South Korean Politics Research Articles

Reluctant Reconciliation: South Korea's tentative détente with North Korea in the Nixon era, 1969–72

AbstractThis article discusses the impact and implications of Sino-American reconciliation on South Korea's policy towards its conflict with North Korea as well as its effect on South Korean politics in the early 1970s. Specifically, this article will examine how the Park regime altered its policy toward the North in response to the demands of the Nixon administration, before discussing the limitations of the policy in terms of the hostile approach of the Park regime toward Pyongyang during its talks with North Korea in 1972.Based on recent findings in the South Korean and American archives, and an interview with former KCIA official Gang Indeok, this article contends that this particular focus provides an interesting case study to explain the impact of global changes on the domestic politics of specific nation(s) during the Cold War era. Along with many other American client states, the Republic of Korea misunderstood the objective of the United States before Nixon announced his Doctrine in 1969 and intention to reduce American support for Park. To be sure, it was not Washington's intention to build a democratic country in the Korean Peninsula. Rather, as Westad has indicated, the superpower sought greater control over the world and the expansion and extension of its power. This short article will thus demonstrate the process by which the client states of the United States—in particular, South Korea—came to understand the real aims of Washington and learned how to utilize these American intentions for their own national interest.

한국전쟁 개시 이후 남한 정계인사들의 월북·납북에 관한 고찰

이 논문은 한국전쟁 발발 직후 남한 정계인사들의 월북 및 납북, 그리고 그들의 북한 내 활동을 당시 언론 기사와 러시아문서자료를 바탕으로 살펴본 글이다. 북한 당국은 서울을 점령하면서 남한 정계 인사들을 비롯한 저명인사들을 자기의 편으로 끌어들여 전쟁 승리를 위한 심리적 기반을 형성하고자 하였다. 그들은 신문과 방송에 나와 ‘자신들의 과오’를 반성하고 남한 정부를 거부하도록 요구 받았다. 그러나 유엔군의 인천 상륙에 따라 전세가 역전되면서 이들 중 상당수는 월북하거나 납북되었다. 북한측에 협력한 데 대한 처벌 가능성도 이들의 월북 동기로 작용하였다. 월북 후 처음 이들은 별다른 활동을 하지 않았으나 1950년대 중반 남쪽에서 ‘평화통일론’이 나오자 월북 정계인사들은 재북평화통일촉진협의회를 결성하여 통일운동을 도모하였다. 재북평통은 북한 당국의 방침에 영향을 받기는 했지만 중립화 통일론을 주창하는 등 독자적인 면모를 보이기도 했다. 재북평통은 조직 내부적인 불협화음과 남북관계의 불통에 따라 자기의 기능을 충분히 발휘하지 못했고, 회원들이 연로화되면서 자연적인 쇠퇴의 길을 걸었다. 월북 정치인의 대표격인 조소앙은 강물에 몸을 투신함으로써 비극적으로 생을 마감하였다.

Note from the Editor

Note from the Editor Sem Vermeersch, Editor-in-chief For the first time since June 2016, we are presenting a theme issue. In 2015 Jonathan Best had organized a panel for the annual Kyujanggak Symposium on Korean Studies that reexamined the historiography of the Silla Annals of the Samguk sagi. Following the presentations at the symposium, Professor Best then guest-edited five articles for a theme issue that challenged the conventional historiography of the Samguk sagi, using insights gleaned from archeology and other sources to provide new ways of understanding the chronology of events in Silla’s history. This theme issue, guest edited by Javier Cha, also started with a panel; I first witnessed the contributors’ incipient ideas about Korean periodization issues at an Association for Asian Studies Annual Meeting panel in 2014. The ideas were further developed at a Hong Kong University workshop in 2016. When Professor Cha proposed to submit the papers to the Seoul Journal, we were very happy to again have the chance to publish on a very important and timely historiographical topic. This time the papers look at the issue of periodization of Korean history from various angles. The way we look at Korean history shifts across time and place. Following a small boom in research on periodization in South Korea in the 1990s, it is high time to take stock and see how our perceptions have shifted again. The insights presented here are not meant to present a new paradigm, but rather to make us rethink the categories used to make sense of history. Since the papers are expertly introduced by Prof Cha in his guest editor’s introduction, I will say no more here. The two other articles that complete this issue are from quite different fields of history. Richard McBride analyzes two texts attributed to the famous Silla monk Ŭisang. Known as the founder of the Hwaŏm tradition in Korea, he is perhaps most closely associated with the symbolism and exegetic system of that school. Yet as McBride shows, during the Silla and Koryŏ periods there was also [End Page v] a tradition that associated him with the vows for rebirth in the Pure Land, usually thought of as a popular tradition. Analyzing two vow texts attributed to Ŭisang, McBride shows that they bear the imprint of the Koryŏ Dynasty, and the need by the religious community at the time to associate places and practices with famous masters from the past. Finally, Hyoung Wook Park’s article analyzes the ambivalent responses to hepatitis B in South Korea during the Park Chung-hee and Chun Doo-hwan eras. Prevalence of hepatitis B has famously been associated with Korean drinking culture: The sharing of soju cups was often assumed to transmit the disease. Though proven by medical research not to be a factor in transmission, cultural anxieties continued to shape government and medical responses. It is perhaps fitting then that this issue closes with John DiMoia’s review of Sonja Kim’s Imperatives of Care, a book that deals with another aspect of the intersection of culture, government, and medicine, in this case the gendering of the field of medicine during the colonial period. Starting with this issue, we welcome two new members to the editorial board: Balázs Szalontai, who is an expert on North Korea, and Erik Mobrand, who works on modern South Korean politics. I would like to welcome them on board and look forward to their contributions to the journal. I would also like to thank Ruediger Frank, outgoing board member, for his years of dedicated service to the journal. [End Page vi] Copyright © 2019 Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies

