Soft Power Projection Research Articles

A rival or an awkward partner? Turkey’s relationship with the West in the Balkans

ABSTRACT In the 2000 and 2010s, Turkey embarked on an activist policy in Southeast Europe reliant on personal diplomacy, economic outreach, and the projection of soft power. Coupled with the drift away from the West, such overtures have prompted observers to qualify Turkey as a revisionist power similar to Russia, China and other non-Western actors making inroads into the region. This article seeks to correct this view. It argues that Turkey is not an external player but very much part of the Balkans. Secondly, the article contends that Turkish foreign policy is not posing a frontal challenge to the EU and NATO, the two anchors of regional order. Rather, it benefits from its close relationship and membership in the two institutions. Though it has shifted from multilateralism to unilateralism, Ankara pursues a parallel, as opposed to an adversarial, strategy to that of the West.

China’s bilateral and minilateral relationship with Latin America and the Caribbean: the case of China–CELAC Forum

ABSTRACT Drawing on Qin Yaqing’s notion of relational power, this article analyses how, why and through what mechanisms Chinese international initiatives diffuse Chinese ideas and practices and facilitate the projection of its power in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). In an era of crisis of multilateralism and neoliberal globalization and confronted with the global COVID-19 crisis, Chinese cooperation with a politically fragmented region that has for long been dominated by the United States has involved the deployment of bilateral, minilateral and multilateral relationships from the foundation of the China–CELAC Forum and the extension of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to embrace LAC up until the relaunching of the Health Silk Road. Adaptive processes of multilevel cooperation and the projection of soft power contribute to the emergence of a hybrid geopolitical landscape.

How to measure value from defence spending? The Malaysian case study

ABSTRACT Nations and their citizens now demand clear evidence as to the benefits of defence spending. The opportunity cost of defence expenditure against other sectors is constantly queried. It is economically challenging to find consensus amongst traditional economists, and policy-makers, on how to measure value in the context of defence. This article offers solutions by using the case study of Malaysia. Primary data sources include open-ended and semi structured interviews to produce a thematic discussion, as well as secondary resources. The author argues that it is hard to appraise defence value, as measurements are case-specific. Rather, the paper will use a novel ‘Triple-Defence Value Framework’, to argue that value can be measured by dividing the role of defence into a primary level: for protection and safety; a secondary level: for socio-economic prosperity; and a tertiary level: for soft power projection. The paper concludes by using the framework to measure the value derived from the Malaysian defence sector.

Coronavirus (COVID‐19) pandemic: Pros and cons of China's soft power projection

China's health diplomacy has received international attention, especially during the coronavirus (COVID‐19) pandemic. This study centers on the question, why did China dispatch needed medical aid across the world during the COVID‐19 pandemic? How effectively has China transformed its “pandemic health diplomacy” into soft power? Beijing has taken advantage of this pandemic to exhibit its soft power, win narrative battles, or shape outcomes through the selective delivery of relief toward the world. Beijing has launched a high‐tempo program of pandemic diplomacy through good deeds, such as supplying emergency medical equipment to the world to create a positive image and strengthen China's soft power in the future. The following assumption must be clarified: The COVID‐19 soft‐power push of China increased in developing regions that are heavily indebted to Beijing and where China has huge investment but showed a declining trend in Western European countries and the United States.

Kadife Eldiven İçindeki Demir Yumruk: Rusya’nın Orta Doğu’daki Yumuşak Gücü

The aim of this study is to discuss how the concept of "soft power" is perceived by Russian policymakers and how it is used in the Middle East geography, which is one of its application areas. In the existing academic literature, studies on Russian soft power have mainly focused on the former Soviet domain, including Central Asia, the Caucasus, the Baltic states, and Eastern Europe. However, when Russia's foreign policy towards the Middle East is evaluated, it is observed to have a multi-dimensional approach, which includes soft power instruments in addition to hard power elements such as military intervention, use of force, threat, political manipulation, and proxy wars. From this point of view, this study aims to fill the literature gap by revealing the effects and limitations of Russian soft power in the region. The statements and discourses of decision-makers as well as official documents, institutional reports, statistics, and surveys were also considered while examining the soft power projection of Russia in the Middle East, and the change of the Russian soft power in discourse and practice in the Middle East was analyzed by the process tracing method. In the study, it is revealed that the Russian soft power in the Middle East differs from the concept of soft power introduced by Nye in both understanding and application and had a flexible and pragmatic understanding. Although this flexibility has provided advantages to Russia in the short term, they have limitations with regard to their sustainability in the long term.

