Soft Power Influence Research Articles

The Contribution of Āstān-e Quds-e Razavī to Iran’s Soft Power Projection

This article sheds light on the role of Āstān-e Quds-e Razavī, the Iranian foundation that manages the Imam Reza shrine, in furthering Iran’s soft power. Despite the growing body of work on Iranian soft power, the role of Āstān-e Quds has not yet been adequately addressed in the literature. The article is underpinned by three theoretical observations; namely, the key elements of soft power, the soft-hard power nexus, and religious soft power. Based on these theoretical observations, the article analyzes Āstān-e Quds’ contribution to Tehran’s soft power influence, focusing on its activities in the three arenas of education and social services, religion, and political values. The analysis reveals that in the first two areas, Āstān-e Quds engages in various activities to increase the attractiveness of Iran and to create a positive image of the country. In the area of political values, however, Āstān-e Quds’ activities at times juxtapose hard and soft power tools through establishing or strengthening connections with members of groups such as Hezbollah and Ansar Allah (known in the West as Houthis).

UNOFFICIAL CULTURAL AMBASSADORS: EXPLORING THE EXPERIENCES AND PERCEPTIONS OF MALAYSIAN STUDENT SCHOLARS IN AMERICA

International educational exchange programmes promote a person’s intellectual development and cultural understanding, which could also foster mutual cooperation and stronger diplomatic ties between countries. Through these programmes, students can socially interact and learn about others from diverse backgrounds. However, the rise of Islamophobia after the September 11 attacks has inculcated the fear of “the Other” and limited the number of Muslim students allowed to study in America, as Muslim culture and religious values are popularly perceived as incompatible with American values and thus viewed as a threat. This study contributes to the literature of diplomacy by highlighting the experiences of sixteen Malaysian scholars sponsored by the Malaysian government and the challenges they experienced during their educational exchange in America. The aim of this qualitative study is to understand the experiences of Malaysian student scholars by identifying: (1) how they initially perceived America; (2) their motivations for wanting to study in America; (3) the challenges they faced; and (4) how their experiences transformed them. The study found that many students faced initial struggles with racism, cultural challenges, and difficulty in achieving cultural assimilation. However, they were able to overcome misperceptions and negative stereotypes. The findings highlight the positive impact of their academic and cultural exchange, its success in reducing divisiveness, and the influence of soft power in strengthening relations between America and Malaysia.

Кельтская триада: кинематографии британских национальных меньшинств и «внутренний колониализм»

The global success, both in viewership and expert community, of auteur feature films Belfast, directed by Kenneth Branagh, and The Banshees of Inisherin, directed by Martin McDonagh, and produced by independent Northern Irish companies in 2022–2023, prompts a closer examination of the challenges faced by the national minority cinemas of Great Britain. Specifically, we focus on the culturally and linguistically related regions of Northern Ireland, Wales, and Scotland, collectively referred to in this article as the Celtic Triad, which represent a significant presence in the world cinema landscape. A number of British film historians and sociologists argue that national film industries are on the verge of survival, highlighting two main trends in the context of national cinema: inclusivity and sovereignty. From the perspective of the dominant ethnic group and its major production companies, inclusivity entails assimilation into the mainstream, while sovereignty involves preserving distinct national cultural characteristics. The representatives of national minorities are striving to safeguard these characteristics in the face of what American sociologist Michael Hechter termed internal colonialism—a policy implemented by the dominant Anglo-Saxon ethnic group towards cultures of national minorities and expressed in their marginalization and Anglification. A negative consequence of these dynamics, according to Hechter, is ethnocentrism, that is, the prevalence of one’s own culture in shaping perceptions of the world. Nevertheless, as this article demonstrates, the strategies employed by the Celtic Triad in pursuit of economic independence and artistic self-determination not only ensure the survival of national cinema but also establish its distinct sovereignty and success beyond the borders of Great Britain. Television broadcasting in national languages, which has gained popularity with the advent of digital broadcasting, plays a significant role in this process. An important contributing factor here is the economic and socio-cultural collaborations of these cinemas with both domestic and international partners, relying primarily on the influence of soft power and implying adaptation not only by adjusting to them, but also by active interchange and cross-fertilization of cultures.

