Socio-political Development Research Articles

Организационно-педагогические условия как факторы качества обучения русскому языку в билингвальных сельских школах

In the Russian Federation, bilingualism and multilingualism are becoming an integral part of modern society. The problem of ensuring the availability of quality education, regardless of the place of residence and the language of instruction, is a priority task of the Russian education system. Organizational and pedagogical conditions can become one of the factors for obtaining high-quality education, regardless of the place of residence and language of education of students. The article presents the results of a study aimed at identifying organizational and pedagogical conditions that contribute to improving the quality of Russian language teaching in rural schools that conduct educational activities in their native language. A leading research method is questionnaire survey, which involved respondents from four regions - the Republic of Altai, Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), Tatarstan, Tuva - in which official languages are Russian and that of the republics. The research material was based on the responses to questionnaires of 368 respondents in three groups: heads of rural educational organizations, Russian language teachers, students in grades 5-9 and their parents. In addition, the following methods were used: observation, conversation, interviews, questionnaires, content analysis, and study of school documentation. Based on the theoretical analysis of sources on the research topic, the concept of “organizational and pedagogical conditions” was specified; the definitions of the types of conditions - motivational, administrative and managerial, personnel, material and technical, control and evaluation - were clarified and formulated. The results of the study allowed identifying these conditions as factors that ensure quality and presenting them in terms of motivation (for what purpose?), organization (what and how?), personnel (who?), logistics (where and by what?) and evaluation and control (how?). The results obtained helped to formulate methodological recommendations for creating organizational and pedagogical conditions as a set of certain pedagogical measures to influence participants in educational relations. These measures ensure the improvement of the quality of education and are aimed at the formation of balanced bilingualism in children in bilingual education. For our multilingual country, state support for Russian and the native languages of its peoples is necessary not only as a factor of sociopolitical development, but also as a guarantee of state security of a multinational state.

Международный режим декарбонизации как инструмент имплементации ценностей общества риска

The coronavirus pandemic has actualised the “Global Risk Society” concept. The purpose of this article is to examine the emergence of an international decarbonisation regime in terms of the values of the “global risk society” as updated by the coronavirus pandemic. Under the conditions of “new normality”, new values that determine the socio-political development of society are taking shape. Relying on the “Global Risk Society” theory, the authors derive its emerging values, the emergence of which is associated with the pandemic and its socio-economic effects. Thus, new values include the abandonment of faith in progress and a focus on crisis management (resilience), global solidarity as a key condition for survival, the search for a balance between freedom and security, effective response and regulation, “open innovation” as part of the “global commons”, rethinking of the value of consumption, and finally, the value of the climate agenda as a global green imperative comes to the fore. These values are of importance for a global climate agenda as well, which has become more acute during the pandemic. A key actor here is the European Union, which, through its policy of normative power and environmental ethics, is shaping a new international decarbonisation regime as an instrument for realising these values. And this “new ethic” has no national boundaries. Such international regime aims to create a regulatory framework for responding to climate risks that has the potential to profoundly affect global development and lead to a fundamentally new international climate order.

Социальные девиации в СССР периода Великой Отечественной войны: от супружеской измены до измены Родине

Methodology. The authors studied a set of sources, phrased and verified the hypothesis of the article based on the analysis of authentic facts with the involvement of a representative historiographical sample.Results. Social deviations were an integral and quite significant part of everyday life and sociopolitical development of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War. They were distinguished by a significant type and species diversity. Given the extreme historical conditions, it may be stated that deviant behavior was an additional risk factor that significantly reduced the stability and resistance of the Soviet Union in the face of external aggression. At the same time, Soviet society and the state developed a wide range of educational and repressive measures that allowed not only to stop the negative social consequences of deviant behavior, but also to increase the viability of the social system. The absolutization of negative examples as an argument in favor of a negative assessment of the entire Soviet era is unacceptable. The prevention of the development of social deviations into a destructive pathogenesis of society and the state was the result of the successful synthesis of values and principles of traditional society with the technologies of the Modern era in management.Research implications. The data and scientific results systematized in the article help to gain a deeper understanding of the Soviet era, allowing in the future to build a unified theory of the history of Russia in the twentieth century. In addition, the materials of the article can be used in teaching students of humanities and patriotic education of schoolchildren.