Soft power, hard power dynamics: the case of Iran in Afghanistan

ABSTRACT The concept of soft power was developed at the end of the Cold War to examine international influence through non-coercive means. In recent years, a growing field of research has drawn on this concept to examine the role of religion and culture in the foreign policies of Middle Eastern states. The existing research tends to view soft power from the perspectives of states that project such influence, not the impact of these policies on target societies, and tends to overlook the relationship between hard and soft power strategies. To address this gap, we draw on an original survey data and face-to-face interviews to evaluate Iran’s influence in Afghanistan. This study examines the response in Afghanistan to key pillars of Iranian soft power projection: the role of shared language and culture, religion and Tehran’s Third Worldist ideology of resistance against Western powers. This research finds that Iran’s soft power projection strategy is undermined by structural hard power imbalances between the two countries and Tehran’s contradictory policies towards Afghanistan.

COVID-19 Pandemic and India’s Regional Diplomacy

The COVID-19 pandemic placed enormous stress on the fledgling health infrastructure in the South Asian region. The economic distress compounded the problem as many business houses closed down and people working in the informal sector lost their jobs. The governments in the region, except in Pakistan, went for a complete lockdown to contain the spread of the pandemic. India which prides itself as the ‘Pharmacy of the world’ geared up to provide humanitarian assistance by supplying essential medicines, ventilators and providing rapid-action teams consisting of medical professionals to assist its neighbours as a first responder. It also supplied vaccines to the immediate neighbourhood once they were ready. India’s health diplomacy enhanced its soft-power projection and helped it project itself as a country that is concerned about its neighbours—a major shift in its regional diplomacy, compared to the Cold War period. This article maps India’s regional diplomacy in the historical context and analyses the making of India’s regional diplomacy in the context of COVID-19 pandemic.

Projekcja miękkiej siły Estonii jako konsekwencja udanej transformacji

After regaining independence in 1991, Estonia began rebuilding the country after decades of the control of the Soviet Empire. The assumptions of the systemic transformation were crucial to the reborn state. In addition to the fundamental political, economic, and social changes that have been carried out, they allowed, above all, a geopolitical reconfiguration of the country, enabling a steady rise in the republic’s importance in contemporary international relations. The decisions adopted in the 1990s by Estonian governments led to a complete modernization of state management. Aware of their own abilities, the Estonian authorities were on the look-out for optimal ways to create an effective administrative apparatus and to facilitate a rapid economic growth of the state, and to this end they implemented digital solutions. As it was not possible to base one's "strength" on traditional hard power indicators: military, economic or geostrategic potential, it was decided to use soft sources of political influence. Moreover, the necessity to create a new administrative system contributed to the digital development of the state. Contemporary Estonia – equipped with a portfolio of unique soft power resources, is a modern digital state. Dictated by limited human and financial resources, Estonia adopted digitization as the optimal development opportunity, and its success in building an advanced digital society meant that the soft power projection not only strengthened its credibility, but also influenced the preferences of countries (local, regional, state governments) with digital ambitions and those who still want to benefit from the experience of the Estonian e-government.

Kultura u spoljnim odnosima Evropske Unije - ka novoj paradigmi kulturne diplomatije?

In the past few years, cultural diplomacy has become important among the priorities of European Union (EU) policies. In that political vision, European cultural relations should be based on transnational interactions between two or more cultures, be equal, unprojective and non-coercive, and guided by mutual cooperation of state and non-state actors. The paper examines the development of the European Union's (EU) cultural diplomacy agenda, from "culture in external relations" to "inclusive cultural relations" and the "new spirit of dialogue" as a political narrative and institutional logic, laying the foundations for contemporary priorities of European foreign cultural policy, its instruments and programs. The theoretical and empirical framework of the analysis is set by considering the dichotomies of discourse and political rhetoric surrounding EU cultural diplomacy. The methodology of the work is based on an analysis of the EU public policy discourse and documents, initiatives, contents and announcements related to cultural diplomacy and foreign cultural policy, in order to see their development phases, concepts and scope of activities for improving international cultural relations. In defining and interpreting the current European "narrative" and the paradigm of cultural diplomacy, the paper starts from the multiperspectival theoretical foundation of cultural diplomacy and related concepts. The analysis shows how the EU's decade-long effort to shape its foreign policy and cultural strategy has gained its explicit expression from the implicit one. At several stages of development, the EU has adopted a new model of cultural diplomacy that combines elements of several definitions - and theoretical frameworks - of public diplomacy and soft power, cultural policy, international cultural relations and cultural cooperation. This integrated EU strategic approach is based on a broad definition of culture, intercultural dialogue and cooperation, and a bottom-up approach. In order to balance the soft power projection dimension in EU cultural diplomacy policy and practice, it would be necessary to persist in advocating for a cultural perspective that would focus on collaborative approaches and field processes generated by cultural diplomacy projects and actors. It would essentially be an incentive for a "new spirit of dialogue" both between member states and with third countries that are on the European path.