Influence of Soft Power in shaping Diplomacy and Foreign Policy

This research delves into the evolving nature of power in international relations, focusing on the concept of soft power. Introduced by Joseph Nye in the 1990s, soft power is defined as the ability to influence others through attraction and persuasion rather than coercion or force. The study highlights how nations leverage cultural diplomacy, public opinion, and historical narratives to enhance their soft power and achieve foreign policy objectives. The article examines various methods through which soft power is projected, such as cultural exchanges, media influence, and the promotion of national values and ideals. It explores the role of non-state actors, including NGOs and multinational corporations, in shaping global perceptions and aligning foreign populations with a nation’s policies. Case studies of countries like China, Turkey, India, and the United States illustrate diverse approaches to employing soft power in international affairs. China’s strategic use of environmental diplomacy and Turkey’s deployment of the Turkish International Cooperation and Development Agency (TIKA) are highlighted as examples of how emerging powers utilize soft power to strengthen their global influence. The research also underscores the importance of integrating regional historical narratives and cultural elements into foreign policy to sustain diplomatic relations and promote national interests, with the depiction of the vibrant regional-historical narratives of India. By employing qualitative analysis, reviewing academic literature, policy documents, and specific national case studies to uncover patterns and strategies in the use of soft power, the findings reveal that effective soft power strategies are crucial for modern diplomacy, offering nations a means to project power and achieve foreign policy goals without resorting to military force. The article asserts that understanding and harnessing soft power is essential for navigating the complexities of global diplomacy in a multipolar world. By appealing the shared cultural values and fostering positive international relations, nations can enhance their global standing and influence through non-coercive means.

Dometi meke moći Republike Srbije na postjugoslovenskom prostoru

The states created after the breakup of Yugoslavia, in modern circumstances, continue to cooperate in various socio-political areas, although their mutual relations are largely shaped by a rich history and burdened by events from the end of the 20th century, which often represent an obstacle in fulfilling the full potential of cooperation and mutual influence. Regardless of the obstacles that objectively exist, it is necessary to take into account the similarities between the people of states that emerged from Yugoslavia, which significantly affect the manifestation of soft power. The research is theoretically based on Joseph Nye's concept of soft power. In the methodological sense, the research is based on the scientific method of interview. During the research process, methods of content and discourse analysis, historical methods, as well as induction and deduction methods were used. The basic research question that the authors strive to answer is: What is the perception of the soft power of the Republic of Serbia in the post-Yugoslav area? The paper offers the answer to the question What are the basic obstacles and the most prominent potentials of the soft power of the Republic of Serbia in the post-Yugoslav space? The research results indicate that the countries of the post-Yugoslav area are to a high extent susceptible to the soft power influence of Serbia, which is facilitated by the factors of mutual historical, cultural, and linguistic interconnectedness. However, the findings of the research show that in addition to the factors of mutual connection, which facilitate the influence of the soft power of the Republic of Serbia, other factors tend to weaken the possibility of the influence of Serbia's soft power. The scope of Serbia's soft power in the post-Yugoslav countries is most visible in the sphere of culture, music, films, TV series, and contemporary literature. In addition, Serbia's potential is reflected in its capacity to initiate social, political, and cultural regional initiatives, as well as reconciliation initiatives. The results indicate that Serbia is seen as a regional factor that can influence the expansion of soft power in the post-Yugoslav sphere through economic activity. The biggest obstacles to projecting Serbia's soft power relate to the war legacy from the end of the last century, opposing narratives about controversial historical events, unresolved bilateral disputes, but also prejudices associated with the negative image of Serbia at the time of the breakup of Yugoslavia.

Theoretical Aspect of Studying the Phenomenon of «Soft Power» as a Political Strategy

The authors explored the phenomenon of «soft power» as a political strategy through the prism of modern political theory and practice of international relations. The article considers the emergence and formation of the problem of «soft power» in the history of political thought, its current state, identifies the main approaches, resources, goals and results of the use of «soft power» by states in the foreign policy arena. The results of the study of this phenomenon are the theoretical basis for making political decisions. The basis for this study was the theory of the influence of soft power in the global and geopolitical space, its positive and negative sides were highlighted.For modern states, the need to ensure security and stable development is still an urgent task. States in the international arena are in a state of fierce competition for influence and resources. At the same time, the role of the so-called «soft» ways of interaction between states in the global political space has recently increased significantly, new views and theories devoted to this issue are emerging. The authors come to the conclusion that the phenomenon of «soft power» has acquired the greatest significance for political practice due to the correspondence of this concept to modern ideas about how to regulate international relations and maintain world order. The analysis performed by the authors makes it possible to evaluate the effectiveness of «soft power» as an influential political strategy.