Energy security as a crucial Pakistan’s foreign policy determinant

Considering many factors that can affect the nation’s foreign policy, one can point out the factor of energy security. The article deals with the place of energy security in Pakistan’s foreign policy. The author puts forward a hypothesis according to which the socio-political development of Pakistan directly depends on the state of its energy sector and the prospects for its development, and therefore the nation’s foreign policy in fact stems from the needs of strengthening energy security. The article discusses the general concepts of energy security, lists the existing threats, the role of the energy sector in the Pakistani economy and the structural problems of the industry are analyzed with an overview of the country’s foreign trade balance having been given. The strategically important tracks of Pakistan’s energy policy include the implementation of the China-Pakistan economic corridor, the development of relations with the Gulf countries, an attempt to agree on the implementation of energy projects with the countries of Central Asia. Among Pakistan’s attempts to counter socio-political threats to energy security, counter-terrorism operations of the nation’s armed forces are considered, and its duality is noted, initiatives to strengthen regional maritime security in the Indian Ocean and in particular - Regional Maritime Security Patrols, as well as Pakistan’s role in the civil war in Afghanistan in the context of the Taliban takeover. The author concludes that energy security will remain one of the key factors in Pakistan’s foreign policy until the burning issues in the areas discussed in the article are resolved. Otherwise, Pakistan will remain a country with an extremely vulnerable economy, which will not allow Islamabad to play the role in world politics it hopes for.

Human capital and youth emigration in the “new normal”

AbstractEvery society's future lies in its youth, which can be considered a critical milestone for a nation's sociopolitical development. This research examines the young population attempting to identify and explores the students' perceptions about migration, their postulates, and the reasoning why so many students ultimately choose to emigrate. Data were collected in a questionnaire survey of 206 randomly selected students from Bosnia and Herzegovina. Some different multivariate analyses were performed to test the hypotheses. Other results were further discussed. Results show that the country's legal framework is a key reason for the prevailing poor living standard. This has resulted in a large number of youths leaving the country. Overall, both the legal framework (for both young entrepreneurs and women) and the overall standard of living (quality of life, well‐being, salary, retirement, and education) are correlated with people choosing to emigrate. Furthermore, theoretical and practical implications are discussed. As far as we know, this is the first empirical study on this particular region that investigates the youth migration trends considered an important milestone for human capital development.

Hinduism in the Socio-Political Life of India

The article analyzes the importance of the religious factor in determining the ways of socio-political development of India. India remains a country with a multi-confessional population with a clear predominance of adherents of Hinduism. In addition to the infl uence of Hinduism on the life of orthodox society, where castes still play a special role, which determine the norms of behavior and rules of communication, the author analyzes the role of religion in the political agenda of the country. Under the conditions of colonialism, Hinduism was established as a national religion and the basis of a national tradition. The active involvement of Hinduism in political life began at the end of the nineteenth century, when such political parties as the Muslim League and Hindu Mahasabha appeared. The task of the latter was to create a Hindu state in India. The author also pays special attention to the analysis of the formation of the Bharatiya Janata Party, which is characterized as the political wing of a group of Hindu nationalist organizations. The growing popularity of this party, which won the elections in 2014 and 2019, indicates the strengthening of the positions of communalist organizations. These trends show that the active inclusion of religion in the political agenda aff ects the nature of the country’s democratic institutions, gradually transforming the popular thesis that India is a country representing “unity in diversity”.

