Relations In South Africa Research Articles

Foreign policy in post-apartheid South Africa: security, diplomacy and trade

This is a timely book on an important subject. South Africa is one of the three giants of the African continent—along with Nigeria and Egypt—and since the end of apartheid it has been finding a new voice and a new role in the world. This excellently edited collection of authoritative chapters by scholars and practitioners provides a comprehensive study of the issue. The book analyses South African foreign policy in a series of ‘concentric circles’. Initially Adekeye Adebajo and Kudrat Virk look at the domestic drivers and policy themes, including peacemaking, defence, human rights, and economic and commercial interests. Widening the circle, the book turns to describing South Africa's key bilateral relations within Africa, with a chapter on each main region, including the Great Lakes. Next the edited volume moves from looking at bilateral to multilateral relations in Africa with the African Union (AU), the Southern African Development Community and the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) all examined extensively. Moving beyond the African continent, the focus shifts to South Africa's key bilateral relations with the United States, the United Kingdom, France and China. The final part of the book assesses South Africa's relations with global multilateral organizations—such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organization, the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries—as well as looking at the BRICS group (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). Adebajo's introduction and Virk's conclusion provide perceptive overviews that knit the themes together.

A battle of principles: South Africa's relations with Iran

This paper provides a detailed case study and theoretical explanation for one of the least appreciated bilateral relationships of democratic South Africa. It analyses South Africa's post-apartheid relations with Iran as a case study to illustrate and discuss the contradictory principles that appear to guide South Africa's foreign policy. South Africa's tempered reaction to Iran's nuclear programme is in contradiction with its non-proliferation stance, but can be understood by looking into the ideology of the ruling African National Congress.

Playing in the orchestra of peace: South Africa's relations with Iraq (1998–2003)

South Africa's status and prestige as a country that successfully and unilaterally disarmed its weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programme enabled it to engage with the Saddam government of Iraq in the months leading up to the US-led invasion of March 2003. Following intense international diplomatic efforts, Saddam Hussein had agreed to allow UN and International Atomic Energy Agency weapons inspectors to enter Iraq in November 2002. Acting outside the UN Security Council, the US and its coalition partners maintained that Iraq continued to maintain and produce WMD, a claim refuted by weapons inspectors, including a South African disarmament team that visited Iraq in February 2003. Employing three diplomatic strategies associated with niche diplomacy, South Africa contributed to attempts to avert the invasion by assisting with the orderly disarmament of Saddam-led Iraq and by practising multilateralism. These strategies, notwithstanding the US-led invasion signalling a failure of South Africa's niche diplomacy in this instance, provide valuable insight into the nuclear diplomacy of South Africa.

Atoms, apartheid, and the agency: South Africa's relations with the IAEA, 1957–1995

A founder member of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), South Africa embarked on an ambitious nuclear weapons programme contrary to the IAEA Statute. Against the background of the Cold War, South Africa's threat perception included, amongst others, threats posed by the Soviet Union, which was a nuclear-armed state and a supporter of the banned South African liberation movements. Moreover, the South African government's apartheid policies resulted in the country's increased international isolation, which also affected its relations with the IAEA. A major global campaign to isolate the apartheid government in South Africa spilt over to the IAEA, resulting in several punitive actions against South Africa. Tracing the South African case through several phases, this article illustrates the intimate links between state identity, state ideology, nationalism, status, and threat perception. The South African case illustrates the need for sustained scholarship on all the dimensions of the Cold War.