Transitions

I am writing this introduction in Manila, the Philippines—a country that has imposed one of the longest and strictest lockdowns in the world. COVID-19 has drastically affected my country in so many ways and this pandemic is the most difficult “stress-test” for governments in Asia and around the world. Scholars and policymakers are faced with the challenges of the multiple transitions to a post-pandemic world that will hopefully survive and thrive. A transition is also happening within Asian Politics & Policy. This is my maiden issue as the journal’s new Editor-in-Chief. I assume this position as an academic with two decades of experience as a comparative political scientist focusing on topics such as democratization, civil-military relations, electoral politics, strategic studies, and foreign policy. Having been with APP for the past 6 years as Senior Editor, it is a distinct honor and privilege to take over a journal that was well-maintained by its past editor, Professor Aileen Baviera. Under her stewardship, the journal acquired a credible and excellent reputation of publishing cutting-edge scholarship from “Asianists” around the world. What I observed is APP’s distinct orientation of providing space for the research outputs of the next generation of Asian scholars. I believe this was Professor Baviera’s personal vision for a journal she led for almost a decade. Her vision is my vision as well. In the next few issues, I plan to introduce new members to the APP Editorial Team. There will also be a new and more diverse Advisory Board for the journal that comprises established scholars as well as the most prolific and dynamic young academics in the field of political science, international relations, and policy studies from all around the world. They will guide the journal in maintaining the highest standards of academic publishing but also ensure that it contains research informed by the latest theoretical approaches, methodological innovations, and policy debates. I also plan to enhance the Praxis: Review of Policy Practice section of the journal to become an outlet for more policy-oriented research. Given that they will undergo a similar rigorous review process as original research articles, manuscripts published in Praxis will be given proper recognition as refereed publications but more focused on the evaluation, formulation, and examination of public policies in Asia. I am also launching a special series within Praxis, entitled: “Covid-19: Policy Responses from Asia.” This will feature policy-oriented papers that deal with how governments, markets, and societies in Asia have responded to the COVID-19 pandemic. To launch this series, Wei-ting Yen’s brilliant essay on Taiwan’s early effective management of the pandemic can hopefully stir debate and perhaps provide policy guidance to other countries in Asia and elsewhere. For this issue, APP has a varied array of research articles dealing on themes such as soft power, alliances, labor migration, ethnic politics, and anti-corruption reforms. China figures prominently in three of the six articles. Carminati examines how Thailand navigates the soft power projection of China compared to Japan while Fulton investigates how Saudi Arabia manages its participation in China’s Belt and Road Initiative with its alliance with the United States. This similar difficult balancing act between these rival superpowers is the topic of Kil’s paper on South Korea. The remaining papers deal with the role of ethnic identity politics in the evolution of Taiwan’s developmental state (He), the struggles faced by Indonesia’s anti-corruption agency against powerful interests (Umam & Head), and labor negotiations for Filipino migrant nurses (Cabanda). Together with the book and media reviews, I do hope APP readers will find this issue of great interest.

