Southern Neighbors Research Articles

The “War on Drugs” and the “New Strategy”: Identity constructions of the United States, U.S. drug users and Mexico

On narcotics control policy, the Obama Administration's “New Strategy” represents a rupture with the hitherto prevailing narrative of the “War on Drugs,” whose origins date back to theNixon Administration. While the latter emphasized prosecution at home and military cooperation abroad, the former balances education and treatment with law enforcement at the domestic level as it admits U.S. limitations towards Mexico in the international arena. This article employs discourse analysis on particular speech pieces by the U.S. executive branch since 1971. In doing so, it finds identity constructions of the “self” and the “other” articulating difference signifiers around a nodal point. Henceforth, the War on Drugs depicts an epic scenario in which the United States has been a virtuous and sufficient actor defending American values from irrational criminals while helping its flawed and deficient southern neighbor cope with its own shortcomings. Needless to say, this strategy has reached no decisive achievement and has protracted for nearly 40 years. On the other hand, the New Strategy portrays the United States as a limited entity providing U.S. teenagers, convalescent drug users and low-level offenders with healthcare and education in order to reduce consumption. Meanwhile, the new U.S. identity acknowledges and underscores its responsibility providing weapons and money fuelling Mexico's narco-trafficking. This reconstruction of identities shows that both neighbors can no longer believe in fairy tales about drug policy and must start addressing their issues of public health and social exclusion as the fallible States they are.

ASEAN and evolving power relations in East Asia: strategies and constraints

This article seeks to examine constraints and challenges that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) states are confronted with in formulating and implementing their strategies in response to evolving regional environments represented by the rise of China. It argues that China's southern neighbours have adopted purposeful strategies in order to mitigate potentially negative effects from China's growing capabilities in East Asia. These strategies led to the expansion of membership in the East Asia Summit (EAS) and positive involvement in the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement, encouraging America's substantial commitments to the Asia-Pacific. However, ASEAN has failed to form the unified front on the EAS and TPP because its members have adopted diverse stances on and policies towards the two institutions. Moreover, an identity issue constitutes a crucial impediment to promoting cooperation between ASEAN members and the USA. While Washington has intensified diplomatic linkages with ASEAN, the US identity shown in its adherence to the results-oriented approach still provokes some concerns among the ASEAN members.

Canadian and US Approaches towards the Americas

The purpose of this article1 is to envisage the evolution of the relations between Canada and the United States with their southern neighbours, with the objective of comparing the respective attitudes of the two North American partners vis-a-vis Latin America. Under the administration of George W. Bush, anti-Americanism intensified worldwide. Nothing comparable occurred in the case of Canada: as a middle power with a legacy of peacekeeping initiatives in its recent past, it naturally came to be perceived in a positive way. This difference led many to wonder whether Canada might be contemplated, in the Americas as elsewhere, as representing somehow a more acceptable version of the US. Or at least it did so until the past few years, during which time it has been said that the elections of Stephen Harper in 2006 and of Barack Obama in 2008 have brought about a shift in the two countries' images. This article seeks to test this claim, with special reference to the relations of each with Latin America.I proceed in the following manner. First, I analyze the political declarations of the two North American leaders over the past several years, to assess the degree that the political discourse has accorded with the political realities. Then I proceed to explore in some detail three particular issues: the respective attitudes of Canada and of the United States vis-a-vis Cuba and Venezuela; 2) the policies adopted by both North American countries in respect of emerging threats; and 3) the manner in which each country has articulated and sought to promote an agenda of economic prosperity linked with the development of free trade agreements (FTAs). Finally, I conclude by showing how their approaches to this trio of issues have had an impact upon their respective images.GREAT EXPECTATIONS: OBAMA'S POLICY ON LATIN AMERICAThe weight of history has long strained the quality of relations between the US and Latin America. Until the very beginning of the twenty-first century, territorial expansion, the belief in manifest destiny, a sense of providential mission, imperialistic policies, and the conviction that the US has been the indispensable nation in the world have all characterized, at one time or another, the country's foreign policy. Recently, however, the context has changed, perhaps not in North America itself, but certainly in the broader western hemisphere, where economic issues have come to trump concerns, in a reversal of what used to be said about Canada-US relations in the aftermath of 9/11 (to wit, that security trumped trade). Since the attacks of that day, views about American power have altered, with many coming to regard the US less as a hyperpower and as a great power in decline, one that is in the process of losing its status as the ranking global superpower, even if it remains for the time being the primary economic and military power.The election of Barack Obama in November 2008 was widely cheered in the western hemisphere, and his accession to power boosted his country's standing in the region. In 2009, 74 percent of respondents in a Latinobarometro poll had a favourable opinion of the United States, up significantly from just a year before, when 58 percent had such an opinion; indeed, the 2009 figures were the most positive results for the American image since the polling began, back in 1995.2 Also of note is that this same 2009 poll revealed that the image of Venezuela's leader, Hugo Chavez, was worse than that of many of other global leaders and far worse than Barack Obama's. Clearly, the perception of the US had improved radically in Latin America between 2001 and 2011. According to public opinion surveys conducted by the Pew Research Center in 2010, 62 percent of Brazilians had a favourable view of the US, along with 42 percent of Argentinians and 52 percent of Mexicans. By contrast, during the second administration of George W. Bush, comparable polls registered much less favourable results: 16 and 22 percent, respectively, for Argentinians in 2007 and 2008, and 16 percent for Mexicans for each of those years. …

