Soft Power Capabilities Research Articles

Nigeria’s 4-D Diplomacy and Regional Integration in West Africa: A Peacebuilding Debacle?

Nigeria’s soft power capabilities in Africa largely derive from its historical Afrocentric and good neighborliness foreign policy orientation. In West Africa and beyond, this foreign policy slant was activated to advance the de-colonial and anti-apartheid movements as well as restore political order in several security-beleaguered parts of Africa. Apart from the rigid application of Chapter Two of the ECOWAS Supplementary Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance which frowns at power acquired or maintained through unconstitutional means, Nigeria’s Afrocentric and good neighborliness foreign policy posturing has shifted under President Bola Tinubu’s administration. The foreign policy shift reflects the global dominance of liberal democracy in the context of the resurgence of military coup d’état in West Africa. Relying on the fundamental assumptions of liberal internationalism, this study unpacked how the shift in Nigeria’s foreign policy stance has affected regional integration in West Africa. The study found that it is not in Nigeria’s national interest to be in open hostility with its proximate neighbors because of its inclination toward the propagation of the ideals of liberal democracy in Africa.

“Soft Power” of Orthodox Church in Kazakhstan: Narratives, Objectives, Potential

This paper examines the role and potential of the Orthodox Church in Kazakhstan as an instrument of “soft power”. It analyzes the religious landscape in Kazakhstan, the history and resources of Orthodoxy in the country, narratives promoted by the Orthodox Church, and its relationship to the Russian state’s foreign policy interests. Statistical data shows steady growth of Orthodox churches in Kazakhstan despite an overall decline in the ethnic Russian population. Interviews with clergy provide insights into Orthodoxy’s social outreach and cultivation of Russian culture. The paper argues that the Orthodox Church advances narratives that align with Russia’s ideological emphasis on traditional values, inter-faith dialogue, and pan-Russian identity. While Orthodoxy retains significant soft power capabilities, its effectiveness is constrained by wariness of its associations with Russia.

Factors Affecting Nigeria’s Soft Power Capability as a Regional Leader in Africa

Factors Affecting Nigeria’s Soft Power Capability as a Regional Leader in Africa

Historical Insights of Global Power Transitions: Implications on US-China Relations

The history of global power transitions is a complex and multifaceted topic that has far-reaching implications on various aspects of international relations, including US-China relations. Throughout history, there have been numerous instances where the balance of power between nations has shifted, leading to significant changes in the global order. This research is aimed to analyse the prospects and implications of the current global power transition. Since the relative decline of the United States and the rise of China, the US-China relationship is one of the recurring themes in international relations. The pace of rise of the rest, especially China, is shrinking the power gap between the United States and these competitors. This paper suggests that the United States has gone through a relative decline in its military, economic, and soft power capabilities. The current trade war between the two largest economies, COVID-19 and other factors have exacerbated souring US-China relations. The realist theorists suggest that the ‘rising states are always prone to provoke war’, however, as China continues to increase its economic and military capabilities, the US has become increasingly wary of its rise and has adopted a more confrontational approach towards the country. This has led to a series of trade disputes, military tensions, and geopolitical conflicts between the two nations. The rise of China today is possible because of benefitting from the contemporary global order, but at the same time, China is dissatisfied with the role of the United States or a group of certain states in manipulating the laws of international institutions to pursue their self-interest. To avoid hostility, the largest economies should emphasize global issues by endorsing economic interdependence and cooperation.

Soft power prophet(s): the unexplored dimension of Nigeria’s religious soft power potential

ABSTRACT Despite Nigeria’s reservoir of soft power resources, adequate attention has not been given to the growing transnational influence of Nigeria’s Pentecostal pastors/prophets. Drawing on the recent emphasis on soft power capabilities of individuals which moves soft power discourse away from focusing strictly on state-centric analysis, this paper examines the soft power attraction of Nigeria’s Pentecostal pastors/prophets, especially, the late Prophet TB Joshua. The article argues that with the enormity of such influence, the Nigerian state can leverage it as a potent tool of diplomacy to further enhance its soft power, although it notes that the expected separation between the state and religion might pose some challenges.