The Multiple Ideologies of Shaping Cambodian Students’ Chinese Language Learning Experiences

In light of the increasing prominence of China’s Belt and Road (B&R) Initiatives and China’s soft power projection to its neighboring countries, China's relations with Southeast Asian countries are getting closer. In recent years, a large number of Cambodian students have come to China for higher education. Informed by the theories of linguistic capital and language ideology, the present study aims to study the the macro-social factors mediated in the Cambodian students’ Chinese language learning experiences. For current study, the data was collected from Guizhou Minzu University and Qiannan Normal University for Nationalities through semi-structured interview, questionnaire, online interactions, and the collection of linguistic autobiographies as well as other relevant documents and materials. The findings of the study show that there are four main factors influencing Cambodian students’ higher education in China: (i) political factors: national and governmental policies; (ii) cultural factors: historical influences; (iii) educational factors: influences of schools and communities, parental strategies; (iv) economic factors: employment prospects and tourism. Based on the findings mentioned above, the study suggests that given the rapid increasing number of Cambodian international students in China, it is imperative for Chinese government and universities to consider how to better meet Cambodian international students’ study needs and employment prospects.

Buenas Vecinas?

During World War II, US–Latin American relations were shaped by the noninterventionist Good Neighbor policy and the projection of soft power via US government-orchestrated public relations and propaganda campaigns. This included extensive film and radio propaganda overseen by the US Office of Inter-American Affairs (OIAA) and disseminated throughout the region. One dimension of that campaign involved radio propaganda aimed specifically at women, who were regaled with stories of heroic Latin American women and carefully curated female perspectives on life in the United States during wartime. In much of this material, the United States was presented as a dominant yet gentlemanly hemispheric partner, offering Latin America protection and material abundance in exchange for loyalty and deference. As the war wound down, such propaganda took a sharp turn toward the Cold War, when Good Neighbor chivalry gave way to more strident rhetoric, prefiguring a return to US interventionist politics of the prewar era.

INFORMACIJSKO BOJEVANJE Z MEHKO IN TRDO MOČJO: PRIMER IZRAELA IN HAMASA

Information warfare is a type of strategic communication realized through models of power such as soft and sharp power. Investigation provides evidence sustaining the theoretical framework and premise that the essential models of power are not just the ability, capability and intent, but also the means, method or technique of both states and non-state actors. The example of a dispute between Israel and Hamas in Gaza, from December 2017 to March 2018, shows Israel wielding soft power and Hamas wielding sharp power. This article reviews the models of power, then uses the methodology of the narrative and counter-narrative of Israel and Hamas to show their information warfare campaign. Hamas, a non-state actor, succeeded in gaining sympathy, but was unable to utilize this to further any other objectives. Winning an information battle by soft or by sharp power does not mean that the conflict is over. The conclusion shows that non-state actors, e.g. Hamas, that prioritize control over openness are deficient in soft power projection, so use sharp power to create distraction by the key attributes of expression and manipulation of mass media and public sensitivities, rather than by the attraction and persuasion (soft power) used by states, e.g. Israel. In both, all that is required is to instil a perception, even without facts, in the minds of the audience, which includes global leaders, the mass population and media outlets.

A Perspective on Saudi Soft Power and Cultural Diplomacy

This research analyzes the soft power and cultural diplomacy of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Over the years, the Kingdom has been using its cultural diplomacy as an instrument of foreign policy for the promotion of its soft power at regional and global level. The analysis suggest the use of soft power and cultural diplomacy are part of Kingdom’s foreign policy, bringing a wider gesture of aptness and goodwill. In this sense, the study of cultural diplomacy allows the understanding of new concepts and ideas of international insertion, with the participation of higher education institutions, research centers, government agencies and non-governmental organizations. King Abdullah has pioneered this initiative of soft power projection of the Kingdom through cultural diplomacy. The study revolves around the era of King Abdullah (2005-2015) while significant reinforcement of this policy is undertaken by King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammad Bin Salman (MBS).

Journalistic construction of congruence: Chinese media’s representation of common but differentiated responsibilities in environmental protection

This research clarifies China’s mediated international communication of its responsibility in environmental protection under the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities. The topic is explored within the context of China’s media ‘going global’ project, a key initiative of its soft power projection. Gauged by the notion of cultural and political congruence, this study also compares China’s journalistic discourse with those in the United States and the United Kingdom. This study found that Chinese mainstream media achieved a certain degree of congruence in media representations of China’s responsibility with its Western counterparts. Chinese media constructed the notion of responsibility in a mixed manner: they differentiated the target of blame and existing treatment measures between China and other countries or institutions but gave more exposure to China’s future obligations and duties. American and British media applied nearly identical coverage patterns in reporting China’s and others’ existing and future treatment but showed opposite patterns in covering the target of blame in environmental and climate issues. This article contributes to the study of China’s journalism practice in international communication. It also offers suggestions to the resolution of the stalemate in global environmental negotiations and China’s media ‘going global’ initiative.