Montreal: Planning and Politics, Quebec Style

The most striking realization for a person who moves from the U . S . to Canada is that, contrary to common perception, there is a whole country north of the 49th parallel. The faint image of Canada one gathers from the American media is generally that of a vast and sparsely populated expanse of frozen tundra, with settlements built around large skating rinks, where the four seasons are winter, winter, winter, and July. Sure, Americans know of Vancouver and Toronto; but aren't these really American towns that happen to lie at the other end of a bay, on the other side of a lake? Americans also know of NAFTA, the free-trade agreement with Canada arid Mexico; but wasn't Canada admitted into the partnership so that empty land would be available, further north, for the hordes of Mexicans who are invading from the south? The dim impression that there is nothing of real significance in the big pink area on the map between the U.S. and the North Pole is not really fortuitous. The rhetoric of national difference aside, many Canadians seem to do all they can to resemble their southern neighbors and blend into their mental and physical landscape. U.S. companies, of course, are only too happy to lend the strong, extremely visible hand of the market to this process of Americanization.

Power differentials and identity formation: Images of self and other on the Russian–Georgian boundary

This article looks at how Russia places herself in relation to one of her southern neighbours, Georgia, and vice versa. Russia and Georgia have recently been engaged in a short but full-fledged war, hence their interrelationship has been intensely debated in both countries. Both Russia and Georgia are, as it were, poised ‘between East and West’. As a starting point, therefore, we hypothesized that Russians would present themselves as a European nation while they would orientalise the Georgians. Conversely, the Georgians would define themselves into and the Russians out of Europe. We found, however, that identity construction on the Russian-Georgian border is not symmetrical. While the Georigan discourse basically confirmed our assumption, in Russia the dominant discourse is that Russia and Georgia are closely related, fraternal peoples. This shows the importance of power relations in the study of reciprocal identity formations. While hegemonic discourses often are discourses of exclusion our study shows that a discourse of inclusion—in our case a rhetoric of ‘brotherhood’—often may be a more effective technique of domination. The prevailing discourse in the weaker group, on the other hand, will focus more on cultural distance towards the more powerful Other.