Structural Power and Emerging Regional Order in Post-Apartheid Southern Africa

Analysis of relations between South Africa and its neighbors from either the hegemonic or interdependence perspectives fail to explain recent changes in the pattern of inter-state, state-firm and inter-firm diplomacy and economic interactions in the region. This paper, instead, argues that essentially, a constellation of economies led by South African economic and technological operating outside the realms of the state is rapidly crystallizing, and has led to a re-ordering of coordinated national and regional development and foreign policy objectives. These transformations are captured by the structural power of capital framework which suggests that states as authoritative institutions that allocate values, particularly weak ones, have lost much of their authority over society and economic transactions within their defined territorial borders. This pre-eminence of the private sector in setting the direction of change in the region is a microcosm of the global and regional realignment in the relations between the nation-state and the multifarious and complex nature of relative to other social forces and the state itself. This framework is applied to the study of the strategic sectors of Southern African economies, especially the transportation sector. It shows that for all intents and purposes, the emerging post-apartheid South Africa's relations with its neighbors is driven largely by the interests of capital. The African National Congress (ANC) has had to either acquiesce, despite its otherwise rhetorical commitment to even regional development. The study demonstrates further that this emerging order is being facilitated by economic liberalization, and that these trends have serious implications for future relations between South Africa and its neighbors.

South Africa in Africa: a geo-political perspective

This paper explores – through a geo-political perspective – the changes and continuities in South African foreign policy over the period 1990–2010, focusing on the themes of military relations, migration, democratization, and pan-Africanism. The demise of apartheid led to significant changes in South Africa's relations with southern Africa and the rest of Africa, including: transition of South Africa from pariah state to a key leader of the continent; an end to South Africa's destabilization of its immediate neighbours; transition toward more humane treatment of migrants; and transition toward a commitment to democracy promotion in Africa. Yet, continuities among the apartheid and post-apartheid eras persist, including: the persistence of nationalism and realism as guiding principles; ongoing economic and political constraints imposed by neighbouring countries; the persistence of socio-cultural divisions amongst South African and migrant workers; and overall ambivalence about pan-African identity and policies.

African Foreign Relations as a Factor in Ecotourism Development: The Case of South Africa

This paper highlights that the development of ecotourism in Africa may considerably depend on the relations that African states maintain with the West. It illustrates this point by means of a case study of South Africa. Western tourism sanctions, imposed to punish the country for its racist policies, restrained the growth of ecotourism to South Africa for decades. In the post-apartheid era, South Africa's ecotourism sector has benefited from increased Western aid, favourable marketing opportunities and overly positive travel advisory arising from the currently highly cordial relations between South Africa and the West. The correlation between Western support to South Africa's tourism sector and the quality of South Africa's relations with the West also represents risks, however. If future South African policies were to produce conflict with Western states, renewed tourism-discouraging measures of Western states could affect South Africa's ecotourism sector. In addition, clashes with Western environmental NGOs over wildlife management could induce a tourism boycott. Altogether, South Africa's foreign relations are likely to continue to shape the development of ecotourism in the country.

South Africa's foreign policy: dilemmas of a new democracy

Notes on the Contributors Foreword A.Pahad Acknowledgements List of Acronyms PART ONE: SOUTH AFRICA'S FOREIGN POLICY CONCERNS Introduction J.Spence Democracy and Human Rights in the Principles and Practice of South African Foreign Policy A.Johnston South Africa's Regional Security Dilemmas J.Hamill Partner or Hegemon? South Africa in Africa F.Ahwireng-Obeng & P.J.McGowan PART TWO: SOUTH AFRICA'S EXTERNAL RELATIONSHIPS The U.S. and South Africa: Constructing a New Relationship? J.Broderick South Africa's Relations with Japan M.Osada Solving South Africa's Chinese Puzzle: Democratic Foreign Policy Making and the 'Two Chinas' Question C.Alden The European Union and South Africa C.Hill South Africa and the Middle East: Anatomy of an Emerging Relationship L.Benjamin South Africa and Latin America: Bridging the South Atlantic C.Mutschler South African Dilemmas Surrounding the Indian Ocean Rim G.Freer Searching for the 'New' in South African Foreign Policy J.Broderick Index