THEORETICAL ASPECTS OF CIVIC POSITION FORMATION IN PEDAGOGICAL SCIENCE AND PRACTICE

The problems of the civic position formation of an individual are rooted in multiple factors. These include a challenging stage in the development of Russian society, social, cultural, economic, and political problems, rethinking the country’s past, and unclear value references. All these factors can lead to moral disorientation and a loss of ideals. At the present stage, the formation of civic position is an interesting subject of research for many scientists. They reveal the essence of Citizenship as a concept and describe civic position formation’s psychological aspects. Moreover, citizenship is considered a social phenomenon, the formation of which depends on social relations and the organization of the educational process. During the last decade, there has been an increased interest in research on the problem of citizenship formation at an adolescent age. In pedagogy, the following types of positions are distinguished: lifestyle, social, and internal. The similarity of the concepts of Internal Position and Attitude is emphasized, and it is explained that Attitude defines Position as a unified system of individual-personal relations between a person and their surrounding reality. Objective and subjective factors under the influence of which a person’s civic position is formed are also explained. The objective factors refer to socio-political conditions. Meanwhile, subjective factors refer to the interests of the individual, their needs, abilities, and values. On this basis, the following components, which are most often highlighted by scientists in the study and generalization of a person’s civic position, and contribution to its formation, are listed: cognitive (knowledge of citizenship, civic position, civil rights and responsibilities), motivational-valuable (a humanistic feature of a person’s relationship to society, work, people and themselves, civic value orientations), and activity (ability to fulfill one’s civil rights and duties, comply with social and legal standards, carry out socially significant activities for the public good). Three levels of formation of a person’s civic position are distinguished and described (low, average, high). The relationship and differences of such concepts as Patriotism, Citizenship, Civic Position, as well as Patriot and Citizen are emphasized, and their essence is revealed. By Patriotism, we mean the feeling of love and attachment to a country and alliance with other citizens who share the same sentiment to create a feeling of oneness among the people. As part of the study of the civic position formation, the concept of Civic activity is touched upon, which is explained and classified by the following types: official (electoral process) and unofficial (participation in socially significant activities). The manifestation forms of a person’s civic position affecting their formation are outlined (passive, active, conformist (consumer), rebellious (protest), constructive). At the same time, emphasis is placed on an active civic position, in which society and the state are interested. The conclusion clarifies the definition of Civic Position, which is explained as a system of positive value orientations that an individual may possess in relation to the state, law, civil society, themselves as an active citizen, carrying out socially important activities, and a focus on the public good. The analysis of the studied topic allows us to state its undoubted theoretical and practical significance since this problem is relevant and not fully solved at the present stage of the socio-political development of Russia.

Концептуальні засади воєнної політики в контексті реалізації стратегії національної безпеки України

Визначено завдання воєнної політики держави в контексті реалізації положень нової Стратегії національної безпеки України. Доведено, що агресія Російської Федерації (далі – РФ) проти України змінила європейську систему управління воєнною безпекою. Існуючі протиріччя між Європейським Союзом (далі – ЄС) та РФ як нащадка СРСР після закінчення холодної війни, незважаючи на голослівні обіцянки керівництва у відданості демократичному вектору суспільно-політичного розвитку Росії, з приходом до влади В. Путіна загострилися через його бажання відродити Російську імперію у колишніх кордонах. Ці бажання було втілено під час війни з Грузією та Україною. Підкреслено, що, незважаючи на загальний осуд політики РФ, яка кидає виклик європейській спільноті, завдячуючи історичним зв’язкам та економічним вигодам, не усі країни ЄС вважають РФ агресором. Загалом, підтримуючи членство України в ЄС та НАТО, європейці не вважають необхідним допомагати Україні сучасним озброєнням. Зазначено, що у цьому контексті Україна повинна у політиці воєнної безпеки орієнтуватися переважно на власні сили, що своєю чергою потребує формування та реалізації воєнної політики, заснованої на кращих світових зразках. На основі аналізу проектів стратегічних документів визначено пріоритети, завдання та основні шляхи розвитку Сектору безпеки та оборони в контексті нових викликів та загроз.

Coronavirus and political “turbulence” in Ukraine in 2020

The purpose of the article: to determine the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the socio-political life in Ukraine. Research methods: dialectical, analytical, descriptive, system-structural. The documentary basis of the study is a large array of informational and journalistic publications devoted to individual episodes and phenomena of fighting the pandemic and its consequences. In addition to scientific interest, the author of this article was inspired to write personal observations and impressions of the treatment of the disease in one of the hospitals in Dnipro, where he had the opportunity to feel the great danger of a terrible disease and see with his own eyes unsatisfactory material and technical condition of our hospitals. The author notes extraordinary courage of doctors and all medical staff who faithfully performed their duties and fought for life and health of each person. Scientific novelty: for the first time the socio-political development of the country in connection with the pandemic, which revealed many acute problems of Ukrainian society, is comprehensively shown. Main results: incompetence of the state apparatus and unwillingness of the state to give an adequate response to a serious challenge are revealed. Medical facilities, including hospitals, are unable to accept large numbers of patients, to provide them with appropriate treatment due to outdated equipment, lack of qualified staff, low salaries of medical staff, etc. Due to the U. Suprun’s reform, who served as the Minister of Health of Ukraine during 2016–2019, the old health care system was destroyed. As for the new system, it is created “in turbo mode” on the principle of “money follows the patient”. This system proved to be ineffective in the domestic realities; in fact it is antisocial, as basic medical services are inaccessible to a large number of Ukrainian citizens. On the other hand, the central government often provoked regions and communities into disobedience, creating conflicts, in particular when carrying out ill-conceived quarantine measures and compromising itself with double standards during the quarantine. All this has led to political turbulence in the political life of Ukraine, i. e. to a socio-political phenomenon similar to the movement of the aircraft, which due to oncoming stormy air waves begins to tremble and loses control. Type of article: analytical.

