South China Sea Dispute Research Articles

The Strategy of Power Politics of the Philippines in Facing China in the South China Sea Conflict

The South China Sea conflict has involved many parties, including the Philippines. In defending one of the most strategic islands, the Spratly Islands, the Philippines has exerted its hard power by increasing its military power strategy. By engaging the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and working with the U.S., the Philippines can increase its military power. The prior studies have only explored how the dispute in SCS is caused by maritime growth, and some have found the effective way to solve the issue is from the liberal perspective. This study uses a power politics approach to the Philippines' strategy to defend the Spratly Islands and its surroundings in the South China Sea dispute. It analyzes the Philippines' interests in the Spratly islands. The research was conducted using qualitative methods through literature study, and the data were analyzed, then described to obtain a complete picture of the answers to the problems studied. This finding explores how the Philippines' defense strategy works and how it is generated. The results of this study indicate that the defense strategy in the Spratly Islands is generated by the national interests of the Philippines, especially in the economic field.

Betwixt “the Wise Man and the Prince” : A Partnership in Comity and Conciliation for the South China Sea Disputes

Betwixt “the Wise Man and the Prince” : A Partnership in Comity and Conciliation for the South China Sea Disputes

Calming the Waters of the South China Sea: Solving Territorial Disputes over Artificial Islands

The South China Sea region has been a site of conflict for decades, with numerous states holding competing territorial claims due to its abundance of resources and strategic importance. Recently, China’s construction of artificial islands in the South China Sea has escalated tensions in the region and has strained efforts to bring peace. This paper observes the role of intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations (UN) and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in resolving the conflict in the South China Sea. First, this paper studies the ASEAN-China code of conduct, the dispute management approach currently being negotiated between ASEAN and China. This code of conduct will govern the conduct of the countries involved in the South China Sea disputes. Furthermore, this paper proposes key provisions that should be incorporated into this code of conduct to make it more effective. Second, this paper reviews the conflicting views of ASEAN member states that impede the creation and adoption of the code of conduct. To conclude, this paper recommends an alternative solution through the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), proposing that the conciliation procedure provided in UNCLOS be adopted to resolve the long standing South China Sea disputes.

The “New Normal” in China’s Assertive Power Projection in the South China Sea: Maritime Hybrid Threats

The People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) assertive power projection in the South China Sea (SCS) and its consequences in the form of hybrid threats have increasingly become an accepted reality of the region. China has gradually constructed this “new normal” or “fait accompli” under the framework of its assertive policies which have generated geostrategic repercussions both in the regional and global landscape. Despite the fact that most of the recent studies particularly address China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or regional politics, a holistic assessment of China’s assertive behavior requires a concentrated focus on China’s employment of maritime hybrid instruments in the service of its declarative, demonstrative and coercive actions. Rather than engaging in open military confrontation in the SCS dispute, China skillfully synchronizes the military, political, economic, cyber and information sources of power in different operational domains to influence, intimidate and coerce the competing claimants. Furthermore, with a structural approach, the impact of China’s employment of assertive maritime hybrid instruments go beyond regional level to have possible repercussions on the future of global-level power shifts. The current conditions of China’s growing material power, its will to use hybrid instruments, and increasing vulnerabilities and lack of a coordinated response seem to reinforce a breeding ground for future assertiveness and a possible shift in the balance of power. However, in the long-term it would not be surprising to see stiffened counter efforts to disrupt its initiatives on a global landscape. Therefore, this study aims to shed light on the context and cumulative effects of China’s assertive employment of maritime hybrid instruments while discussing increasing international concerns on the altering dynamics of balance of power. 

Indonesian Foreign Policy Maintaining In Maritime Security Towards China’s New Silk Road

Indonesian Maritime Domain has overlapping area with one of the immense project which is China’s New Silk Road. Thus, with providing opportunities such as financial loans and infrastructure investment which are essential to realize the appealing policy of Joko Widodo’s, Global Maritime Fulcrum. However, this project doesn’t seem without implications for Indonesian Maritime Security given current unsolved problems, South China Sea Dispute, IUU fishing and Natuna island. Indonesian Foreign Policy has always been on one of the main policy which is Free and Active. Also, internal and external factors such as anti-Chinese sentiment and US-China rivalry have been determinative for Joko Widodo’s Policy as well. The researcher used the Qualitative research method with an explanatory approach in conducting the research and processing the data. The primary data document directly from ministries as an official statement and speech of leaders. Secondary data, written and visual sources such as scientific books or journals, archival sources, personal documents, internet sources, other official documents. This research concluded that Indonesian Foreign Policy is crucial in order to obtain benefits while reducing implications. Therefore, this research sought to establish how Indonesian Foreign Policy has been managing China’s New Silk Road to maintain Maritime Security of Indonesia. 
 Keywords : Foreign Policy, Maritime Security, Silk Road

