Socialist Education Movement Research Articles

Curating Revolution: Politics on Display in Mao's China by Denise Y. Ho

Reviewed by: Curating Revolution: Politics on Display in Mao's China by Denise Y. Ho Sigrid Schmalzer Denise Y. Ho. Curating Revolution: Politics on Display in Mao's China. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018. 308 pp. $99.99 (cloth), $29.99 (paper). The field of People's Republic of China (PRC) studies could not ask for a finer contribution than this sharp analysis of political power, subtle exploration of lived experience, and beautifully wrought portrait of Mao-era material culture. Through six case studies, Denise Ho illuminates the role of objects—"a gray brick building, a begging gourd, a dissected frog, the scars on a worker's body, a luxurious fur coat, a Song dynasty vase"—in making revolutionary ideology "material and thereby intelligible" to the masses (260, 16). The result is a fresh and compelling perspective that demonstrates the inseparability of political and material culture and significantly enriches the growing literature on the history of propaganda in the PRC. Each chapter of this captivating book focuses on a single site of cultural production, all located in Shanghai. "Making a Revolutionary Monument" examines the dilemmas museum workers faced in memorializing the First Party Congress, as their Marxist-historicist commitment to accuracy came into conflict with the growing need to exaggerate the role of Mao and denigrate his more historically significant rivals. In "Exhibiting New China," Ho explores the nooks and crannies of the reconstructed shanty town in Fangua Lane, a "living exhibition" where visitors—domestic and international—internalized the stark differences between oppressive past and revolutionary present. Chapter 3, "Curating Belief," analyzes a temporary exhibition from 1963-1964, "Love Science and Eliminate Superstition," within the larger history of science dissemination (科普 kepu) and antisuperstition campaigns: ironically, material evidence took a more muted role here, outweighed by narratives that encouraged faith in science. Chapter 4, "Cultivating Consciousness," offers an invaluable account of the mid-1960s Socialist Education movement through the "class education exhibitions" arranged in Shanghai and throughout the nation: in these vivid displays, "past wounds freshened into new hate, and class enemies paced, awake" (154). In the following chapter, "The Cultural Revolution's Object Lessons," Red Guards draw on such "class education" to curate their own exhibitions of materials confiscated from ransacked houses: they had learned, and were now teaching others, to "see class in things and therefore crimes in things" (210). The final chapter, "Antiquity in Revolution," brings us back to the trials of cultural workers, this time at the Shanghai Museum, whose curators sought politically unimpeachable justifications for the preservation of wenwu (文物 cultural relics)—as in Mao's powerful 1938 dictum, "We are Marxist historicists; we must not mutilate history" (237). Through these six cases run some of the most enduring but elusive questions in PRC studies—most fundamentally, how the CCP managed the contradictory needs of "a state in power" and a "revolutionary movement." Ho finds both "modes" at play in Mao-era exhibitionary culture. The first was a stabilizing force, providing historical and political [End Page E-21] legitimacy for the PRC state; the second threatened that hard-won stability but formed an ideologically necessary component of the "continuous revolution" Mao espoused. Some of Ho's most fascinating insights appear as she demonstrates the interplay between these two modes, by tracing, for example, the format and content of the Red Guards' big-character posters back to the explanatory panels of state-organized class education exhibitions. "To curate revolution was to make revolution material" (13). Yet this apparently straightforward objective posed thorny problems for cultural workers, at once Marxist materialists dedicated to "seeking truth from facts" and also committed state propagandists. Beyond the awkward question of how to paint a truthful picture of history that sufficiently glorified Mao lay a more profound tension. On the one side lay the demand for historical and scientific accuracy; on the other stood the need to create compelling propaganda capable of instilling revolutionary passion among the people. Cultural workers turned time and again to Mao's essay "On Practice" for guidance on how to shepherd audiences on the road from "perceptual" to "rational" understanding. But the relationship between evidence and argument proved slippery: ironically, the exhibits most explicitly "scientific" relied...

From the “Four Cleans” Movement to the Cultural Revolution: The Origins of Factional Conflicts

In this article, based on rich historical materials and data, the author argues that the pre-Cultural Revolution period, especially the Socialist Education Movement known as the “Four Cleans Movement”, had a significant impact on the Cultural Revolution. The article looks into the factions of a middle-sized state-owned enterprise textile factory in Yuci city, Shanxi province, and examines the role that faction leaders played during the entire movement. Analysing the rich and systematic historical factory investigation file (dangan) materials to trace the factory political activities on the eve of the Cultural Revolution, this article attempts to answer the following three research questions: how faction leaders came into being, what type of roles they played during the formation and development of factions and how they mobilised various resources in competition with other factions.