Service, Activism, and Friendships in High School: A Longitudinal Social Network Analysis of Peer Influence and Critical Beliefs

Scholars acknowledge that friends shape youth civic engagement, but the relative contribution of peer influence and critical beliefs to civic behaviors has yet to be disaggregated. Informed by sociopolitical development and critical consciousness theories, the present study used longitudinal social network analysis to examine peer socialization and adolescents’ awareness of systemic inequities in relation to participation in service and activist activities at a high school serving primarily low-income Latinx youth. Students were surveyed in May 2019 and May 2020 (N = 354; 51% female; in 2019, Mage = 15.9, age range 14.4 to 18.5). The results yielded evidence of peer influence on service activities, but not activism or perceptions of inequities. In contrast, adolescents’ perception of inequities predicted their activist behavior, but not service, after controlling for network effects and individual covariates. The school provided scaffolding for service activities, but not activist activities, potentially explaining the salience of service participation in youth friendship networks.

Этнополитические процессы на Кавказе: конфликт идентичностей и политическая активность молодежи

Introduction. The article presents the results of the research, which helped to determine the assessments and perceptions of young people in the Caucasus region about the state, nature and direction of the development of ethnopolitical processes, to identify common and special in the views of youth in the North and South Caucasus. Methods and Materials. Sociological research within the framework of the scientific project “Ethno-Political Processes in the Caucasus in the Assessments and Perceptions of Modern Youth” was carried out by the authors of the article in 2019 using the online survey method. 2,000 respondents were interviewed, namely students of leading universities of the region (1,000 respondents were interviewed in the North Caucasus and 1,000 respondents in the South Caucasus), the age of the respondents being 18-24 years old. The role of state authorities in the formation of civic and national identity among youth of the North Caucasus was revealed as a result of the content analysis of regional programs and other information materials in 2018. Analysis. It was found that the spectrum of the main ethnopolitical issues of concern to young people in the Caucasus region is largely identical for both the North and South Caucasus. It was revealed that civic, national, and religious identities are of priority and equal importance for the vast majority of youth. Civic and national identity for the absolute majority of Caucasian respondents is associated with the preservation of national culture and history, pride of their country and its achievements, protection of the Fatherland, and the guarantee of human rights and freedoms. Regional identity is a priority for the overwhelming majority of young people in the Caucasus. It can be assumed that risks of conflict between civil, national, and confessional identities persist among young people in the region. Youth in the Caucasus have a high level of political activity and consider their active participation in the political life of the region necessary. At the same time, they are more inclined towards a constructive solution to socio-political problems, volunteering, as well as dialogue and cooperation with state authorities. The main actors forming political views, according to the majority of respondents, are the environment in which they communicate, close relatives, as well as the blogosphere and social networks. The role of state administration in the formation of civil and national identity among young people in the North Caucasus is analyzed. The conclusion is that it is necessary to strengthen work in the region to develop public initiatives among youth, to involve them in socially significant activities, to activate their creative potential, and to develop their participation in various civil society institutions, especially volunteer organizations. Results. The conclusion is made about the need for a wide integration of young people of the region into the all-Russian socio-cultural space, the implementation of equal partnership between youth, civil society institutions and state authorities, greater involvement of young people in activities that contribute to the economic, socio-political and cultural development of the region. Key words: youth, ethnopolitical processes, Caucasus, political activity, civic identity, national identity.