New Southern Neighbors: Latino immigration and prospects for intergroup relations between African-Americans and Latinos in the South

The 1990s witnessed unprecedented Latino immigration in the Deep South. Some researchers developed a “new destinations” perspective to characterize this migration. Historical research, however, indicates that some Mexican migrants arrived in some areas of the Deep South decades earlier and worked in African American labor environments. Other Latinos also established an early presence in the South. The impact of Latino immigration on relations between African Americans and Latinos in the South has evolved through two phases divided by the emergence of large-scale Latino immigration in the early 1990s. National, state and local policies enacted since the mid-1990s have restricted many Latino immigrants in the South, limiting their ability to develop intergroup relations in the region. Cultural origin and social class differences among the Latino population in the South also affect the development of Latino relations with African Americans. Yet, restrictions against Latino immigrants may promote solidarity with African Americans.

SOUTH AFRICA'S FLYING CHEETAHS IN KOREA

On 25 June 1950, the army of North Korea crossed the thirty-eighth parallel to attack their southern neighbours. Western Powers responded quickly and despatched a multinational task force, under a United Nations banner, to the conflict area. The United Nations Forces (UNF) included a South African contingent of one fighter bomber squadron (No 2 Squadron SAAF), a liaison headquarters and ten army officers attached to 1st Commonwealth Division. By October, the North Koreans were routed. However, the intervention of Communist China resulted in a prolonged war which eventually ended in a stalemate at Panmunjom on 27 July 1953.

South Africa and the High Commission Territories during the Second World War: Politics and Policies Affecting War Mobilization

The political, economic, social and military developments in the High Commissioned Territories (HCT) throughout much of the 19th and 20th centuries were highly influenced by their southern neighbor. During the Second World War, these developments have a rather direct impact on British decision-makers in London and in southern Africa especially with regards to war mobilization, African military recruitment and labor issues. Much of what will be discussed in this paper must be understood in the context of British imperial organization and demands as formulated and dictated by the Colonial Office in London with coordination with the Office of the High Commissioner in South Africa who was responsible for the overall care and protection of the HCT. However, historical precedent, economic necessity, military exigencies, paternalism, and racial ideology also drove policy decisions regarding mobilization during WW II. Without going into great detail about the position of the British Empire in 1939 to defend itself against German aggressions, it is still important to accept in principle that Great Britain did not have the resources and manpower to fight the fight alone. As an island nation that hated to be dragged into the messy affairs of the continent, England wanted to confine herself to her own interests. By 1938 the British Army was designed primarily for home defense and was unprepared for rearmament and mobilization. I Many in positions of power questioned the role of imperialism and its subsequent militarism. Predatory imperialism violated the new ideas of liberalism, pacifism, and a growing sense that colonies should move towards self-government.2 Despite the lack of preparation and will to fight another brutal war, Britain would call upon its global dominions to answer the call of collective security against Hitler's transgressions.

Arab Springs and Transitions in the Southern Mediterranean: The EU and Civil Societies One Year On

The new political realities in the Maghreb and Mashreq countries have required the EU to take a fresh look at the Union’s relationship with its Southern neighbors. In response, the recently reviewed European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) has put cooperation with civil society organizations (CSOs) at the heart of the EU approach to the region. This paper edited by Isabelle Ioannides and Antonio Missiroli analyses what the EU responses have been to the transitions in the Southern Mediterranean, what EU policy and programming tools are available, what challenges and opportunities face democratic transitions (and what these are in the particular context of the MENA) and how local civil society actors from the region assess the developments in their countries.

Portraits in the Background of “Nothingness” Sheikh Jabber Burnt House, an Object of Persian Gulf War

War is a common heritage of Middle East, the experience of war was changed to a dramatic propaganda in Iran while the southern neighbor of Iran experienced it in another way: oblivion. In such a context, both states attempt to change the facts of the war, one to a process of sanctification and one to the portraits of nothingness. We, as archaeologists, were accidentally encountered with a heritage of Persian Gulf War during a contemporary archaeology project. Our curiosity made us to take a look at Jabber house, a forgotten building, a domestic architecture destroyed by a racket during the war. What was recorded in our frames was actually an artistic work, out of its original context. Our subjectivity as archaeologists made us to think about the other objects fossilized in museums, they are out of their painful context and structure, they are only beautiful, the portraits in the background of nothingness, in a burnt gallery. Persian Gulf War is treated in Kuwait as a negative heritage, what is discussed in this article as the main theme…a negative heritage lost its original context and meaning: Sheikh Jabber house.