Vietnam’s growing agency in the twenty-first century

The world is witnessing a dual process of power shift from West to East and power diffusion from the major states to the lower layers of the global power structure. However, inadequate scholarly endeavour is devoted to exploring the foreign policy thinking and practices of weaker states amid these dynamics. This paper analyses the changing patterns of Vietnam’s post-Cold War worldview, its engagement with the regional security order, particularly its current threat perception and strategic response to regional challenges such as China’s rise and the South China Sea disputes. It will trace how Vietnam, previously perceived as a small to medium country, has increased its agency in the twenty first century to the extent that an emerging middle power can maneuver in a multifaceted and fluid world. It argues from the case of Vietnam that weaker states are not merely dictated by structural developments but may now have greater agency in contributing to shaping regional or world orders. Such investigation will help enrich both the existing Western-dominated and structure-oriented accounts on small and middle powers.

Chinese Capital as a Cultural Object: Self-Identification and Filipino-Chinese Discourses on Sinicization, Brokerage, and Distinction

Abstract Our article analyzes how Chinese capital inflows in the Philippines shape the self-identification of Filipino Chinese. Through a discursive analysis of five Filipino Chinese social media groups, which comprise at least 25,000 members, we argue that comment writers in Filipino Chinese groups readily interpreted Chinese capital in the Philippines, particularly in relation to the South China Sea disputes, Rodrigo Duterte’s rapprochement with China, Xi Jinping’s Philippine visit, and the rise of online gambling, through the prism of culture-based idioms. We find three contradictory discourses. First, there is a discourse of Sinicization that defines Filipino Chinese through a singular definition of Chineseness. Second, a discourse of brokerage has emerged, wherein Filipino Chinese positionality is represented by a synthesis of Chinese, Filipino, and Western identities. Finally, a discourse of distinction has also grown, framing Filipino Chinese as different from the mainland Chinese and the Filipinos.

Diplomasi Pertahanan Malaysia di Laut China Selatan: Isu dan Tantangan (Malaysia's Defense Diplomacy in the South China Sea: Issues and Challenges)

The South China Sea dispute has escalated since China claimed 80% of the South China Sea area. This is in conflict with the interests of many countries, one of which is Malaysia. China's claims regarding Malaysia's EEZ area that can endanger Malaysia's national interests. In addition, the United States is also involved in this region and threats to Malaysia come from all sides. This can be a threat to Malaysia's national interest Malaysia is a small country that is building its military strength and relies heavily on trade. In overcoming this threat in the South China Sea, Malaysia seeks to increase mutual trust with related countries, especially China and Malaysia as major countries involved in the SCS region. Malaysia is also consistent in carrying out its foreign policyand actively promotes security in the South China Sea with ASEAN through ASEAN Plus One, ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), East Asia Summit (EAS), ASEANDefense's Minister Meeting/ASEAN Defense's Minister Meeting-Plus (ADMM/ADMM-Plus) and track II workshops. ASEAN has the same view, which isnot agreeing to China's claims in the South China Sea.

Probing Vietnam's Legal Prospects in the South China Sea Dispute

executive summary: This article reviews dispute settlement procedures under the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), discusses the application in two cases, and draws implications for the actionable legal procedures available to Vietnam. main argument Although most Asian states are signatories to UNCLOS, which offers options for dispute resolution by either voluntary or compulsory processes, in reality fewer than a dozen Asian states have taken advantage of such an approach. The decision to adopt third-party mechanisms comes under great scrutiny and deliberation, not least because of the entailing legal procedures and the politically sensitive nature of disputes. Vietnam claims the second-largest maritime area in the South China Sea dispute after China. A comparison of two recent cases—the arbitration between the Philippines and China and the conciliation between Timor-Leste and Australia—highlights the importance of selecting between binding and nonbinding decisions and framing a complaint. In particular, any legal action under UNCLOS should specify China's claims and actions in areas that encroach on Vietnam's claimed exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and violate international law. policy implications • Were Vietnam to build a case against China in the South China Sea based on maritime entitlements, rather than boundary delimitation, it should initiate a compulsory arbitration procedure pursuant of Article 287 and Annex VII of UNCLOS. In taking this step, Vietnam should seek a ruling regarding (1) entitlements to living and nonliving resources in its EEZ and continental shelf and (2) the legality of China's claims and activities in the South China Sea. • While Vietnam continues to prefer negotiations, the growing assertiveness of China, including its activities in Vietnam's claimed EEZ, may change this calculation. A potential victory in international arbitration could secure Vietnam's sovereignty over its EEZ and continental shelf.

