Divided Societies Research Articles

Are Segmental Parties Bad for Women? Rethinking the Challenges of Representation in Consociational Power-Sharing

ABSTRACT Consociational power-sharing mandates representation of politically salient groups in government and encourages their participation in decision making. This leaves identities and issues not centrally related to the primary political division technically negligible for political stability. That cross-segmental policy issues in general and those specifically of concerns to women in divided societies enjoy low priority in dominant political parties is well documented. There is no agreement on why it is so. This paper analyses the system-level incentives that segmental parties in Northern Ireland follow when crowding out concerns and interests that might be relevant for individual voters identifying primarily outside the established politically salient cleavages. We conclude that in Northern Ireland, the systematic marginalisation of ‘women-specific issues’ is not systemic but rather highlights system-given opportunities for major political parties to avoid engagement with socially salient issues at no electoral cost.

FRANCE: SOCIAL CLEAVAGES IN THE FACE OF POLITICAL PROCESSES

Abstract. The article examines the social schisms existing in French society and the impact that these divisions had on the social climate and political processes in the country. The factors contributing to the formation of these imbalances are analyzed. It is shown that although the ruling circles have smoothed out the social consequences of numerous extraordinary events that took place during Macron’s rule, they have not been able to mitigate the fundamental social divisions. The author comes to the conclusion that the abundance of deep social divisions in society leads to social instability, fragmentation of the political space and a significant increase in the influence of populist movements. Special attention is paid to the problems of increasing the degree of radicalism in the political arena and the degree of aggression and violence in society

Les clivages sociaux et la paix démocratique

This paper deals with the relationship between social cleavages and democratic peace. The issue is that of a lasting peace in a strongly divided society with a high potential for conflict. We first proceeded to a typology of the cleavages where it is observed a eurocentric character of the classical theory proposed by Seymour Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan, which does not take into account the dynamics of cleavages outside the european context, in particular that of Africa. On this last aspect, we have shown that Africa presents a singularity, because contrary to the model of Rokkan and Lipset, the emergence of cleavages in Africa context was not linked to the emergence of the Nation-State, even if it carried on certain features a phenomenon of violence in its occurrence. In any case, whatever the nature of the cleavages, these infinite polarities always carry a potential for conflict that is mobilized by entrepreneurs in the political arena. In the end, we can manage this delicate question by opting for an inclusive democracy free of culturalist biases; so we have proposed the model of "group democracy" in social immersion that can meet this requirement. It is ultimately about recognizing the "democracy of others”.

Culture category in the novel “The Homeless” by Stefan Jeromsky

This article is devoted to analysis to the concept of culture in the roman of Stefan Żeromski “Homeless People” (“Ludzie bezdomni”). The paper notes that at the end of the XIX century, the understanding of culture in the context of the class division of society was established in the social environment, which ultimately led to the formalization of moral norms and a spiritual crisis.

Analisis Yuridis Eksistensi Hukum Homoseksual dalam Peraturan Perundang-Undangan Indonesia

This research examines the existence of homosexual laws within the framework of legal regulations in Indonesia. The close relationship between law and human rights (HAM) is the main focus, with the issue of homosexuality causing divisions in society. In the context of human rights, universal principles emphasize that every individual has the same rights without discrimination. However, laws and regulations in Indonesia do not yet provide clear guidance regarding the existence of homosexuals. This results in divisions in society. This research uses a normative juridical method with a regulatory and conceptualization approach. The results show that the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia and Law of the Republic of Indonesia no. 39 of 1999 concerning Human Rights recognizes human rights without discrimination, but must be in line with religious values, morality and law. Marriage arrangements in Indonesia emphasize marriage as a bond between a man and a woman, based on the principle of belief in one Almighty God. The legalization of same-sex marriage raises various problems, including conflict with religious norms and a decline in birth rates. In the context of criminal law, the spread of ideology that is contrary to Pancasila can be subject to sanctions. Therefore, the movement to legalize homosexuality in Indonesia may face legal obstacles. Indonesian National Work Competencies in the Field of Forensic Audit.Forensic Audit.

Operations of the Orel gymnastic section in the Ilirska Bistrica area

Since 1863, the gymnastic organization Sokol operated in Slovenia, welcoming all Slovenians with a vested interest in gymnastics; that is, until the collapse of the idea of Slovenian political unity. In 1905, following the new political division in Slovenian society, the Catholic side founded its own gymnastic organization, named Orel. Both also operated in the Ilirska Bistrica area. Following Sokol, the Orel organization was established on November 8th, 1908. The article presents its activities by drawing on the literature and newspaper sources.