Development of the Information Society in Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia

The article is presenting facts about the politics carried on the EU concerning development of the information society in Czech Republic, Poland and Slovakia - countries that in 2004 became members of the EU. Enlargement of the EU structures allowed for more dynamic development of these countries in the information society context. The situation of each country was presented by indicators describing the household and the community situation in information society. Indicators was gained from Eurostat system. The universality of these indicators lets to the assessment of the level and dynamics of development in relation to the EU average. Comparison of Poland and its southern neighbors allows also to observe changes that occur and may allow better progress in this field.

The Disparity of Motivational Drivers in International Health Care Systems

The Disparity of Motivational Drivers in International Health Care Systems

The Centennial Celebration of the Battle of Lundy’s Lane and of One Hundred Years of Peace

This article examines the centenary celebration of the Battle of Lundy’s Lane, held under the auspices of the Lundy’s Lane Historical Society on 25 July 1914. At this time Canada was attempting to define its place in the world, and was coming to terms with a growing Anglo-American rapprochement. At the prodding of Canadian federal bodies, what had originally been intended as a Canadian celebration was transformed into an international one involving Canadian, and American representatives. In this way the celebration of the anniversary of the Battle of Lundy’s Lane was combined with that of one hundred years of peace between Britain and the United States. The resulting ceremony was filled with conflicting messages about Canada’s history and its relationship with its southern neighbour as participants tried to balance Canada’s attachment to the empire and its growing closeness with the United States, while commemorating the last great battle between them.

DISTRIBUTION AND POTENTIAL IMPACT OF FERAL COTTON ON THE REINTRODUCTION OF COTTON IN THE SOUTHERN HIGHLANDS, TANZANIA

Cotton ( Gossypium hirsutum ) production is limited by bollworms that cause declining yields and poor lint quality. Generally, farmers manage pests by employing Integrated Pest Management (IPM) strategies, which include biological, cultural, physical and chemical approaches. Pest management by quarantine and pesticide sprays reduce production area and lead to resistance build-up. The Red bollworm, Dipsaropsis castanea is an important cotton pest of significant economical importance to Tanzania. The pest invaded the Southern Highlands (SH) of Tanzania in 1960’s from southern neighbour countries causing the Government to quarantine cotton production from 1968 as measure to limit the spread of the red bollworm. Transgenic Bt cotton with insecticidal properties presents a potential solution to the bollworm infestation in Tanzania. However, concerns associated with transgenic crops viz.; transgene flow to wild and feral relatives, increased potential for resistance evolution, need to be addressed prior to adoption of any transgenic crop. Information from national herbaria, research stations and a field survey established sparse distribution and diversity of feral cotton species G. barbadense , an exotic ornamental from Brazil though as isolated garden plants. Informal interviews revealed medicinal and fibre value of the ornamental. Diploid wild cotton relatives such as G. longicalyx and Gossypoides kirkii were also recorded but are incompatible to G. hirsutum . Field observations indicate continued red bollworm presence in the SH on feral cotton, but low in number as plants are few and isolated. Cluster analysis indicates presence of hybrid remnants of G. hirsutum and G. barbadense suggesting potential for gene flow. Keywords: Bt cotton, bollworms, quarantine, insecticides, insect resistance, feral cotton, refuge plant

Turkey and Iraq: The Making of a Partnership

Turkish–Iraqi relations have undergone a dramatic turnaround since 2007. The change in Turkish Iraq policy was driven by both domestic factors, primarily Turkey's Kurdish question and the ruling Justice and Development Party's, (AKP, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi), desire to become a global player and an influential force in its neighboring regions. Underlying these ambitions is the burgeoning Turkish economy's need to deepen commercial links with everyone and find new export markets. Post-Saddam Iraq offered new opportunities for the AKP to seize. The Turkish government abandoned its policy of undermining the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) in northern Iraq and instead opted to work closely with both the central government in Baghdad and the KRG. Iraq has become one of the more important success stories of the new Turkish foreign policy as Turkish economic ties with its southern neighbor have deepened and Turkish exports have mushroomed.