India's Relations with South Africa During the Post-Apartheid Era

The article argues that there are several historical factors which have contributed significantly to shaping India's relations with South Africa. One of the major historical factors is Mahatma Gandhi's struggle to end racial discrimination against Indians in South Africa. Because of this struggle, India made the abolition of apartheid a centerpiece of its foreign policy. Its policy towards the South African government was characterized by conflict. On the other hand, India's relations with the African National Congress (ANC) were cooperative. The article argues that following the abolition of apartheid, India and South Africa are more likely to have positive relations under the newly democratically elected governments. It contends that recent developments in trade, diplomatic initiatives, and defense ties will be strengthened and broadened. In addition, cultural ties that were established more than a century ago will be expanded. Finally, the paper provides an analysis of several areas where ties are being developed and future areas for cooperation are being explored. The recent transformations in both countries' economies may allow them to forge new ties. This article fills a void in the literature on South Africa and India. There is not a lot of literature available that addresses South Africa's relations with countries following the abolition of apartheid. Countries, such as India, are developing totally different policies towards South Africa following the abolition of apartheid that need to be examined.

South Africa and Africa: Within or Apart

South Africa - within or apart from Africa?, Adebayo Adedeji South Africa in Africa - a South African perspective, Kader Asmal. Part I Africa in the global context: Africa and the new world order - rethinking development planning in the age of globalization, Fantu Cheru South and southern Africa in the new international divisions of labour and power - development prospects in the 1990s, Timothy M. Shaw. Part II The political economies of Africa and South Africa: the state of the African political economy, Bade Onimode the state of South Africa's political economy, Fred Ahwireng-Obeng the debate about reconstruction and development in South Africa, Ben Turok. Part III South Africa's relations with Africa: South Africa in Africa - a Namibian perspective, Hage Geingob South Africa's economic relations with Africa - current patterns and future perspectives, Robert Davies towards common security in southern Africa - regional cooperation after apartheid, Elling Njal Tjonneland and Tom Vraalsen. Part IV Prospects and perspectives: towards a new African order - evolving a strategy for mutually-beneficial political and socio-economic relations after apartheid, Adebayo Adedeji.

The European union's common foreign policy: the role of the commission in an “intergovernmental” process

ABSTRACT The importance of South Africa's relations with the European Union (EU) is well established. What is perhaps less well understood is the complexity that underlays the foreign policy‐making process within the EU. South Africa's own form of consultation and consensus style of decision‐making, albeit extensive by nation‐state standards, pails when confronted by the multi‐layered process of foreign policy‐making in the EU. The current negotiations between South Africa and the European Union over the “free trade” versus “development and trade” options makes this study of Europe's foreign policy making process both timely and important. To understand the present negotiations it is useful to examine the more recent past, in particular the 1993–4 EU joint action that has been instrumental in shaping contemporary policy. It is more than twenty five years since Henry Kissinger drew attention to what remains an unresolved problem by asking the question – who speaks for Europe in foreign affairs? The establishment of a spokesperson to perform this function in the 1997 Amsterdam treaty revisions has done little to clarify this central issue. The future spokesperson will be a bureaucrat drawn from the Council Secretariat, not an international statesperson and, as such, can hardly been seen as speaking “for Europe”. The actors in the EU's decision‐making process are diverse. They include the individual fifteen member state governments; the collective EU institution the Council of Ministers; the diplomatic representatives of COREPER (Committee of Permanent Representatives); the Commission; the European Parliament and national parliaments; and, arguably, even the Court of Justice if the legal basis for action requires a treaty competence. Add to this the non‐institutional factors such as domestic and European interest groups and the more general world system or realpolitik factors and the difficulty of Europe “speaking with one voice” becomes all too apparent.

Post‐apartheid South Africa's economic ties with neighbouring countries

In view of the rapid normalization of South Africa's relations with the rest of Africa, the appropriate framework for economic interaction with its neighbours requires careful thought. The article examines the more obvious possibilities and concludes that none of them, in their present form, can adequately meet future needs. Experience gained through them, however, should help to facilitate the pragmatic, step‐by‐step approach called for by the region's realities. Some aspects of such an approach are discussed.

