in space.

How world leaders view Iran's space ambitions

How world leaders view Iran's space ambitions

The link between aerospace industry and NASA during the Apollo years

Made in the frame of a French master on political history of USA in Paris IV La Sorbonne University, this subject is the third part of “ The Economy of Apollo during the 60s”. Nicolas Turcat is actually preparing his PhD in History of Innovation (DEA—Paris IV La Sorbonne). Our actual subject is “ the link between aerospace industry and NASA during the Apollo years”. This speech will highlight on some aspects of the link between NASA and aerospace industry. NASA could achieve the Apollo mission safely and under heavy financial pressure during the sixties due to a new type of organization for a civil agency; the contractor system. In fact, Military used it since the 1950s. And we will see how the development of this type of contract permitted a better interaction between the two parts. NASA would make another type of link with universities and technical institutes; a real brain trust was created, and between 1961 and 1967, 10,000 students worked and more than 200 universities on Apollo program. We will try to study briefly the procurement plan and process during the Apollo years. Without entering the “ spin-offs debate”, we will try to watch different aspects of the impacts and realities of the contractor and subcontractor system. We will see that would create a political debate inside USA when presidents Johnson and Nixon would decide to reduce Apollo program. Which states will benefit Apollo program? Or questions like how the debate at the end of the 1960s will become more and more political? Actually, almost 60% of the country's R&D was focused on Apollo, economical and moreover, political impacts would be great. We will try to study this under the light of different example: and particularly in California. The industrial and military complex was a part of the Apollo program. Apollo reoriented the aim of this complex for making it the first aerospace industry. Since this time, USA had not only acquired space ambition but real space capabilities. But more than “ just” creating commercial spin-offs for the civil society, Apollo create one of the first political stake of our modern technology. The power delivered for reaching the goal is one of the best examples given these last 60 years. Space became an economical ambition after being led by a political will. The link created between this two main part of the program (NASA and aerospace industries) is one of the most valuable spin-offs for Apollo.

Institutional challenges for space activities in Europe

Cooperation between the EU and ESA in the development of Galileo marked a first decisive step in collaboration between these two communities. Current work on space programmes beyond Galileo, such as GMES, shows the need for clear institutional solutions and responses to what should become more than a mere framework space agenda. If Europe is to fulfil its space ambitions and adopt a common approach, institutional competences and abilities require clarification and formulation. The Commission's White Paper lays out an action plan designed to support space technology and activities within the EU. The EU is seen as providing the most appropriate political forum alongside optimal investment conditions for the space industry, developing the social, economic and commercial potential. If Europe wants to pursue its space ambitions effectively, institutional challenges will have to be tackled sooner rather than later. Whilst recognising current limitations on the EU's competence to legislate specifically on space matters, the White Paper seeks to address primary space issues and looks towards a future European governmental agenda that includes space activities. This paper analyses the current legal framework governing the relationship between the respective inter-governmental institutional agency (The European Space Agency) and the specific supranational community of the European Union. It argues that ad hoc models of support for specific programmes, such as the establishment of the Joint Undertaking for the Galileo programme, serve only as an interim step towards realigning competence within the institutional landscape to facilitate and benefit Europe's future activities in space.

A Really Hard Case: Iranian Space Ambitions and the Prospects for U.S. Engagement

On 27 October 2005, the first Iranian satellite—Sinah-1—was launched. The satellite failed soon after launch, but it represented a significant technological step by the Islamic Republic, and was also a statement of intent on behalf of Iranian space ambitions. Current and projected Iranian space capabilities are highly dependent upon foreign technologies and expertise, but the Iranian nuclear and ballistic missile programmes offer a glimpse of how Iran's space programme may yet develop. This essay provides an overview of Iranian space capabilities, and places it within contemporary Iranian domestic and strategic contexts. It also offers an insight into how Iran's space programme is organized, and lastly, offers a view on how best the United States might influence Iran's space programme.

Not so fast, Chicken Little

We should be wary of using modish anti-American sentiment to decry US ambitions in space. The European agenda is hardly snow-white, says Henry Gee.

What next for China in space after Shenzhou?

Abstract This article discusses China's ambitions in space now that it seems set to pursue human spaceflight. It suggests that, after sending its astronauts into space, completing orbital rendezvous-docking operations and placing a space lab in orbit, China will focus on the Moon with its Chang’e project. As an emerging space power, China will play a more active role in the international space community through collaboration in areas such as lunar exploration, science operations on the International Space Station, the Galileo Global Navigation Satellite System and the International Geosphere–Biosphere Program (IGBP). In particular, China will vigorously explore new opportunities to expand its cooperation with Russia and ESA to counteract Washington's attempt at containment. Meanwhile, Beijing will continue to follow its self-reliance principle to go its own way in space.

Europe's ambitions in space

Europe's ambitions in space

ESA developments in life support technology: achievements and future priorities

Following an enthusiastic start in 1985, ESA's life support technology development programme was re-assessed in the mid- to late-1990s to reflect the strong reduction in European manned space ambitions which occurred at that time. Further development was essentially restricted to activities that could constitute ISS upgrades or enhancements, or support ISS utilisation/operations, together with a single, limited, activity (MELISSA) aimed at bioregenerative life support, in the continuing hope that there might be “life after Station”. The paper describes the current status of these activities and summarises the main priorities for future development that were identified at the April 1999 Workshop on Advanced Life Support.

Buying Russian technology — pros and cons for the US programme

A marriage between Russian space technology and US space ambitions was unthinkable only a short time ago, but that potential union is now the talk of the town. With the dizzying pace of changes in US-Russian relationships, what is written here in July 1992 may well have changed by the time this article is published. Nevertheless, a glance at what the Russians are selling, what the USA may want to buy and the major policy issues involved is worth a look. Traditional cooperative ventures remain an important part of US-Russian space relations, but are not the focus of this article.

Pakistan's space ambitions: A military option?

Pakistan's space ambitions: A military option?