Perspectives of Future Russo-Georgian War: Real Possibility or Speculation

Perspectives of Future Russo-Georgian War: Real Possibility or Speculation

Australia’s international alumni engagement strategy: an approach from soft power to knowledge diplomacy

ABSTRACT Scholars have confirmed the diplomacy value and soft power influence of international alumni (IA), but the relationship between IA and knowledge diplomacy (KD) is under-researched. Meanwhile, there needs to be a change from the soft power framework to the knowledge diplomacy framework in international higher education studies to emphasise mutuality rather than dominance. This study explores the relationship and mechanism of IA and KD by document analysis of Australian governmental policies. This study examines and analyses the Australian international alumni engagement strategy and identifies it as a knowledge diplomacy approach rather than a soft power approach. This study also points out the mechanisms of IA and KD. This study informs the Australian government and other governments worldwide to better engage with their valuable IA groups.

Role of World Cup Soccer in Healing the Gulf Region: Zeal of Qatar’s Sport Diplomacy and Soft Power

The study discusses the importance of the Qatar World Cup in 2022 and its implications for Gulf area relations in terms of sports diplomacy and soft power influence. This research employs a descriptive-analytic technique. Descriptive literature reviews synthesize individual studies and discuss the research procedures and findings of referenced studies. Numerous worldwide worries about the issue with the gulf nations’ embargo in regaining sovereignty and the Islamic and cultural values that are foreign to Western audiences will continue to put Qatar’s reputation management and branding tactics under pressure. Nonetheless, maintaining a role on international soccer grounds via partnerships, ownerships, and tournaments, as well as aggressively attempting to improve and ameliorate the nation’s international position, aided Doha in its sports policy objectives in the years leading up to and during the tournament. Its commitment to leaving a lasting legacy beyond December 2022 will also aid the state throughout the post-event era of empowerment. Finally, the article provides an overview of recent research on Qatar’s worldwide strategic plan for sport, whether for investing and diversifying state income or political and policy diplomatic purposes.

The American Catholic Bishops and the Northern Ireland “Troubles”

Complex and interworking factors prevented American Catholic bishops from playing a greater role in mediating the Northern Ireland “Troubles.” American Catholic bishops held soft power influence in USA, British, and Irish politics, challenging previous historiographical claims that religion and religious institutions played little role in the conflict. Whereas the American Catholic bishops had actively engaged with fundraising during the early days of the conflict, after increased Irish Republican Army (IRA) violence sparked by the event known as Bloody Sunday, their public efforts stopped abruptly in 1972. This stoppage occurred for a number of factors, including disassociating Irish American and American Catholicism from the trope of the violent “bad Paddy” and, most importantly, the bishops' desire to be directed by the Irish bishops on where their influence could be most useful. English and Welsh Catholic bishops regularly commented on the conflict, damaging the public and private influence of the Irish Catholic bishops. By stepping away from public pronouncements, the American Catholic bishops allowed their Irish counterparts to take the lead in conflict mediation. Therefore, despite numerous attempts at mediation from religious actors in Britain and Ireland, American Catholic bishops' lack of action meant USA efforts during the peace process were almost entirely secular.

Re-examination of EU normative power in light of the revised enlargement methodology towards the Western Balkans

The aim of this article is to re-examine the concept of ?EU normative power? in the revised EU approach to enlargement policy announced in 2020. Drawing on conceptualisation of power in Foreign Policy Analysis the article applies the reading of the EU?s soft and hard power - both as capability and as influence - to EU normative power. The empirical part thus identifies above four elements within the EU?s promotion of its particular norms and within the EU?s strife for international normality via enlargement policy. The results show that the new enlargement methodology does offer change of EU normative power. The EU could more effectively condition the respect of its particular norms by an exemplary domestic practice assuring its own domestic and foreign policy legitimacy and in turn by developing and applying the needed capabilities for achieving attractiveness. Even though a plan of positive conditionality and better-defined conditions in direct negotiations carries such potential, a risk exists that the biggest novelty - the ?phasing-in? paradigm - would only explore EU?s norm-related hard market power capabilities by keeping the Western Balkans countries as candidates forever, thus undermining EU?s legitimacy and hard power influence of negative conditionality. To promote international normality, however, the EU needs to activate other elements of soft power influence, namely agenda setting and persuasion.