Rethinking Nigeria’s soft power capability as a regional leader in Africa

Nigeria has always been seen as a significant regional player in Africa, and the country has not hidden its aspiration to be its leader. However, recent events, particularly in the fourth republic between 1999 and to date, have seen this ambition decline significantly. The study interrogates Nigeria’s soft power leadership capability as contemporary power diffusion theory and its ambition to be a regional leader in Africa. It examines various ways Nigeria can rethink its soft power strategies to achieve its age-long regional aspiration. The qualitative research method was adopted for the study, while primary and secondary sources were used in collecting data for the research. Findings reveal that Nigeria’s neglect and underutilisation of its strategic soft power tools in gaining regional influence continue to inhibit its African leadership ambitions. The study recommends a dynamic policy of developing and deploying significant soft power resources to boost Nigeria’s leadership in Africa.

Change in Turkish Foreign Policy towards the Middle East

In the last two decades, Turkey has remarkably transformed its foreign policy towards the Middle East. Ankara with a neo-Ottoman and anti-Western approach has become more evident in the foreign policy practices of Justice and Development Party (known as AKP) government. This article identifies the religious geopolitical imagination of Turkey with civilizationalist and neo-Ottoman visions that have shaped its foreign policy goals and instruments during the AKP government era. The article argues that religious geopolitical imagination is a result of foreign policy change towards the Middle East, which may give a Turkey leading position in the region. Overall, however, the evolution of religious geopolitical imagination can be accounted for not only by foreign policy concerns, but economic interests and domestic political aims also matter. Turkey has applied both hard and soft power approaches to remain in the region, but more focused and balanced soft power capabilities. This rapid change may be the result of internal problems like soaring inflation, plummeting currency, and a decline in popularity of the AKP. This article will give more focus to contemporary developments in Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East region.

Soft Power as “Beauty, Brilliance, Benignity”: The Case of the Aspire Zone Elite Sports Complex in Qatar

This paper examines the soft power capabilities of Qatar’s Aspire Zone elite sports complex by using Alexander Vuving’s categories of “beauty”, “brilliance”, and “benignity”. The study demonstrates how the Aspire Zone produces soft power for Qatar in a number of ways. First, the knowledge and world-class expertise on hand at the Aspire Zone have helped situate the Aspire Zone as the “go-to” place for sports training, science, and medicine. Through the Aspire Zone, Qatar has garnered prestige, leadership, and influence. As others regularly turn to the state for solutions to shared problems, Qatar extends its network of allies through those it helps. Second, the Aspire Academy’s Football Dreams project reminds others of Qatar’s desire to help those beyond its borders. This not only situates Qatar as a “good global citizen”, but positions the state as a welcoming destination which others can easily seek best practice knowledge and advice. Finally, the production of elite athletes adds to the expertise power of both the Aspie Zone and Qatar. With every success of Qatari athletes, the state shows its capacity to overcome a typical small state problem –– to produce a high-quality stock of athletic talent despite significant limitations linked to its small population.

새로운 외교 패러다임으로서의 공공외교와 문화적 영향력

Generally speaking, today, countries around the world are emphasizing cultural diplomacy using soft power as a key pillar of public diplomacy. This is part of a diplomatic strategy to enhance the country's image as a ‘diplomacy that moves the mind’ of the public. Turkey is also actively utilizing cultural diplomacy in line with this trend. Accordingly, this study aims to analyze the potential of Turkey's cultural diplomacy and to look into its implications for Korea. This study analyzed language and cultural education, academic exchange support programs, gastronomic diplomacy, and drama contents as Turkey's soft power promotion areas. Along with this analysis, this study is a plan for Turkey's cultural diplomacy strategy regarding Korea. First, Turkey's various soft power capabilities are utilized. Second, expand the target of diplomacy and implement a continuous cultural diplomacy strategy. Third, it suggests to actively utilize the online cultural exchange platform.

Türkiye’nin Kosova’daki Yumuşak Gücü

The purpose of this article is to measure Turkey's soft power in Kosovo. Turkey's soft power activities in Kosovo have been described in the literature, but they have not been measured. Qualitative research method was used in the study and a survey was conducted to collect data. Turkey's institutions that implement soft power in Kosovo have been expressed, and the hypothesis that Turkish cultural activities, political values and foreign policy produce soft power capability has been tested. As a result of the findings obtained from the survey and analysis, it is concluded that Turkey is seen as an important military power, a great economy and a beautiful tourism country in Kosovo. In addition, it has been revealed that Kosovars think that Turkey has an important culinary culture and that it is a successful country in terms of sports. It has been concluded that Turkey is an important actor for the security of Kosovo, both militarily and politically. The respondents believe that there is a cultural similarity between Kosovo and Turkey. As a result, it was concluded that Turkey is a country that is admired and appreciated to a significant extent in Kosovo. This shows that Turkey has soft power capacity in Kosovo.