Islanders and Empire: Smuggling and Political Defiance in Hispaniola, 1580–1690

Historians' interest in the seventeenth-century Caribbean has surged in recent years. Juan José Ponce Vázquez's revised dissertation analyzes the role that smuggling played in the cultural, economic, and sociopolitical development of Santo Domingo from the end of the sixteenth to the late seventeenth century. The author focuses on local communities that reflect shifting opportunities for the population during a period when hostile powers penetrated parts of the Spanish empire, including the island of Hispaniola, and established their own colonies in the Caribbean.Based on extensive research in the Archivo General de Indias, Ponce Vázquez shows that the development of plantation economies was not the only viable option for settlers in colonies neglected by the Spanish crown's preference for resource-rich parts of the New World. Some people found other means of survival, and the reason that Hispaniola trod a different path was its access to the lucrative contraband economy. Illicit trade, as it turned out, generated income for a substantial portion of the island's population. The author convincingly demonstrates that the colony was not lingering on the periphery of the Caribbean, as it has long been depicted, but was an active participant in the Atlantic economy that transcended the mercantilistic policies of the European rulers.The book is organized in chronological order. The first chapter covers most of the sixteenth century, when Hispaniola evolved from the center of Spanish imperial expansion to an impoverished backwater with limited opportunity for its inhabitants. In chapter 2 Ponce Vázquez describes how smuggling emerged as the predominant sector in the island's economy toward the end of the century. Contraband trade with Dutch merchants flourished, and many settlers profited from this form of commerce. The third chapter outlines the well-known forced depopulation between 1604 and 1606 that left large parts of the island's north and west open to foreign intrusion. The author then examines how Santo Domingo's inhabitants consolidated control over colonial government and forged new relationships with non-Spaniards and the authorities in the motherland. The focus on Rodrigo Pimentel's remarkable career as officeholder and ruthless businessman in the next chapter provides fine insights into the political culture of this neglected colony. The final chapter considers the relations with intruders, particularly the French who, beginning in Tortuga in 1629, seized the western coastal regions of the island and established the colony Saint-Domingue at a time when the Spanish crown barely managed to protect major Caribbean ports from foreign assaults.The surviving sources do not seem to be as rich as for other Spanish colonies like Mexico or perhaps Panama, but Ponce Vázquez paints a vivid picture of the development of Santo Domingo from the failure of plantation economy to the war against the French in 1690. The descriptions of the social and cultural implications of the reliance on illicit trade belong to the great strengths of this book. The author shows how the cabildo (governing council) became a “select club where friendships were established, profitable deals were struck, but also where members could become life-long enemies” (p. 144). While the local elites used the power of political office for their own advantage, the dirty work was often carried out by slaves. A few examples make the stories of various individuals come alive as well as further contribute to a better understanding of colonial society.Although this book covers much new territory, for historians of the Atlantic world the crucial intersection with the French remains a bit of a mystery. The author, for instance, describes a number of raids and counterraids in the 1660s and 1670s, but it is not clear whether there was any peaceful trade between these parties during this period. The lack of references in the Spanish correspondence is a major roadblock. Some papers in French archives suggest that merchants from Normandy specifically sought customers among the island's Spanish settlers. The potential profits seem to have outweighed the risks. The French and the Dutch sides of these illicit transactions wait to be explored in future research projects.In sum, Ponce Vázquez's work is an important contribution to the growing body of studies of smuggling and contraband trade in various parts of the Spanish empire. This excellent book is rich in detail and illuminates Hispaniola's history during a crucial phase of development. The author has done a fantastic job in bringing the many facets of colonial life outside the centers of prosperity to light. It is regrettable that the exorbitant price will severely limit the readership. Not only historians of Latin America and the Caribbean but also a broad audience with a more general interest could profit from the wider distribution of this study.

A sour cherry orchard. An excursion through Chekhovian green spaces

The cherry orchard marks the end of Anton Chekhov’s life, consecrating him as the author who defined the threshold of the new epoch. In this article, I construe the garden as the motif linking Chekhov’s sensitivity to the general spirit of his era, revealing his poetics to the global stage as the distinctive mark of a historical and socioeconomic shift. On this path, I will clarify how the subtle difference between sour cherries and sweet cherries becomes a symbol of Chekhov’s dramatic construction, and how his poetics are built on nuances and subtle shifts in meanings, representing the irrevocable fading of a culture. A philological reflection combined with an attentive reading of Chekhov’s letters, Stanislavsky’s memoirs and scenic sketches reveal the author’s interest in the relationship between man and nature as well as the need to read his work from a more spatial-oriented standpoint. Chekhov clearly anticipates the so-called ‘spatial turn’, approaching space not through the description of a specific landscape or dramaturgical setting, but from a phenomenological point of view, leading him to profound reflections on the relationship between physical planning and socio-political development, as later conceptualised by key social thinkers such as Henry Lefebvre and Edward Soja. Chekhov’s dramaturgical construction and symbology are the result of this awareness and endless passion for nature in all its forms.