History education and the construction of identities in divided societies: the case of Lebanon

ABSTRACT A major concern in religiously divided societies, is identity formation, as the different communities in such societies aim to pass their religion and culture on to the next generation. Research looking at the socialization function of education shows that history education plays a significant role in identity formation. For instance, [Korostelina, K. V. (2013). History Education in the Formation of Social Identity: Toward a Culture of Peace. Palgrave Macmillan] identifies three conceptions of national identity, an ethnic, a multicultural, and a civic one, and argues that these can be shaped through history education. Linking this back to divided societies, existing research shows that communities generally promote an ethnic or a civic identity through history education, but not a multicultural one. Lebanon is an example of a religiously divided society where the school system, which is mainly composed of private schools, is divided along sectarian lines. We draw on Korostelina’s model to develop our own analytic framework, which we subsequently use to analyze history textbooks used in different Lebanese religious schools. We find that these textbooks generally promote sectarian identities corresponding to the three main religious communities, despite recent attempts to promote a civic identity in some Christian and Sunni private schools.

Supraordinate identity integration in childhood: Intergroup implications of ethno‐national and supraordinate identification in three divided societies

AbstractAn overarching, supraordinate identity (e.g., European identity) can enhance intergroup relations if individuals recategorize ingroup and outgroup members into one, unified group. Yet, in conflict‐affected societies, ethno‐national identities may promote negative intergroup attitudes and behaviours. The effects of European and ethno‐national identities in combination have yet to be explored in childhood. If they can be integrated, the inclusivity of a supraordinate European identity may be felt despite the divisiveness of ethno‐national identities in post‐accord societies. This research assesses supraordinate identity integration in relation to quality intergroup contact and cross‐group friendships among the post‐accord generation in Croatia, Kosovo and Republic of North Macedonia (RNM). These sites have relatively recent conflicts, but varying relationships to the EU. Data were collected from 382 children aged 7–11, split evenly by minority and majority status (Croatia n = 90; Kosovo n = 107; RNM n = 185). Children across all three sites had integrated ethno‐national/European identities. Levels of identity integration varied by site, but not group status. Identity integration was positively and significantly associated with quality of outgroup contact and number of cross‐group friends, and this relationship varied by site. Integrated supraordinate identities have promising implications for intergroup relations and the future of peacebuilding in Europe. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement.

Persepsi Mahasiswa Terhadap Politik Identitas Islam Dalam Pemilihan Umum 2024

Islamic identity politics is often used as a means of struggle used by a group to support the campaign period. Not a few end up choosing leaders because of the doctrine of religious equality. Students in identity politics have a big role and participation in carrying out the struggle to help resolve cases of intolerance and discrimination that occur. This study uses a qualitative method. Based on the research results, it can be understood that the existence of Islamic identity politics in general elections will have the potential to create conflict and division in society. If Islamic identity politics is allowed to grow and develop in the daily lives of community groups and bring down one another, then the big impact can damage diversity. The general election is a good opportunity for all Indonesian people, especially for students. It is not only the election of wise leaders, but the success of democracy is the hope to look forward to. This role is not only borne by students, but also for all Indonesian people. The importance of cooperation in creating the perception and implementation of politics that is free from group interests and realizing quality general elections.

Mediation and Mediators in Carlos Morton’s The Miser of Mexico and Trumpus Caesar

Abstract This paper aims towards identifying those protagonists who occupy the position of mediator in the process of decoding the message by uniting detached ideologies in Carlos Morton’s The Miser of Mexico (1989) and Trumpus Caesar (2021). On the level of the narrative, border-resurfacing and its impact on society are presented by anecdote and humour. Jon Yates’s 2022 book entitled Fractured. How We Learn to Live Together mentions that in order to reconnect divided societies, ideologies, and races, the factor of laughter proves to be the most effective means: “If the person smiled, you knew you had someone in the mood to buy; if not, it was time to move on” (Yates 2022, 17). Slavoj Žižek in his work entitled Did Somebody Say Totalitarianism? Five Interventions in the (Mis)use of a Notion argues that humanity can restore communication with the Divine only by the mediated assistance of Jesus Christ, who “must sacrifice himself” (Žižek 2002, 50) in the process. In order to mend broken relationships, Carlos Morton’s subjective-participative mediators assume the position of honest advisors, critics, non-judgmental and non-political entities, individual and self-sufficient characters, who by partial or total detachment point out the tragic in the comical. With the help of humour and satire, the playwright’s protagonists in the dramas mentioned above captivate audiences by softening critical situations through mutual acceptance and tolerance.