Chinese Catholic Visionaries and the Socialist Education Movement in Shanxi (1963–65)

In spring–summer 1965 lay Catholics facing the pressures of the Socialist Education Movement in rural north China began to see visions and to preach. This article examines these events, their origins in local history, their relationship to the Chinese and international political context, and their interaction with the ongoing campaign that led into the Cultural Revolution. It argues that local context is crucial in understanding religious repression in the Maoist era and that these events are important to Catholics in the area today because the memory of them shapes ongoing relations between Catholics and the state.

Editorial

Editorial Kristin Stapleton As I begin my service as editor of Twentieth-Century China with this issue, I feel honored to have the opportunity to contribute to this great journal and grateful to my immediate predecessor, James Carter, and the members of the Editorial Board for their support. One of my first scholarly articles appeared in volume 22 of the journal, back when it was called Republican China and edited by the late Stephen Averill. Working on revisions of my manuscript with Steve's wise and kindly guidance was a great foundation for a lasting friendship, and it is a pleasure to pay tribute to him in these pages. As I discovered many years ago, a strong journal can help build a scholarly community. In the case of TCC, our work benefits from the institutional framework offered by the Historical Society for Twentieth-Century China (HSTCC). I hope to meet many of TCC's authors, reviewers, and readers at future meetings of the HSTCC. In the meantime, please contact me with any questions or suggestions you have about the journal. This issue begins with an excursion into the forests of Yunnan in the early twentieth century. Mark Swislocki analyzes village policies toward forest conservation and shows that village collectivities had a rich understanding of the significance of forests. Their concerns differed from those of national- and provincial-level forestry officials and activists, who were in the process of creating new tools to try to shape forests, including legislation and educational initiatives. Swislocki effectively highlights the value of forest history as a pathway to study the dynamics of community- and state-building, as well as for understanding China's environment. The next two articles explore aspects of culture before and after the year 1949. Weihong Du identifies a pivotal moment in the career of painter Xu Beihong that she argues had a transformative effect in the history of Chinese painting. Much struck by the comments of some of the Soviet citizens who came to see an exhibition of Chinese art that he took to Russia in 1934, Xu Beihong widened his painterly vision to take in working people and social struggle, creating works that helped constitute the canon of socialist art in the PRC. Guo Wu's article focuses on the Socialist Education movement of the early 1960s and its aftermath, showing how "bottom-up" history took shape and created a standard type of "recalling-bitterness" narrative, "blurring the line between fact and fiction." This development, Wu shows, is important for, inter alia, understanding the worldview of the Red Guard generation. The Korean War is the subject of the fourth article. Michael Sheng provides a detailed analysis of Mao's thinking about participation in the war and war goals, marshaling evidence to show that his decisions were influenced not only by global and domestic events but by his own emotional reactions to these events. Sheng's [End Page 193] work contributes to the worldwide scholarly effort to penetrate the secrets of Cold War politics and assess how the personalities of its major actors affected its history. Our book review editor, Susan Fernsebner, has worked with reviewers to bring us assessments of four new books in the China field, on topics including life and folklore in a north China Catholic community, Zhang Taiyan's Buddhism, opium consumption in republican Guangzhou, and contemporary society and culture in the PRC. The reviews are listed in the printed journal and available to all as a pdf online at www.maneyonline.com/doi/suppl/10.1179/1521538514Z.00000000049. I am grateful to Susan for her contributions to the journal, as well as to James Carter, Maura Cunningham, and the staff at Maney for educating me and helping to make a smooth editorial transition. [End Page 194] Copyright © 2014 Twentieth-Century China

Burning the Grassroots: Chen Boda and the Four Cleanups in Suburban Tianjin

Abstract
 Chen Boda's four cleanups model in Xiaozhan, a marshy area southeast of Tianjin, was as important as Wang Guangmei's Taoyuan brigade in 1964, but is less well known. As Chairman Mao's top theorist and the editor of Red Flag, Chen Boda enjoyed support from Mao and Liu Shaoqi as he uncovered evidence of 'revisionism' in Tianjin's south suburbs. Chen's claims led to a witch-hunt that killed tens of people and tortured and imprisoned many others. Beyond Tianjin, the 'Xiaozhan experience' was promoted as a successful 'power seizure' in a central document circulated nationwide in October 1964. The document pushed the socialist education movement in a more radical direction, causing the downfall of rural cadres across China. This article draws upon archival sources, memoirs, and interviews to detail Chen Boda's contentious interactions with Tianjin officials and suburban villagers. Chen allowed the four cleanups to turn brutal in Xiaozhan, and his vision of a rural China dominated by class enemies differed from what work team members experienced. Ironically, in order to keep the Xiaozhan experience from falling apart, Chen had to resort to methods similar to those used by the village cadres he had recently overthrown. Chen Boda's meddling in Xiaozhan reveals considerable diversity—and indeed, confusion—in how top leaders interpreted and carried out Mao's shifting plans for the countryside during the four cleanups. This confusion led to disastrous outcomes for rural residents.