Preoccupied with the Market: The EU as a Promoter of ‘Shallow’ Democracy in the Mediterranean

This article investigates the substance of the European Union (EU)'s democracy promotion towards its southern neighbours within the framework of the Euro- Mediterranean Partnership (EMP)/the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) and the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Taking the distinction between core elements of democracy and supporting external conditions as a point of departure, this article concentrates on the latter and analyses the EU's view on the relation between the state, the market, and the civil society. This article finds that the main objective of the EU's policy towards its southern Mediterranean neighbours is economic liberalization and that the promotion of the civil society, the functioning of the state, and the core elements of democracy are oriented to the promotion of a market-based economy. Moreover, the EU's preoccupation with the market has affected the establishment of democracies in the southern Mediterranean region.

Zapatista Autonomy in Cartel Mexico: Preserving Smallholder Viability

AbstractA full century after the Mexican Revolution of 1910 and 18 years after the 1994 Zapatista uprising, Mexico, our southern neighbor, is in the throes of another crisis, gripped by an epoch of unprecedented drug‐related violence and war which is bleeding in and out of its borders, both south and north. This report provides an update on continuing Zapatista autonomy, placing the narrative into the context of the impact of the narco wars on Mexican agricultural communities.

Explaining EU Aid Allocation in the Mediterranean: A Fuzzy-Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis

This article examines the determinants of aid allocation by the European Union to its southern neighbours within the framework of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and the European Neighbourhood Policy. Starting from the observation that in the two periods 2002–06 and 2007–10 the European Commission committed a considerably larger amount of aid per capita to Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco and Tunisia than to Algeria, Egypt and Syria, four models regarding aid allocation are identified from the literature and EU documents: donor interest, recipient need, good governance and economic reforms. Subsequently, the hypotheses of these models are tested using a fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis. The article concludes that the economic reforms model proves to have the most explanatory value. The EU's aid policy in the Mediterranean has a long-term objective – the promotion of market-based reforms. In addition, a high score for control of corruption is identified as a sufficient condition for receiving a large amount of funding.

The Renewed European Neighbourhood Policy: Working with Partners

The political reality in the Neighbourhood countries has changed dramatically and requires us to look afresh at the Union’s relationship with our Southern and Eastern neighbours. The paper analysed the new premises, approach and focus of the revamped European Neighbourhood Policy available to the southern Mediterranean partners.

Concentric circles of flexible ‘EUropean’ integration: A typology of EU external governance relations

The deepening of the EU's acquis communautaire, transformations of the European continent, and intensifying webs of interdependence have, since the 1990s, prompted a progressing blurring of the functional boundaries of the European Union. Whereas the integration project has produced externalities early on, the EU has engaged in an active promotion of its norms and rules beyond the member states, designing concentric circles of flexible ‘EUropean’ integration. This article offers a typology of these evolving external circles of EU rule-export focusing on the European Economic Area, Swiss-EU bilateralism, the stabilization and enlargement policy towards the candidate countries of the Western Balkans, the European Neighbourhood Policy and countries beyond the neighbourhood. Drawing on the theoretical notion of external governance, it will be shown these outer circles of ‘EUropean’ integration fall into three groups. While the first group, the ‘quasi-member states’ of Western Europe, combine far-reaching regulatory alignment with limited opportunities for organizational inclusion in EU structures, the Eastern and Southern neighbours face less legalized forms of rule transfer along with the establishment of parallel regional organizational structures. Links with countries beyond the neighbourhood finally stress the functionally differentiated rather than political and territorial dynamics of EU external governance.