Navigating Troubled Waters

Australia is a significant yet contested actor in the Indo-Pacific region, whose new Labor government is presented with substantial opportunities but also significant challenges. These include deteriorating relations with China, strategic if polarising alignment with the United States and its regional allies, and undervalued ties with ASEAN, South Pacific and select European countries. If strengthened, such untapped relationship potential could boost Australia’s declining soft power capabilities and improve both its image and outreach in the Indo-Pacific, without requiring any strategic distancing from Washington.

Critical Analysis of India's Soft Power Capability

Critical Analysis of India's Soft Power Capability

Hybridity and Soft Power Statecraft: The ‘GREAT’ Campaign

ABSTRACT This examination analyses transformations to statecraft accelerated by digital media technologies. This theory-building study moves beyond digitalisation of diplomacy as a means of adapting statecraft to evolving media landscapes, and extends to the governance of soft power capabilities. It challenges static approaches to digital diplomacy and argues for conceptualisations of soft power that account for changes to statecraft. To theorise this dynamic, the concept of ‘soft power statecraft’ and the notion of hybridity in the analysis of ‘GREAT’, Britain’s prominent strategic campaign, reveal trajectories of change elicited by it. The findings, drawn from interviews, policy data, and media artefacts, reveal how ‘GREAT’ embodies a hybridised approach to soft power statecraft at the levels of governance, communicative practices, media landscapes, and cultures. They reveal how these changes translate into statecraft strategies for the articulation of soft power.

Rusijos švelnioji galia kaip riboto poveikio priemonė Lietuvoje

[full article, abstract in English; abstract in Lithuanian]
 Lithuania has been a target of Russia’s soft power efforts for the past two decades. The aim of this article is to analyse Russia’s soft power influence possibilities in Lithuania. First, it analyzes how soft power is interpreted in Russia compared to the Western conception. Then, Russia’s soft power instruments and their core goals are reviewed, not all of which fall under the category of “soft power instruments” according to the Western understanding. The article proceeds with demographic changes in Lithuania and trends of consumption of Russian culture and information in Lithuania. The main argument is that Russia is not aiming to apply soft power to the general Lithuanian society but to particular groups within the population (Russophone minorities and residents with sentiments for the Soviet Union). It can be assumed that demographic trends and Russia’s aggressive actions will increasingly limit its soft power capabilities. However, the greatest setback to Russia’s soft power in Lithuania is arguably caused by its continuing reliance on hard power when it comes to countries of the post-Soviet space.

Japan and the Middle East: An Overview

As an introduction to this special issue, this article examines the shaping of Japan’s foreign policy; looking at how Japan has risen to the demand of the international community to assume more responsibility in conflict situations, circumventing a pacifist constitution that it had been dealt with. It then explains relations between Middle East and Japan and shows how the latter has been balancing its national interest in order to conform to its alliance with the United States. With more Asian powers having stake in the Middle East, Japan has become proactive about its role in the region. However, with limited hard power options, Japan would have to concentrate on its soft power capabilities and on using its economic strength to mark its presence in the Middle East.

Turkey's Soft Power Capacity: Geopolitics of Aviation and the Turkish Airlines

With its more than 290 flight destinations, Turkish Airlines emerges as Turkey's new face of transportation and a major facilitator of Turkey's international reputation. The airlines' continental connections and in-flight services help Turkey's visibility not only in the air but also on the ground, as being the one of nation's image-making instruments and a national trademark. In this framework, this paper focuses on Turkish Airlines' contribution to Turkey's soft power capability while being essential to public diplomacy in the future.