“With Politics, It’s Easier to Talk to Them About It”: Peer Racial Socialization and Sociopolitical Development Among Black College Students

With the increased frequency of highly publicized racism in the United States, the engagement of racial socialization among Black emerging adults and their peers is critical for navigating their racial experiences and organizing for change as evident in social movements led by young adults (e.g., Black Lives Matter). However, little is known about the process of peer racial socialization and its relation to sociopolitical development. In this study, we qualitatively explored these processes with 35 Black undergraduates attending a predominantly white institution. Two peer racial socialization themes associated with sociopolitical development emerged: Political Division and Media. An additional theme, Culture as a Form of Resistance, highlighted the relationship between peer racial socialization and coping with racism. Implications for further exploration of non-traditional forms of activism and the creation of safe spaces for Black college students are discussed.

Соціалістична і консервативна течії українського державотворення у 1918 р.: боротьба за владу і зовнішньополітичні впливи

The work aims to investigate the forms and ways of political struggle for power in Ukraine in 1918 between different ideological movements of the Ukrainian direction. The research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity and comparative-historical, historical-chronological methods. The scientific novelty lies in the systematic analysis of the struggle for power in Ukraine of socialistic and conservative movements of the Ukrainian state formation in 1918. The political strife for power in Ukraine in 1918 was characterized by the coincidence of oppositely directed trends in the socio-political development of the Ukrainian community. Conclusions. The coming to power of UNU(Ukrainian National Union) in Ukraine by using a weapon, testified at least two important moments in the history of the national liberation struggle of Ukrainians in 1917-1920. Firstly, the era of Hetmanate of P. Skoropadskyi, who undoubtedly made a significant contribution to the development of Ukrainian statehood, was revealed to be disastrous for the latter. This could not but cause the mass opposition of the Hetmanate, which failed to solve the urgent, extremely painful problems of political, economic and social life. Instead of practical search of real unity within the country, P. Skoropadskyi resorted to punitive actions against socialist-oppositionists and even worse against his own people to satisfy the “political appetites” of the German-Austrian occupiers and anti-Ukrainian chauvinistic circles, which redeeming from the Bolsheviks, had found asylum in Ukraine. Secondly, the cleavage in Ukrainian society had reached a critical point, beyond which it was hardly worth looking for effective ways to reconcile, and any struggle for power had inevitably evolved into open civil war. Under such circumstances, the Directory came to power. Having been formed quickly by the members of UNU to organize the uprising against P. Skoropadskyi, it did not have a distinct program of state formation. With the victory of the Directory and proclamation of the Ukrainian State of the UPR, there was a process of restoration by the national democratic forces that once formed the Central Rada and were responsible for its policies, a pro-socialist, as opposed to the abolished conservative, course of Ukrainian statehood.

Mauritania: the Evolution of Political Structures

The Islamic Republic of Mauritania as an independent State emerged as a result of the collapse of colonial French West Africa, which included Mauritania. Its independence was declared on November 28, 1960. At the turning point of historical epochs, under the influence of national liberation movements on the continent and the general democratization of world government institutions, wide opportunities opened up for political activity, both for individual parties and movements, and for a particular individual. The pressure of foreign monopolies, the archaic social structure, internal political instability and the complexity of relations with neighboring countries have become serious obstacles to the development of Mauritania. During the years of independence, Mauritania has repeatedly experienced coups d’etat, which could not but have a negative impact on the entire socio-political spectrum of this West African country. Decades of French colonial influence has been reflected in the formation of political institutions in Mauritania, such as the Constitutional Council and the judiciary. Mauritania’s domestic policy has been based on racial and ethnic lines for many years. The protracted confrontation resulted in a conflict between the black population mainly in the south of the country and the traditionally Berber Arabs living in the northern regions, whose representatives held leading state posts. Each new head of state who came to power in post-colonial Mauritania, among the main tasks of domestic development, set the task of uniting various ethnic groups. Despite the obvious difficulties in solving this issue, the main tasks of the country’s leadership in the field of domestic policy are strict compliance with the current legislation in order to restore public confidence in state institutions and psychological restructuring of the consciousness of the vast majority of the population, aimed at developing a new attitude to domestic political life. In the 1980s, the country began a movement for the right of women to participate in the socio-economic sphere. But only in the 21st century did they gain the right to hold political office, although they are still required to live under Sharia law. At the level of public consciousness, the participation of women in politics and in other spheres of public activity is not approved. Traditional slavery is a special problem of socio-political development.