The Hegemony’s Contest in the South China Sea

Constantly analyzed in scientific, theoretical, and empirical studies, the “ Asian Mediterranean” region has received renewed attention as a consequence of the rise of China. China’s emergence combines its strong economic dynamic with increased confidence, positioning it as a potential regional hegemony. On that conceptual basis, this study aims to answer whether a power transition has already occurred in the South China Sea and how the process of a regional hegemonic transition took place. Through an examination of the instruments used by the United States and China to exercise power, articulated with the power transition theory, it establishes that a transition in the South China Sea dispute could have already occurred. However, the study disclaims that Beijing’s evolution and sudden change of behavior aim to overthrow the U.S. global leadership but rather intends to reclaim its position of regional hegemony.

The South China Sea Disputes in International Law Perspective

The South China Sea issue is getting worse. China's claims overlap with those of other parties such as Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei. To defend its claim, China is trying to dominate, both in the disputed territory and in multilateral negotiations. In the disputed territory, China seized the area, carried out reclamation, and attacked ships in other countries under various pretexts. Until the Philippines finally brought the dispute to the Permanent Court of Arbitration. The decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration said that China's claims regarding the nine dash lines were indisputable and had no legal basis. The decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration. Which was a source of international law was rejected by China. This article aims to describe the validity of the Permanent Court of Arbitration decision if the decision is rejected by one party based on the perspective of international law.

Asymmetry Theory and China-Philippines Relations with the South China Sea as a Case.

This article analyzes how the structural factor of asymmetry affects China’s relations with a small power. As the studies of Brantly Womack suggest, asymmetry theory is conducive to deepening the understanding of China’s relations with smaller countries. We argue that an examination of China–Philippines relations from 2010 to 2020 indicates that Beijing has trouble managing its ties with Manila because of the asymmetry in the nature of the relations, which originates in the power and status gaps between them. The asymmetrical structure of this bilateral interplay inclines China to underestimate and neglect the Philippines’ intentions and determination to resist, which has been made especially clear in the South China Sea disputes. As a result, their relationship experienced repeated ups and downs throughout the 2010s, in particular over the maritime sovereignty issue. This study also hints at the complicated situations surrounding China where many medium-sized and small states attempt to maneuver among great powers. Without affinities with such governments in the Indo-Pacific region, it will be difficult for Beijing to achieve a peaceful rise and acquire status as a next-generation superpower.

How does geopolitical uncertainty affect Chinese overseas investment in the energy sector? Evidence from the South China Sea Dispute

Based on Chinese outward foreign direct investment data, this study examines the impact of the South China Sea Dispute on China's overseas investments in oil & gas-related sectors. The South China Sea Dispute alarms a potential threat to China's energy supply. By applying a difference-in-difference estimation, we find that the South China Sea Dispute brings about an increase in the frequency of China's oil & gas-related investments to low-risk countries. The findings are robust under several specification tests. It indicates that under geopolitical uncertainty environment, energy-importers will reallocate energy investment in order to avoid the potential disruption of energy supply.

Examining ASEAN’s effectiveness in managing South China Sea disputes

For the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the South China Sea (SCS) disputes between China and Southeast Asian claimant states (Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia, and Brunei) are a major concern. However, the dominant sceptics are pessimistic about ASEAN’s effectiveness in managing these disputes. This article contributes to the field by providing a systematic analysis on this topic, which is missing within the literature. Also, many of the arguments presented in this article challenge the dominant views and thus provide an alternative understanding of ASEAN’s effectiveness in managing the disputes. The arguments are as follows: First, ASEAN members do have shared interests and a common policy regarding managing the disputes. Second, China’s influence on individual ASEAN members is not as strong as the sceptics often argue. Third, the degree of ASEAN’s goal attainment is medium because it achieved essential goals while conceding important but non-essential ones. Fourth, compared with a legalistic and adversarial posturing approach, ASEAN’s approach is more effective in managing these disputes.

Under the shadow of the giants: The ASEAN in search of a common strategy in a fluid and perilous Indo-Pacific region

This article examines how the ASEAN is managing the quintessential security challenges of the 21st century, particularly China’s emergence as a regional power, its expansive territorial claim in the South China Sea, and the US–China strategic rivalry in the Indo-Pacific region. As an organization tackling these security concerns, the ASEAN lacks the essential mechanism for conflict resolution, operates through informal diplomacy and moral suasion, and relies on consensus in making decisions. As a result, China has effectively divided the association during the talks on the peaceful settlement of the South China Sea dispute. China is currently formulating with the ASEAN a Code of Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea. All the same, China has made sure that any future agreement with the ASEAN imposes no constraints on its expansionist moves in the contested waters, and contains provisions that benefit its interests in the long run. Meanwhile, US–China strategic competition has prompted the ASEAN to think of ways to deal with this potential security threat. However, the association has failed to come up with a common strategy. In conclusion, this article argues that China’s emergence as a regional power, its maritime expansion into the South China Sea, and the US–China geopolitical contest are testing both the capacity and the limits of the ASEAN in resolving these security issues.