The potential of Egypt’s soft power post Arab Spring

After being called ‘Hollywood of the East’, Egypt’s soft power has witnessed a decline from the start of the years 2000s; due to 9/11/2001 and its aftermath, until it reached its lowest point since the Arab Spring in 2011. The deterioration hit its media sector, arts industry, sports and diplomacy. However, since 2014 a revival for one of its soft power capabilities happened. Its diplomacy. Diplomacy is on the rise and has some potential to restore Egypt’s status as ‘an active’ regional player. To illustrate that Egypt is now a temporary Security Council member in the United Nations for two years. This status earned after a lot of recommendation from Arab, African and Islamic blocks in the Security Council. To win this seat it required a lot of diplomatic efforts and lobbying which were successful at the end after being absent from non-permanent membership in UNSC since 1997. The first signs of decline in its diplomatic power started in 2006. This was due to USA’s neglect for Egypt and putting a lot of pressure on it from Bush junior’s Administration to comply with US values and interests in the region. This has been accentuated in the Bush Doctrine and was a natural outcome of September 11 attacks in 2001. The argument in here is that despite the decline in Egyptian status on all levels, and its soft power among them, due to turmoil resulting from the Arab Spring yet Egypt still has potential for revival and gaining a leading role due to its soft power. This study will be based on qualitative analysis to prove the argument. A diplomat and an academic have been interviewed to further illustrate the ideas expressed in this article. There are a number of issues that show success in Egypt’s diplomacy to prove this argument since 2014.

Communicating South Africa’s soft power: Agents, instruments and recipients

ABSTRACTNew scholarly literature that focuses on the currency of soft power is emerging in the analysis of South Africa’s foreign policy. This nascent strand of discourse seeks to capture the nexus between the ideational value of soft power and Pretoria’s foreign policy. Despite pockets of literature in this regard, there has been little analysis of the communicative settings and adaptations of soft power in the South African context. Within this analytical context, this article aims to contribute to existing discourse on South Africa’s soft power by probing the agents, sources and subjects involved in its cultivation and unpacking the links between these communicative environments. These issues are critical, given the recent emphasis on the role and utility of soft power for achieving South Africa’s foreign policy ambitions. The article stresses that, in the long term, the deepening of South Africa’s soft power capability and influence will depend largely on the extent of the strategic calibration between the communicative realms of actors, instruments and recipients.

Norway and Turkey: Possibilities of Cooperation through the Eyes of Turkish Opinion-Makers

The authors conducted interviews with opinion-makers in Turkey in 2012 to explore the feasibility of cooperation between Turkey and Norway on issues of peacebuilding. Norway was viewed by respondents as a country with softpower capabilities and a focus on human rights, democratic values, and the rule of law. Some opinion-makers also emphasized that both countries have a similar position on Palestine, a pivotal issue in the Middle East. Obstacles to cooperation include the geographical distance between the two countries, the lack of common institutions, Norway’s lack of experience with different ethnicities and faiths, Norway’s failure to object to the 2005-2006 Danish cartoon scandal regarding Mohammed, Norwegian criticism of Turkey’s policies toward the Kurds, and its imprisonment of dissidents without due process of law. Despite these issues, respondents expressed enthusiasm about future cooperation, and view Norway as a far better potential collaborator than any other European country, in part because it, like Turkey, is outside the EU but a member of NATO. The issue of trade-offs between Norway’s use of soft power and its economic aspirations, namely oil investments in other countries, was also explored. The article concludes with a discussion of the possibility that increased cooperation between Turkey and Norway may give rise to “Turkophobia”, an extension of “Islamophobia”, a simplistic interpretative framework that rests on cultural misunderstanding and miscommunication.

Soft power and soft disempowerment: Qatar, global sport and football’s 2022 World Cup finals

This paper examines the critical role of global sport within Qatar’s international strategy, most notably through the successful bid to stage the 2022 football World Cup. Our discussion draws particularly on interviews with key stakeholders in the Qatari sport system, as well as fieldwork in Qatar and the analysis of relevant documents and secondary materials. The paper is separated into five main parts. First, we set out our theoretical framework, which draws on the concepts of globalization and soft power; to assist in the analysis of Qatar’s engagement with global sport, we introduce the two further concepts of ‘glocal consciousness’ and ‘soft disempowerment’. Second, we provide the reader with background information on Qatar and Qatari sport. Third, we discuss three key themes that emerged mainly from our interviews on Qatar and global sport: exhibiting Qatar’s supremacies as a microstate; the pursuit of peace, security and integrity; and confronting national health crises. Fourth, we explore issues of soft disempowerment and reputational risk with regard to these three themes and, in particular, critical international comment surrounding Qatar’s hosting of the 2022 World Cup. Fifth, we conclude by arguing that Qatar’s soft disempowerment, although damaging in the short term, leaves the door open for the state to respond in a positive manner, regenerating its soft power capabilities in the process.