Political (In)correctness and the Cancel-Culture Attitude: The Case of Religious Sectarian Language After the Arab Spring

This study investigated political correctness/incorrectness and the cancel culture attitudes in relation to sectarian language that has been prevalent on Arabic media since the onset of the Arab Spring in 2011, based on an examination of expressions describing religious sects such as Sunni, Shiites, Salafists, Muslim Brothers, Jihadists, Alawites, Houthis, Hamas, Hezbollah and Wahabis; the new lexical coinages introduced by Arab media that reflect hate speech and hostile sentiments against the religious sects that users oppose; Arab college students and instructors’ attitudes towards the different religious sects. The data analysis was based on a sample of sectarian expressions collected and surveys with a sample of students and faculty to find out their religious sectarian sentiments and whether they are tolerant or hostile. The data were analyzed according to the definition of “political correctness/incorrectness” and the “cancel culture” concept. Results showed political incorrectness in the language used by some mainstream media, and social media users, which offends particular religious sects in the Arab society, or treats them differently. The political incorrectness that has prevailed since the Arab Spring reflects discord, tensions, and internal divisions in some Arab societies. It is threatening equality, citizenship, and domestic peace. It is creating conflicts and friction among people supporting and those opposing them. The descriptions yielded by the sample of college students and faculty are characterized by prejudice, hatred, hostility, intolerance, and contempt of the religious sect(s) they oppose. The data collected from the media also shows cancel-culture attitudes as some members of certain religious sects, such as the Muslim Brothers, have been subject to detention, estrangement, animosity, banning from political activities, or forced displacement. Some have immigrated to other countries such as Turkey, Qatar, and Europe. Recommendations for abolishing political incorrectness and the cancel culture attitudes, creating conformity and carefully avoiding forms of expression or actions that exclude, marginalize, or insult people belonging to certain religious sects are given.

Perceptions of the European Union’s Policy Impact: Europeanisation of Public Attitudes in Hungary

This article investigates the perceptions of the European Union’s policy impact by revealing the Hungarian public’s awareness of the European Union’s domestic policy influence and its attitudes towards Europeanisation. The study is based on descriptive and regression analyses of cross-sectional survey data. With respect to general knowledge about the European Union, as well as knowledge about the competences of the European Union and the member states, we found that slightly more than a third of the respondents can be classified as well-informed. We observed indications of “wishful thinking” about Europeanisation, as there was a significant correlation between the perceived and desired levels of policy integration. Respondents were more likely to support the EU integration of those policies that are in fact Europeanised to a larger extent. Pro-government supporters and voters of right-wing identity have a lower probability of supporting EU integration of policies. Although the classic “referendum question” suggests that the public support of Hungary’s EU membership is stable, our results demonstrate that there are major limitations to the willingness of Hungarian society to support further integration, and a policy favouring national sovereignty has strong roots in society. The divisions in society we found with respect to the distribution of policy competences between the European Union and Hungary lead us to conclude that the debates about the future of the European Union will likely continue to polarise Hungarian public opinion in the future.

Conceptualising small rural school-community relationships within a divided society: people, meanings, practices and spaces

ABSTRACT Small rural schools have often been characterised as being at the heart of their communities. However, there is no clarity on what that means nor on the perceived meaning of ‘community’ within this context. The findings of the Small School Rural Community Study focused on the relationship between small rural schools and the communities they serve within the post-conflict context of Northern Ireland’s religiously divided schooling system. Using survey data and qualitatively derived data from this three-year study, we explore the ways in which community is understood and conceptualised by school principals, staff, parents, pupils and community members, in five case study areas. Similarly to another research study, our findings suggest that community can be conceptualised as having four key dimensions: people; meanings; practices; and spaces. The study found that a range of ‘community practices’ happened in school and around school, and that these practices had attached meanings, with schools helping to develop a sense of belonging and pride in the community, sometimes even a sense of ‘shared space’. Drawing on these key dimensions, the paper provides a theoretical framework of ‘community’ to expand our understanding of school-community relations and the potential value of small rural schools beyond simply the educational.