Dictators Against Dependence: Albania and Korea

When a linguistically distinctive ethnicity is surrounded by much larger powers, its leader usually needs resources from one of them – and then that power may try to absorb it. The local leader quickly switches to reliance on the previous protector's main foreign enemy, simultaneously purging (often killing) domestic rivals. Albania's long history through Enver Hoxha, like North Korea's under Kim Jong‐un still, shows recurrent examples of this link between independence and dictatorship – although not all tyrants emerge in this way. The essay also discloses violent aspects of past South Korean politics that few readers of English know. Historical parallels can be observed without any universal covering “law.” Further examples explore limits of this method. History can inform policies toward nonproliferation (American, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean), elucidate the recent effects of surrounding pluralistic states on small countries, and provide evidence about the likely benefits of Korean patriotism and reunification.

South Korean Politics and Foreign Policy in 2017 and 2018

The election of Moon Jae-in in South Korea signals a shift to a more conciliatory approach towards North Korea. Moon’s basic strategy towards the North contradicts that of the United States, emphasising a “dual-track” policy of seeking North Korea’s denuclearisation while calling for dialogue to facilitate inter-Korean summit and not North Korea’s denuclearisation. Moon’s acceptance of China’s “Three oppositions” to the deployment of Terminal High Altitude Area Defence is controversial as they are not within Korea’s jurisdiction.

The Digital Political Communication of South Korean Politicians

The internet and social media have been credited with the potential to reinvigorate democracy by offering new avenues of political participation and communication between citi-zens and politicians. The results of empirical studies, however, call for caution, as many politi-cians refrain from fully exploring the interactive potential of new media. This case study focus-es on the web presence of Korean parliamentarians, using basic statistical analyses to explore the use of ICT as a means of political communication. It finds that Korean parliamentarians are less active online, treating ICT mainly as another channel for information distribution. It is thus concluded that ICT is not revolutionizing politics but reinforcing existing patterns of communi-cation that leave a gap between citizens and representatives. This paper was previously submit-ted to CeDem Asia 2016. The literature review and the methodology section have been expand-ed, and additional statistical data as well as further findings on Twitter were added.

Territorial Conflicts and Japanese Attitudes Towards East Asian Countries: Natural Experiments with Foreigners' Landings on Disputed Islands

Japan disputes the sovereignty of two islands: Senkaku/Diaoyu with China and Takeshima/Dokdo with South Korea. These disputes have triggered political performances. In August 2012, Chinese activists landed on Senkaku/Diaoyu, and South Korean politicians landed on Takeshima/Dokdo. The group threat theory suggests that these events constitute threats to Japanese citizens, which lead to negative attitudes towards these countries. The theory also expects personal variations in the reactions to the threats, and the empirical findings of the theory predict an improvement in the worsened attitudes immediately after the event. Drawing on a Japanese social survey that was conducted every month for the two years during which these landing events occurred, I tested the effect of the events on Japanese attitudes towards China and South Korea in a natural experimental framework. The results show that the events negatively impacted Japanese attitudes towards both countries. However, contrary to the expectations of the group threat theory, individual variations (i.e., socioeconomic status, media exposure, and political orientation) in the responses to the events are not supported. Additionally, the attitudes do not return to preevent levels for one year. The contradictions between previous studies and this study potentially originate from the importance of the territories.

South Korean Presidential Politics Turns Liberal: Transformative Change or Business as Usual?

AbstractThe impeachment of President Park Gyeun‐hye on 10 March 2017 saw South Korean politics enter a period of crisis. Her removal from office, the result of an unprecedented mass movement of citizen protests, provided a springboard for the subsequent success of the liberal candidate, Moon Jae‐in, in the presidential election of 9 May 2017. This article suggests that political change in South Korea is only possible if actors move beyond the politics of personality, and tackle the structural reasons for the policy failures of recent times. Further, if democracy, a humane economic system and responsive political institutions are going to be developed and nourished, the country's ‘imperial presidency’ needs to be reformed. In particular, the current ‘winner‐takes‐all’ politics, with the presidency as the main locus of power, needs to be reformed in ways that promote a more balanced political system, increasing the influence of other actors and institutions.