Reframing opponents in news translation: a case study of the Sino-Philippine South China Sea Dispute

ABSTRACT This paper examines the reframed narratives and re-instantiated stance in news translation on the South China Sea Dispute between China and the Philippines. It integrates the attitudinal framework and reframing strategies in the investigation of 91 pairs of Chinese and English news reports which are both collected from Xinhuanet. The analytical result shows that in the Chinese version of news, the Philippines, as the opponent to China in the South China Sea, is mostly reported in a negative stance. In the English versions, the negative stance is either strengthened or softened via reframing strategies. It is argued that the possible reasons for such deviations may include different target readership, institutional protocols of the news agency and related sociocultural beliefs.

SOUTH CHINA SEA: CONFLICT, CHALLENGE, AND SOLUTION

The South China Sea is a strategic marine area in terms of natural resource potential and international trade routes. For decades, territorial disputes have occurred with peaceful solutions from regional organizations, international courts, and even contributions from outside the claimant state. This paper examines the efforts made to contribute to a peaceful solution to disputed states of claims. The achievement of a peaceful solution, the shortcomings of the peaceful solution to the proposed peaceful solution's chronology. This research is normative juridical research that is historical descriptive in nature. The South China Sea Dispute arises from China's actions regarding its map of its maritime territories that do not comply with international maritime law. Regulations regarding the method of drawing deep-sea boundaries under international maritime law are violated in this act. Negotiation efforts in finding conflict solutions in regional organizations, state leadership meetings, informal meetings of claim state policymakers, and efforts to file claims by the Philippines at permanent court arbitration have been carried out. China's action that does not recognize the Philippine lawsuit decision poses a challenge to international maritime law and its member countries. A complete peaceful solution must be sought immediately when Softlaw and hard law must comply with the claiming state.

Indonesia: A Reluctant Participant in the South China Sea Disputes

The role of Indonesia in the South China Sea (SCS) disputes has been limited to being part of the ASEAN team since the country is not one of the active claimants. Jakarta has tried to sidestep its maritime row with Beijing by emphasizing the lack of a “territorial dispute’ between the two countries. The article analyzes the role and position of Indonesia in the SCS disputes and argues that despite Indonesia’s reluctance to be an active or direct claimant state, developments in recent years have dragged her into the disputes and she will remain involved until a mutually acceptable solution is achieved in the overarching problem of the SCS.

Upaya dan Peran ASEAN dalam Penyelesaian Sengketa Laut China Selatan

This research examines the role of ASEAN as a regional organization, in handling South China Sea (SCS) disputes and the problems faced by ASEAN as a community in handling SCS disputes with the substance of the legal issues to be studied in this research, this research is designed as a non-doctrinal legal research which is supported by secondary data. All research results are sought to relate to one another by using deduction and induction reasoning and then the existing legal materials are analyzed qualitatively so that the conclusions are generated to provide prescriptions. In accordance The research results explain that ASEAN's role in handling SCS disputes lies in ASEAN's ability as a regional organization to try to ensure that SCS dispute resolution is carried out through diplomatic mechanisms, compliance with international law and avoiding the use of force that reflects the implementation of the "ASEAN Way"

The Strategic Value of Natuna EEZ from Tiongkok Perspective

Indonesia was originally a non-claimant state in the South China Sea dispute. The potential conflict was created by considering Chinese statement that some of the territorial waters of Natuna Islands are Chinese traditional fishing ground, which in fact is within the Indonesia's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). This claim has potential to threaten the sovereignty and sovereign rights of Indonesia's territorial waters since Chinese aggressive attitude will certainly change Indonesia's attitude on strengthening its diplomacy and defense posture in the region. This study is aimed to analyze two critical issues; first, the strategic values of Indonesia’s EEZ in Natuna from the Chinese perspective and second, the appropriate Defense Diplomacy strategies to respond to Chinese claims. The research method follows a qualitative approach in which the data is collected from interviews, official documents, field notes and others. The results show that problem solving by defense diplomacy approach has been considered as a strategic step. Therefore, Indonesia always prioritizes the use of diplomatic method done by ministries and institutions to address the Chinese claim. Keywords : The South China Sea, Exclusive Economic Zone, traditional fishing ground, UNCLOS 1982, defense diplomacy, Chinese DOI: 10.7176/IAGS/90-02 Publication date: February 28 th 2021