SADCC, SANCTIONS AND SOUTH AFRICA

THIS ONE-DAY CONFERENCE on 18 April 1986 at the University of Birmingham, jointly sponsored by the Royal African Society and the Department of Extra-Mural Studies, Birmingham, brought together 57 participants drawn from public life, business, the academic world, journalism and the diplomatic service to discuss current problems and future prospects for relations between South Africa and her neighbours in the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference. The special focus was on the possible impact of sanctions on the states. The conference was opened by Douglas Rimmer, Vice-Chairman of the Council of the Royal African Society. He thanked Ian and Willie Henderson for their initiative in calling the conference, and urged that the meetings should be used not to provide an outlet for the passions which South African affairs provoke, but to examine objectively the oppositions of ideologies, economic interests and political forces in the region. He called for reali-sm in a spirit of free enquiry and rational debate. The day was divided into four sessions, the first of which provided a historical perspective to the formation of SADCC in 1980. Ian Henderson's paper reviewed South Africa's relations with the region from 1910 to 1975, reminding participants that Smuts's objectives in seeking afronding (rounding-off) of the Union's frontiers in the years after 1910 by the incorporation of the High Commission Territories were similar to the goals of detente in the 1970s: to structure the politics and the economies of southern Africa so that the Union/Republic defined development ob jectives for her neighbours in the interests of white South Africa. In one sense, South Africa's regional diplomacy in the 20th century was highly unsuccessful, Namibia being the only addition to the frontiers of 1910. But in a more important sense, South Africa's 'informal empire' in the region expanded in a silent but effective process about which little has been written. Responding to the theme that South Africa had failed by diplomacy to achieve direct political control over the hinterland, Willie Henderson looked at the origins of SADCC, not so much as a set of written agreements produced by the front-line states at the height of the war in Rhodesia but as a search for effective regional diplomatic alliances pre-dating the front-line brotherhood. Seretse Khama's key role in picking up and developing the

The Destabilization of Southern Africa: A Two-Way Street

THE DESTABILIZATION OF SOUTHERN. AFRICA: A TWO-WAY STREET Colin Legum -fallowing for the inexactitudes of all political analogies, striking parallels are to be found between the present situation in southern Africa and that which existed in the Middle East before the Yom Kippur War in October 1973. By that time, the Middle Eastern region had become seriously destabilized through the refusal of most of Israel's neighbors to accept the reality, or at least the borders, of the Jewish State. Israel had become a fortress-state primed to respond with superior military force whenever it felt threatened from across its borders. The Western powers pursued ambiguous policies, seeking to reassure the Israelis while keeping on reasonable terms with Israel's Arab neighbors. The Soviet Union was firmly on the side of the Arabs as the champion of the Palestinians, and, in this way, striving to establish a wider regional role for itself; and the Palestine Liberation Organization (plo) was then still ineffectually struggling to become a serious military force by acquiring more sophisticated Soviet weapons (especially missiles) and by training professional fighting cadres. The Yom Kippur War was something of a watershed in the Middle East. It showed that while Israel still held military superiority in the region, it was no longer as overwhelming as it once was, and that future battles could be won only with heavy losses. It also restored Egyptian morale sufficiently to enable the late president Anwar Sadat to make peace with Israel—an act that polarized the Arab world and sharpened the challenge of the plo guerrillas, heavily esconced in the destabilized border-state of Lebanon. Instead of relying on short, sharp military Colin Legum is editor ofthe Africa Contemporary Record, associate editor oíMiddle East Contemporary Survey, and editor of Third World Reports. He was associate editor of the Observer, London, from 1949 to 1982. 219 220 SAIS REVIEW thrusts across its borders, the Israelis thought it necessary to make a fullscale assault on Lebanon to destroy the plo "once and for all." Their action not only failed, but resulted in imposing serious strains on their relations with their Western allies, especially with their strongest backer, the United States. Today the future of the Middle East remains as uncertain and worrisome as at any time since the founding of the State of Israel thirty-five years ago. Although there is no valid or just comparison between the parliamentary democratic system of Israel and the racist apartheid system of South Africa, their similarities as unpopular regional powers are unmistakable . Both are willing and able to strike at their neighbors at will. While South Africa has no potential military rival equivalent to Egypt among its own neighbors, the Pretoria regime is at a crucial strategic disadvantage because, unlike Israel, its home front is overwhelmingly opposed to the status quo. This provides an important, but different, dimension to the situations in the two regions. Yet the essential similarities remain: Both countries rely, ultimately, on their military superiority for the preservation of their systems, they also deeply mistrust their friends in the West, while remaining desperately dependent on them— two factors that contribute to their strong antipathy to foreign intervention . Finally, Israel's internal political situation is essentially stable, while South Africa's is not. It is this instability inside the apartheid republic that principally determines South Africa's relations with its neighbors. After thirty-five years of apartheid (interestingly enough, the Afrikaner apartheid regime came to power the same month the State of Israel was born) the experiment in solving South Africa's manifold racial problems has clearly failed. South Africa now stands at a crossroads. The politically dominant white minority is no longer able to maintain a system of government resting, as it does, on white supremacy, and it is anxiously undecided about how to engineer a government that will not be "submerged" under black majority rule. South Africa's black majority appears confident that, eventually, they will rule; however, they remain uncertain about the best ways to produce this change without destroying the country's valuable economy or setting off all-out interracial violence. Nevertheless, violence increasingly has come to dominate South Africa's...