1970년대 남ㆍ북한 정치체제로 본 영화사 비교 연구

1970년대 남ㆍ북한 정치체제로 본 영화사 비교 연구

The good, the bad, and the forgiven: The media spectacle of South Korean male celebrities’ compulsory military service

For almost 70 years, South Korea has upheld the principle of universal male conscription, and the military has been a potent force in post-war South Korean political, economic, and social development. The role and significance of male conscription and the military establishment in South Korean society have been explored from the perspective of political, social, and gender/post-colonial studies. However, there is a considerable lack of academic research assessing the social meanings behind the highly publicized conduct of male celebrities’ negotiating the issue of their compulsory military service, which has turned increasingly into media spectacles since the mid-1990s. This study attempts to provide an insight into the political and social ramifications of such media events by tracing the military service and male celebrity discourse through several major conscription scandals in the South Korean mass media. By simultaneously policing and exploiting the ‘sacred’ duty to serve, these media scandals reinforce what it means to be a true ‘Korean man’.

A Study on the voices of South Korean politicians : Focusing on expert opinion and voice analysis

A Study on the voices of South Korean politicians : Focusing on expert opinion and voice analysis

Gender Quotas and Candidate Selection Processes in South Korean Political Parties

Gender Quotas and Candidate Selection Processes in South Korean Political Parties

Analysis of South Korean Political Parties’ Change and Development Plans: Before and After Comparison of the Abolition of Party Chapters

Analysis of South Korean Political Parties’ Change and Development Plans: Before and After Comparison of the Abolition of Party Chapters

Factors and Characteristics of Political Likeability as a Source of Public Relations: Focusing on the Likeability Factors in South Korea

The purpose of public relations is to obtain the “good will” of stakeholders having a strong effect on the good feeling or likeability of public for the organizations of public relations. Bhargava, professor of marketing at Georgetown University, insists that Nelson Mandela could be President of South Africa because of his personal charm and likeability rather than his political experience and competence. This study is purposed to investigate what are the likeability factors which exert a strong influence on the impression and image of politicians and to make a likeability index for South Korean politicians. A survey of likeability was conducted for the Presidential candidates, local government head candidates and work partners in South Korea. The result shows that likeability factors depend on who it is. In other words, likeability factors are different in the manner of subjects and targets. In particular, the likeability factors for Korean President were composed of reliability, communication competence, and problem-solving ability. While, the likeability factors for local government chief were composed of reliability, clean integrity and problem-solving ability. In addition, this study indicates that the likeability index for Korean politicians should be estimated by reliability, strict integrity, communication competence, problemsolving ability and consideration.

A Geo-Economic Object or an Object of Geo-Political Absorption? Competing Visions of North Korea in South Korean Politics

The so-called Sunshine Policy launched by the liberal regime of South Korea brought about a significant transformation in its visions of North Korea. Through it, North Korea became an “object of development.” This was something different from the previous idea of North Korea as a politico-military target. However, to conservatives, North Korea remains within the politico-military realm as an object of territorial and ideological absorption. As a result, political conflicts in South Korea in the conception of North Korea – between a geo-economic object and an object of geo-political absorption – entail competitive appropriation of the discourse of “China’s colonisation of North Korea” and affect the way North Korean territory is produced.

The Street Leaders of Seoul and the Foundations of the South Korean Political Order

AbstractIn the decade and a half following Korean liberation from Japan in 1945, a category of men prowled Seoul's back alleys and also its halls of power. These figures might be called street leaders, for they were directly linked on one hand to private agents of violence and on the other to the top state and political elites of the country. The most notorious individuals included Kim Tu-han, a gang leader who became an elected politician, and Yi Chŏng-jae, a ‘political gangster’ who helped party politicians with their dirty work. Street leaders like Kim and Yi were on the scene at key moments in the republic's early political development. An examination of the political careers of Kim and Yi reveals how important cooperation between such actors and elite politicians was to state-building, political mobilization, and design of electoral institutions—processes that created the contemporary South Korean polity. Both the alliances between politicians and street leaders as well as the destruction of those alliances left deep impressions on South Korean politics.