Taking the pulse of science diplomacy and developing practices of valuation

AbstractScience diplomacy has caught remarkable attention in public policy and academic research over the last fifteen years. However, the concept is plagued by a huge talk–action discrepancy: its public discourse has reached a problematic state of dazzling self-adulation, while it is unclear if and how the actual policies and associated organizations live up to these expectations. The article reconstructs three structural causes to explain the recent hype about science diplomacy. It further encourages actors to organize evaluations that ask whether and how actions of science diplomacy can be valuable. In this regard, a first set of fundamental principles is proposed for setting up an evaluative framework. In conclusion, the article advises science diplomacy actors from democratic states and institutions, from both academic research and public policy, to stop dreaming about soft power influence on authoritarian states and regimes but rather face new geopolitical realities.

Clerical associations in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates: soft power competition in Islamic politics

Abstract In the wake of the 2011 Arab uprisings, the wealthy Gulf states of Qatar and the United Arab Emirates began hosting and establishing associations of influential Islamic scholars. These clerical associations, the Doha-based International Union for Muslim Scholars (IUMS) and the Abu Dhabi-based Muslim Council of Elders (MCE) and associated peace initiatives, have afforded a platform for more credibly entering into religious and political debates, for cultivating new networks of influence among Muslim publics, and engaging non-Islamic countries and organizations. Drawing upon interviews and primary resources, this study investigates this exercise in religious statecraft, comparing the discourse and policy interventions of these associations, and analysing their improbable challenge to the predominant religious terms set by the traditional heavyweight in the Gulf, Saudi Arabia. It finds that the effectiveness, or resonance, of these religious soft power projects depends upon credibility—their alignment with national religious traditions and policy directions—and positioning—the targeting of particular audiences and stakeholders. It concludes that the UAE holds certain advantages over Qatar in its soft power positioning in the current nationalist moment, as states gain ground over transnational Islamic movements and relations with powers such as India, Russia, China and Israel—all hostile to independent Islamic movements—gain in importance. Policy-makers acknowledging the surprising hard power projection of these small states through military interventions and economic leverage may benefit from this study of their new religious soft power influence.

Economic relations and the public image of China in Latin America: a cross-country time-series analysis

This article investigates the impact of Chinese economic activities in Latin America on the national image of China in the region. Using economic and public opinion data from 17 Latin American countries from 2001 to 2016, this work relates cross-national time-series variations regarding China’s image in Latin America to changes in the economic ties (such as trade, FDI, and contracts) between the perceiving countries and China. Controlling for the size of the economy and the level of its development, the statistical analysis indicates that trade surplus against China in Latin America has a positive effect on the public perceptions of China in the region, while Chinese FDI outflows to Latin America lead to a negative effect. The effects of Chinese contracts, imports, and exports tend not to be statistically significant. We also find less developed Latin American countries with low life expectancy and low educational attainment tend to have a more positive view of China than their richer counterparts in the region. Finally, we find that Latin American countries under presidents with left-wing ideology have a much more positive view of China than countries under presidents with other ideological preferences. Diplomatic relations with China and China’s soft power influence as indexed by the presence of Confucius Institutes do not exhibit a strong impact on China’s national image in Latin America, compared with the dominant political ideology in a Latin American country as reflected in the president’s ideology.

Internationalization of cultural products: The influence of soft power

Internationalization seeks an understanding of the nature of the culture of the countries and is eventually influenced by affinity toward country and soft power (ideological and cultural influence). This research analyzed the influence of affinity toward country and soft power on the internationalization of cultural products. A survey was conducted with 478 Portuguese respondents of 22 cities about Brazilian cultural products, and data were analyzed by structural equations modeling. The results showed that soft power influenced positively the internationalization of cultural products and affinity toward country, and the latter also influenced positively internationalization. In addition to the methodological contribution due to the self-reporting approach used to analyze the internationalization of cultural products, this study contributes to identify the relationship between the constructs of internationalization of cultural products, affinity toward country, and soft power, in this way, the theoretical field related to international marketing and business, especially in a perspective focused on the consumption of cultural products.