South Africa's Relations with Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland

South Africa's Relations with Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland

South Africa's Relations with Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland

South Africa's Relations with Botswana, Lesotho, and Swaziland

Maar Nie Met Iemand van 'n Ander Kleur Nie — Regverdigings vir Wette Teen Intieme Verhoudings Oor Die Kleurgrens

Abstract BUT NOT WITH SOMEONE OF A DIFFERENT COLOUR: VIEWS AND LEGISLATION ON INTERRACIAL SEXUAL RELATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA: This essay is the unaltered “sociological postscript” of a slim volume: Met lemand van 'n Ander Kleur: Beskouings en Wetgewing oor Ontug, in which documentary material is presented on attitudes, parliamentary debates and legislation culminating in the present total ban on sexual intimacies and marriages between whites and non-whites in South Africa. The postscript limits itself to an analysis of dominant justifications of these views and legal measures in four successive periods and correlates the “legitimization” with changing social conditions. The dominant justication for apartheid in sexual and marital relations during the initial years of the European settlement at the Cape, is shown to be the dividing line of religion. (White) christians, it was believed and decreed, should not have intimate relations with non-christian (nonwhites). After 1850 separation was justified mainly in...

POWER, LAW, AND RACE RELATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA

POWER, LAW, AND RACE RELATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA

REVIEWS

WANDERING SCHOLAR. By M. J. BONNSTATISTICAL METHODS IN RESEARCH AND PRODUCTION. Edited by OWEN L. DAVIES,HANDBOOK ON RACE RELATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA. Oxford University Press, 1949. Edited by Dr. Ellen Hellman assisted by MissLOCAL GOVERNMENT FINANCE IN SOUTH AFRICA. By I. Q. HOLMES. City Treasurer of Johannesburg.VOCATIONAL TRAINING OF ADULTS IN THE UNITED KINGDOMLOCAL GOVERNMENT AREAS 1834–1945. By V. D. LIPMANLOCATION OF INDUSTRIES IN INDIA. By T. R. SHARMA

NATIVE PROGRESS AND IMPROVEMENT IN RACE RELATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA1

Journal Article NATIVE PROGRESS AND IMPROVEMENT IN RACE RELATIONS IN SOUTH AFRICA Get access CHARLES T. LORAM CHARLES T. LORAM PROF. Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar African Affairs, Volume XXXII, Issue CXXVI, January 1933, Pages 74–86, https://doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a100840 Published: 01 January 1933