3-Socio-cultural Condition of South Punjab: A Case of Muzaffargarh District

Muzaffargarh is located between the two rivers Indus and Chenab. People of the district have a simple and traditional culture. Saraiki is the major language of the district. Agriculture is considered the major occupation of the people in the district. This paper primarily deals with the socio-cultural development in Muzaffargarh District. Socio-cultural aspects of people are connected with the life of the people and it always considered important regarding socio-political and economic norms, traditions and customs of the people of any region. The region remained a cradle of civilizations in the past. The socio-cultural and political condition of the people almost resembles in the entire region of South Punjab with some minor differences. Only religion is the key factor in this perspective. To analyze the entire region a small region of the province Muzaffargarh District is a micro level study as a model to explore the above subject. Although Muzaffargarh District is considered a backward district of the Punjab in Pakistan. After the emergence of Pakistan we have looked a remarkable change in socio-political development as owing to the changes in the people, their population, education, dress, occupation their religious thoughts and their ways of life and political representation. This paper is an attempt to highlight the socio-cultural development in Muzaffargarh.

Youth perceptions of national change in middle school: how critical reflection supports different models of nationalism

While ample research has examined how youth in the United States define ‘Americanness’, little attention has been given to how youth imagine the nation of the future, particularly in light of ongoing immigration. This study investigates how middle school students envision necessary national reforms, and how these views reflect different models of nationalism. To explore how these perceptions are informed by experiences in school and the local community, I analyze ethnographic and student and staff interview data from two middle schools in California located in vastly different sociopolitical communities. I find that, (1) exposure to school curriculum that encourages critical reflection—including a critique of national inequality and hostility toward immigrants—influences whether students support individual or structural national reforms, and (2) students’ degree of critical reflection shapes their endorsement of expansive vs. restrictive nationalism. I conclude with implications for educators to support student sociopolitical development and critical reflection.

Основные направления государственной социальной политики охраны детства в Узбекистане.

Introduction. The article discusses the improvement of social protection of families and children in the Republic of Uzbekistan. Based on the analysis, the National Sys-tem of Child Protection in the Republic of Uzbekistan was obtained, which is made up of certain components. Methods. The content of the article is based on various research methods, primarily on the assessment of the social protection system through interviews with stakeholders. The assessment critically assessed the strategies applied, identified lessons learned and best practices, accelerating the achievement of sustainable results for children in Uzbekistan, especially from the most vulnerable groups. The assessment was aimed at assessing the relevance, effectiveness, efficiency, sustainability, consistency and, if possible, the impact of the strategies adopted to achieve the results of the start program. It was concluded that the effectiveness of the social protection system for children and families is based on the presence of the listed structural components in it. , and in the subsequent parts of this book we will try to analyze the main of these components in relation to the system of social protection of children in Uzbekistan. Results. The article is based on the support for the development of recommendations for the strategic planning of the next program cycle. The level of humanity of the state policy towards its citizens in a difficult situation, a socially vulnerable situation is measured by the system of social support provided, which is aimed at creating opportunities for them to participate in life, equal with other citizens, for socio-political, economic, cultural and intellectual development.

We who believe in freedom: Freedom Schools as a critical context for the positive, sociopolitical development of Black youth

ABSTRACT Due to the shortcomings of traditional schools, innovative supplementary (e.g. out-of-school, summer) programs have been identified as important sites for the positive development and learning of Black youth. This study foregrounds Black youth perspectives to offer additional insight into the role of supplementary programming. Drawing from 15 semi-structured, pre-post interviews with Black youth participating in a six-week summer CDF Freedom Schools program, we analyzed core distinctions drawn between youths’ experiences in the program and in their traditional schools. Black youth attested to how the program expanded opportunities for them to express themselves, build community, engage in critical structural analyses, and imagine sociopolitical possibilities beyond the constraints of the present. We conclude with a discussion of implications, with an eye toward further specifying the types of educational contexts required to counteract detrimental aspects of traditional schooling and cultivate dispositions toward more just futures.