The South Korean–Japanese security relationship and the Dokdo/Takeshima islets dispute

In 2012, South Korea and Japan came very close to signing a bilateral security agreement that would help to address mutual security threats: China's rise in power and North Korea's missile testing and nuclear status. Yet the South Korean government halted the signing of the agreement due to domestic opposition, putting a stop to this and other future security agreements for now. Why have South Korean governments been unable or unwilling to pursue security agreements with Japan? This research first examines whether the security agreements are necessary, and second, the role of the Dokdo/Takeshima islets territorial dispute as a major symbolic deterrent for such security agreements. I argue that security agreements are necessary, yet domestic accountability in South Korea regarding the Dokdo islets and related tensions with Japan strongly oftentimes impedes furthering security relations with Japan. An examination of Korean domestic public opinion, actions of civil society groups, and actions and decisions of South Korean politicians demonstrate that domestic accountability has played a major role in preventing further security relations with Japan.

Transitory or Lingering Impact? The Legacies of the Cheonan Incident in Northeast Asia

What changes has the Cheonan incident brought about in the Northeast Asian region? How and to what extent have those changes shifted as time goes by? I find that the Cheonan sinking has played a key role in deepening the ideological chasm in South Korea between conservatives and progressives. It has also become a serious obstacle to the improvement of South Korea-North Korea relations, and has been the catalyst for the emergence of a Cold War-like rivalry between the US-South Korea-Japan and the China-North Korea-Russia blocs. However, relations among neigh-boring countries in Northeast Asia have shifted over time, including significant improvement in China-Republic of Korea relations and worsening of relations between China and North Korea and South Korea and Japan. KEYWORDS: Cheonan incident, ideological divide, South Korean politics, inter-Korean relations, Northeast Asian security relations.ON MARCH 26, 2010, THE REPUBLIC OF KOREA (ROK OR SOUTH Korea) navy corvette PCC-722 Cheonan sank while conducting a patrol mission in the Yellow Sea just south of the Northern Limit Line near Baekryeong Island. As a result, forty-six out of 104 crew members were killed while fifty-eight were rescued. Following an investigation, a Joint Civilian-Military Investigation Group (JIG) consisting of experts from the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, Sweden, and South Korea, announced on May 20 that the Cheonan had been sunk by a North Korean torpedo attack. What changes has the Cheonan incident brought about in the Northeast Asia region? How and to what extent have those changes shifted over time?The JIG's official report, instead of leading to a consensus view among South Koreans, sparked a debate over the cause of the incident. The already deep ideological chasm between con- servatives and progressives in South Korean society worsened. The sinking of the Cheonan also further undermined interKorean relations and served as the catalyst for the emergence of a Cold War-like rivalry between the US-ROK-Japan and the China-North Korea-Russia blocs. Along with these changes in regional security dynamics, the tragic incident also exerted significant influence on interstate relations among neighboring countries in Northeast Asia. In the short run, the Cheonan sinking weakened China-ROK, US-DPRK (Democratic People's Republic of Korea, or North Korea), and US-China relations, whereas it helped strengthen China-DPRK, US-ROK, US-Japan, and ROK-Japan relations. Further shifts have occurred since the incident as China-ROK relations have significantly improved while China-DPRK and ROK-Japan relations have notably worsened.In this article, I first examine the widening ideological gap between conservatives and progressives in South Korea after the sinking of the navy ship by exploring the hotly contested points of the JIG's report. I then look into the impact of the Cheonan incident on Northeast Asian security relations and how and to what extent the changes produced by the incident have shifted over time.The Ideological Divide in South KoreaA Catalyst for Deepening MistrustIdeological disputes between conservatives and progressives in South Korea are hardly new. Since the end of the Korean War, the two camps have mainly clashed over policies toward the DPRK and the security role of the United States. Conservatives give top priority to fostering a close partnership with the United States and maintaining vigilance against the threat from North Korea. Progressives, however, radically oppose that narrative, seeing the North more as a kin nation with which to be reconciled and the United States as a disruptive interloper (Chae and Kim 2008, 77).This ideological divide became more evident after progressive President Kim Dae-jung (1998-2002) launched an engagement policy toward North Korea, called the Sunshine Policy. Conservative politicians, intellectuals, and media strongly opposed the Kim government's initiatives, criticizing him for not demanding reciprocal actions by the DPRK. …

The Fluid Middle in South Korean Politics

This article explores the role that political ideology played in shaping the outcome of the 2012 presidential election in South Korea. It conceptualizes political ideology as two-dimensional and utilizes cluster analysis to identify distinct ideological groups. By analyzing two sets of survey data collected in 2012, it discovers four ideological groups. A striking result uncovered by the cluster analysis is the change in party identification and voting in favor of the conservative party made by one group in particular—a change that proved to be the competitive edge the conservative party candidate needed to win the fiercely competitive two-way election. In other words, this group served as the fluid middle.

Drama of Resistance, Resistance of Drama: Linguistic Practices, Discourses, and Identities in a South Korean Political Podcast Naneun Ggomsuda

This paper attempts to demonstrate how speakers' identities are shaped, negotiated, and performed through linguistic practices in a South Korean...