To What Extent Were Progressive Politics Before World War Two a Fundamentally Imperial Project? The Case of International Humanitarian Relief in Russia, 1921-1923

There is perhaps a pervasive view that empires are at odds with progressive politics, which are, in their own turn, without covert agendas. The case study of the devastating Russian famine of 1921-23 is an opportunity to examine these views in more detail, and to consider the ways in which imperial agendas, and notions of the projection of soft power, were intertwined with the humanitarian agendas of NGOs.

Repackaging national identity: Cool Japan and the resilience of Japanese identity narratives

ABSTRACT‘Cool Japan’ is an instance of Japanese government's nation branding exercise as part of its soft power projection in which the unique selling point is identified as Japanese national identity. In this paper, I examine the relationship between Cool Japan and Japanese national identity and highlight a tension in the construction. Cool Japan is about emphasizing Japan's attractiveness for public diplomacy, while the top-down nature of the branding undermines the imagery that the branding is designed to convey. I show that policy elites resolve this tension by invoking the traditional Japanese identity narratives that construct Japan into both a non-Western and an un-Asian entity, reproducing the myth of Japanese uniqueness. I argue that the elite narratives surrounding Cool Japan readily replicate the language reminiscent of prewar identity construction. Despite the contemporary popularity of manga and anime, the purported ‘coolness’ of these products are framed within older constructions of Japanese Self that can trace their pedigree back to the nineteenth century. Using the minutes of committee meetings, policy documents, as well as media interviews given by policy- and business elites, I show that Cool Japan is effectively a twenty first century rendition of the familiar Japanese identity construction.

China’s Development Assistance in Sub-Saharan Africa: Challenges and Opportunities

As the increase of bilateral trade between China and sub-Saharan Africa in the last ten years has been skyrocketing at the expense of Western countries, paralleled by the renewed projection of Chinese soft power in the continent by means of technical aid and economic agreements, the author will analyse the scope, the underlying factors, and the potential consequences of Chinese development assistance to countries in the region. In a comparative manner, the paper also briefly describes the main features that make Chinese foreign assistance different from its Western counterpart. The author argues that there is a contradiction between the economic agenda of Beijing aimed at reproducing centre–periphery contradictions on the world stage with China at the centre of the envisaged world system, and a political discourse still based on the principle of non-interference and opposition to neo-colonialism.

Taiwan's Indigenous Languages Development Act: democratic politics, transitional justice and the quest for diplomatic recognition

ABSTRACTIn May 2017, Taiwan's legislature passed the Indigenous Languages Development Act (ILDA), which came into effect in June of that year. This paper traces the process and context that have led to the act's adoption, and provides an overview of its symbolic and substantive content. In doing so, this paper draws attention to the importance of contextual factors in the act's adoption. The ILDA had been in the works since the early 2000s, and it is only through a piecemeal approach to Indigenous legislation that it came into being. Its ultimate adoption was enabled by a conjuncture of social and political developments, most directly the election of the Democratic Progressive Party in 2016, after a campaign that emphasised issues of transitional justice, decolonisation and reconciliation. The momentum toward these trends has also been influenced by Taiwan's fragile political status. In fact, Taiwan's limited international recognition has incentivised the use of minority rights initiatives, together with the conduct of cultural diplomacy with the country's diplomatic and trade partners sharing Austronesian heritage, as sovereignty-building and soft power projection tools.

INDIA’S SOFT POWER DIPLOMACY UNDER THE MODI ADMINISTRATION: BUDDHISM, DIASPORA AND YOGA

This paper examines the Narendra Modi administration's use of three specific soft power assets of India – Buddhism, Diaspora, and Yoga – in diplomacy in service of the country's national interests. It attempts to address the following questions: What is the main purpose of the Modi administration's soft power strategy and the reasons behind the promotion and utilization of these three assets? What are the impediments to India's soft power projection ability? Finally, how can the Modi administration better exploit India's soft power advantages? This paper demonstrates how the Modi administration is making efforts to project India's soft power in the service of larger strategic goals. The use of soft power is designed to complement India's conventional diplomacy, boost its international image, project it as a peaceful rising power, improve relations with other countries, and help attract foreign investment, technology, and tourists in order to promote economic growth and development.