Confronting Colonial Modernity in a French City: Slavery and Racism in Bordeaux’s Musée d’Aquitaine

ABSTRACT What is the purpose of an exhibit on Atlantic slavery? Does it seek to raise awareness of the trade in enslaved people, with a view to highlighting and overcoming its racist legacy, or to situate the Atlantic trade within the historical – and ongoing – continuum of slavery, or to draw attention to the role of slavery in constituting colonial modernity? Does giving this history its rightful place within the national story of France, Britain or elsewhere ultimately serve to embed racial divisions in contemporary society, or to expunge them? In other words, does a reckoning with Atlantic slavery open a path to tackling racism today? This article addresses these questions in turn. Its principal referent is the Musée d’Aquitaine in Bordeaux, set in the wider context of the city’s self-image and French debates around commemorating the Atlantic slave trade. The article concludes that even though Bordeaux’s slaving past is integrated into the Musée d’Aquitaine’s guiding chronology, the full ramifications of slavery for colonial modernity have not been understood or represented. Beyond simplistic dichotomies of guilt and innocence, accusation and repentance, the enormous significance of coloniality and slavery in constituting European modernity, not least the Enlightenment, have yet to be grasped and assimilated in Bordeaux.

Power Relations and Rural Population in Kuban-Black Sea Region during 1921—1924

The article examines the reforms in power relations between the government and rural population in the Kuban-Black Sea region during the transition to the New Economic Policy (March 1921—1924). The study is based on materials from party and state authorities, as well as statistics. A systemic approach and diachronic comparative analysis are applied. The authors argue that until the fall of 1922, the system of power relations with the rural population in Kuban-Black Sea region maintained the predominance of the features of “war communism”: compulsory and arbitrary taxation, appointment of governing bodies, and repression. The specificity of the region was manifested in the combination of class and estate divisions of society, as well as Cossackization. It is shown that the transition to the NEP required a fundamental change in power relations with the peasantry, shifting towards the principles of material interest and civil peace, making the middle class and Cossacks loyal. It is emphasized that attitudes towards the NEP were contradictory, with local party and Soviet workers preferring to rely on military-communist methods. The authors conclude that a contradictory system of power and social relations was formed based on compromises and indirect coercion during food and land policies and during elections to the Soviets. By the fall of 1924, the RCP(b) was forced to concede to peasant demands on key aspects of reform.

Preferences for public engagement in decision-making regarding four COVID-19 non-pharmaceutical interventions in the Netherlands: A survey study.

Worldwide, non-pharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) were implemented during the COVID-19 crisis, which heavily impacted the daily lives of citizens. This study considers public perspectives on whether and how public engagement (PE) can contribute to future decision-making about NPIs. An online survey was conducted among a representative sample of the public in the Netherlands from 27 October to 9 November 2021. Perceptions and preferences about PE in decision-making on NPIs to control COVID-19 were collected. Preferences regarding four NPIs were studied: Nightly curfew (NC); Digital Covid Certificate (DCC); Closure of elementary schools and daycares (CED); and physical distancing (1.5M). Engagement was surveyed based on the five participation modes of the IAP2 Spectrum of Public Participation, namely inform, consult, advice, collaborate and empower. Of the 4981 respondents, 25% expressed a desire to engage in decision-making, as they thought engagement could improve their understanding and the quality of NPIs, as well as increase their trust in the government. Especially for the NPIs DCC and NC, respondents found it valuable to engage and provide their perspective on trade-offs in values (e.g. opening up society versus division in society by vaccination status). Respondents agreed that the main responsibility in decision-making should stay with experts and policy-makers. 50% of respondents did not want to engage, as they felt no need to engage or considered themselves insufficiently knowledgeable. Inform was deemed the most preferred mode of engagement, and empower the least preferred mode of engagement. We reveal large variations in public preferences regarding engagement in NPI decision-making. With 25% of respondents expressing an explicit desire to engage, and considering the benefit of PE in other areas of (public) health, opportunities for PE in NPI decision-making might have been overlooked during the COVID-19 pandemic. Our results provide guidance into when and how to execute PE in future outbreaks.