Soft power influence on process of securement of national interests of Russian Federation and the Republic of Moldova

Soft power influence on process of securement of national interests of Russian Federation and the Republic of Moldova

Rhythms of Soft Power Influence and Transatlantic Higher Education Relations

This article looks at transatlantic educational relations as an element of cultural relations more generally. It begins by locating higher education within the context of EU cultural diplomacy (CD) and soft power and in a comparative transatlantic context. Based on a study of key historical components in the transatlantic relationship and dialogue in higher education, it then shows how higher education relations across the Atlantic are subject to what we describe as the ‘rhythms of soft power’. The article concludes that while CD in general, and higher education relations as a component of soft power in particular, might try to assist in the mitigation of prevailing politicosecurity and economic dynamics, it is going to be an uphill battle in an era in which we are witnessing at best a crisis and at worst the pending collapse of the liberal international order.

The Ideational Value of Soft Power and the Foreign Policy of African Regional Powers

ABSTRACTIn the past two decades, studies on ‘regional power dynamics’ have emerged detailing the potential leadership role of rising powers across regions. However, contributions on regional powerhood in Africa neglect the utility of ‘soft power’ for conceptualising the foreign policy behaviour of African regional powers. Given the evident incapacity of a single actor to command absolute strength and secure overwhelming influence within its regional sphere, the ideational value of soft power is a relevant consideration for identifying a state in this category. In Africa, only South Africa and Nigeria consistently display this qualifying feature of an Afrocentric foreign policy posture woven around sufficient material preponderance and strong soft power influence. African foreign policy dynamics present a unique illustration of the tangibility of soft power influence in the estimation of regional powerhood. This study addresses the conceptual limitation in most definitions of regional power’s application to the African context and raises the need to introduce the soft power variable in such conceptualisation. I conclude that a complementary regional hegemonic dispensation is evident in Africa where Nigeria, portrayed as a secondary power, is as formidable as South Africa – with both distinguished by the unstable symmetry of their power features.

Rusijos švelnioji galia kaip riboto poveikio priemonė Lietuvoje

[full article, abstract in English; abstract in Lithuanian]
 Lithuania has been a target of Russia’s soft power efforts for the past two decades. The aim of this article is to analyse Russia’s soft power influence possibilities in Lithuania. First, it analyzes how soft power is interpreted in Russia compared to the Western conception. Then, Russia’s soft power instruments and their core goals are reviewed, not all of which fall under the category of “soft power instruments” according to the Western understanding. The article proceeds with demographic changes in Lithuania and trends of consumption of Russian culture and information in Lithuania. The main argument is that Russia is not aiming to apply soft power to the general Lithuanian society but to particular groups within the population (Russophone minorities and residents with sentiments for the Soviet Union). It can be assumed that demographic trends and Russia’s aggressive actions will increasingly limit its soft power capabilities. However, the greatest setback to Russia’s soft power in Lithuania is arguably caused by its continuing reliance on hard power when it comes to countries of the post-Soviet space.

'Masha and the Bear' Phenomenon in the Russian and Foreign Mass Media

At present, virtual space is one of the forms of communicative interaction. The integrated Internet space, velocity of information-sharing, the circulation of films and animation films, a possibility to express opinions of them including anonymous ones, create a background to phenomena appearance. In the article the animated series Masha and the Bear are considered as a phenomenon of the mass-media space. We view the series of Masha and the Bear as a phenomenon, because it is extremely popular in the world, the Russian series are translated into 25 languages and are watched by a large audience. The quantitative factor and reaction in the media space make us talk about this animation film as a crucial event or phenomenon. The discussion in the world mass-media is focused on the phenomenon starting from the animation series release to the present day. The relevance of the research is based on the analysis of Masha and the Bear as a tool of propaganda or Russian soft power influence, first of all. The article deals with the content of discussions both in Russian and foreign mass-media. The analysis of publications, comments of uses of different sites let us make a conclusion that the audience’s reaction often depends on the manipulation with the message of the animated series. Masha and the Bear itself though devoid of any propaganda tasks, became a manipulation tool of people’s consciousness. The comparative analysis is carried out on the opinions of Russian and foreign mass-media audiences. The article briefly describes the technology of public opinion manipulation, which primarily uses such linguistic means as a wrong translation and negative stereotypes.