A Critical Analysis of the Neoliberal State-Building in Bosnia and Herzegovina: The Gap Between Aims and Achievements

Despite the long years of political, economic, and military presence of the international community with its remarkable amount of aid, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) still suffers from political instabilities, lack of economic growth, and high rates of unemployment. The Dayton Peace Accords (DPA), which were signed in 1995 to end the violent war turning out ethnic cleansing and caused unforgettable humanitarian and economic loss, built a highly decentralized state with a divided society. Its vision was based on the neoliberal agenda that puts a strong emphasis on the belief that ethnic harmony and sustainable peace would be achieved only through a reconstruction program of neoliberal policies. Against the backdrop of this vision, the absence of intergroup cohesion among distinct ethnic collective identities remains still as a puzzle of the neoliberal state-building agenda of the international community. By highlighting the limitation of state-building in its implementation in BiH, this research aims to give a plausible answer to the puzzle regarding the root causes of why state-building initiatives remain ill-equipped in achieving the formation of the upper level of shared collective identity in BiH. To this end, it will critically discuss the effectiveness –or ineffectiveness– of the Dayton recipe for BiH to build a functional and sovereign state along with an upper level of shared collective identity.

Transitional Justice as a tool for polarization in Albania

Abstract The discourse on transitional justice and coming to terms with the past following 32 years of regime change in post-communist Albania continues to cause further polarization within society. The timeline of nearly thirty years has been fueled by extreme debates and harsh statements which have resulted in the division of society in two camps of public judgment-the communists and the anti-communists. The number of studies conducted on the impact of transitional justice on democratic backsliding is quite limited, and similarly, there is a paucity of research on the correlation between transitional justice and polarization within the country. Albania’s transitional justice dynamic can be better understood by contextualizing it in terms of regime change and consolidation, which would bring significant insights. The primary objective of this paper is to concentrate on the theoretical and conceptual framework of transitional justice, and to discuss its primary differences in how it deals with the past. In the second part of the paper, a detailed analysis of the discourse of the elite will be presented, aimed at addressing the fundamental question posed in this paper, which is “to what extent has the political domain utilized TJ to polarize society”?

The Appearance of Postcolonialism in the Poetry of East Turkestan

The article discusses the arrival of communism in East Turkestan, which wanted equality for the colonized peoples of the world and pursued an anti-imperial policy, and its influence on Kazakh poetry in China, as well as the manifestations and features of the policy of the Chinese government, forcibly introducing the ideology of denationalization into modern small peoples, into the poetry of East Turkestan , and its influence on Kazakh poetry in China. Chinese communism, which spoke the language of the poor in the society of East Turkistan, like Soviet communism, influenced the culture and literature, traditions and customs of minorities under its neo-colonial perspective through literary texts. In the first part of the article, through a poem by the Kazakh poet Makatan Sharipkan, the penetration of Chinese communism into East Turkestan, which wanted to eliminate class division in society and protect the equality of the poor, is considered. Focusing on the characters of the poem, they paid attention to the semiotic and semantic artistry and originality. In the second part of the article, despite the pressure of the Chinese government, which owns East Turkestan, the manifestations of national values, national identity and originality in modern Kazakh poetry were analyzed through the poems of such poets as Omargazy Aitanuly, Zhenis Kakenuly, Orken Salubay. As part of these studies, analytical forecasts were made for the development of national anti-colonial literature in modern East Turkestan poetry.

일본정치사회의 분단, 공론장의 위기와 보수화

This article analyzed the conservatism of Japanese political society, focusing on the division of Japanese political society and the crisis of the public sphere. In general, conservatization in Japanese political society focuses on the rise of conservatives due to the decline of innovative forces, excessive representation of right-wing ideologies, and support for conservative forces that led reform discourse in the process of overcoming a long-term recession. However, it is noteworthy that the silence of the general public on political issues is deeply related to conservatism in Japanese political society. This fact is meaningful in that it is possible to grasp the characteristics of the conservatization of Japanese political society, which is carried out regardless of political support. Based on this point, this article examined the characteristics of right-wing conservatism in Japanese society, focusing on the fact that it is a crisis of polarization and public sphere. In conclusion, the polarization of Japanese political society that has intensified since the 2000s and the resulting self-satisfied and present-oriented attitudes of the public have made them passive and subordinate to social affairs. As a result, the conservatist, which are active political participants, are overrepresented, and Japanese political society is being tilted toward conservative and rightward.