International Center for the Study of the Cultural Revolution: elements of a project1

Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Notes 1. This Project circulated in 2003, accompanied by the following letter: Dear colleague, Please find attached a project concerning the conditions of the study of the Cultural Revolution. We would very much appreciate your opinions on this text and on the initiatives it proposes. We also hope that, after we have all thoroughly discussed this project together, we will be able to count on you to carry it forward. The text is the result of preliminary discussions between Alessandro Russo, of the University of Bologna, and Alain Badiou, of the École Normale Supérieure of Paris. Alessandro is a sociologist and sinologist, translator of Chinese poetry, author of studies on some sequences of the Cultural Revolution and on the system of the Chinese factories during the Maoist era; Alain is not a sinologist, but a philosopher engaged by the universal character of certain aspects of the Cultural Revolution. This alliance between a sociologist and a philosopher prefigures what we expect from this project: a broad range of approaches, allowing the treatment of the Cultural Revolution – to displace Durkheim’s formula – as a ‘total political phenomenon’. We are looking forward to your reactions and suggestions. Alain Badiou Alessandro Russo 2. Two recent publications are: A New Collection of Red Guard Publications (1999 1999–2002. A New Collection of Red Guard Publications, Vol. 60, Oakton, VA: Center for Chinese Research Materials. part I and II [Google Scholar]–2002); Chinese Cultural Revolution Database (2003 2003. Chinese Cultural Revolution Database, Hong Kong: Chinese University Press. [Google Scholar]). To these it is necessary to add the three volumes published in China, already available for several years, Reference Materials on the Great Cultural Revolution (Wenhua da geming cankao ziliao) (1988 1988. Reference Materials on the Great Cultural Revolution (Wenhua da geming cankao ziliao), Beijing: Guofang Daxue. [Google Scholar]). 3. The problem is complicated by the fact that the decline, and finally the dissolution, of the independent organizations was the result of their de‐politicization. On the contrary, a major factor in the long‐term survival of the Chinese party‐state, unlike that of the Soviet Union and of its closest satellites, was its having been crossed by subjective political storms. 4. The formation and the development of the student organizations was a very complex process. It gave birth to various types of confrontations and divisions that it will be necessary to examine on the basis of a detailed periodization. Around 1967, the two major universities in Beijing (and the process was replicated everywhere else in China) split in two opposite factions, whose development must be studied in parallel. At Beijing University, these were the ‘New Beida (Commune)’ and the ‘New Beida (Jinggangshan)’; at Qinghua, these were the ‘Jinggangshan (Headquarters)’ and the ‘Jinggangshan (April 14)’. The newspapers of these four organizations are easily accessible in Beijing and have been reprinted in theaforementioned collections. As for Shanghai, the study should start with at least two organizations: the ‘Headquarters of the Rebel Revolutionary Workers’, which was the majority group in the following years, and its principal adversary up until the January Storm of 1967, the ‘loyalist’ organization of the ‘Scarlet Guards for the Defense of Mao Zedong Thought’. 5. A model for a work of investigation of political places and statements, is provided by the two great repertories edited in China in the late 1950s on the organizations of the ‘May Fourth Movement, 1919’, one devoted to the analysis of the ‘study societies’, the other to their newspapers and publications. Presentation of the Periodicals of the May Fourth Period (Wu si shiqi qikan jieshao) (1959 1959. Presentation of the Periodicals of the May Fourth Period (Wu si shiqi qikan jieshao), Beijing: Sanlian Shudian. reprinted in 1979 [Google Scholar]); The Societies of the May Fourth Period (Wu si shiqi shetuan) (1959 1959/1979. The Societies of the May Fourth Period (Wu si shiqi shetuan), Beijing: Sanlian Shudian. [Google Scholar]). 6. We should start with the two initial phases 1965–66 (from the polemic on Hai Rui Dismissed from Office to the Circular of May 16) and 1966–1969 (from the birth of the independent organizations until the IX Congress); then we can extend the study to four sequences: 1970–1971 (fall of Chen Boda and Lin Biao), 1972 (reinstatement of most of the party leaders), 1973–1974 (Pi Lin Pi Kong, ‘Criticism of Lin Biao and Confucius’), and 1975–1976 (Dispute over the ‘bourgeois right’ and clash between Deng Xiaoping and the Maoists). Two essential antecedents to be studied are the Conference of Lushan (1959) and the Socialist Education Movement (1963–1965). 7. Editor’s Note. This intention was transformed into the conference ‘Is a History of Cultural Revolution Possible’ held at the University of Washington, Seattle, February 2006.

The Origins of the Cultural Revolution . Volume 3, The Coming of the Cataclysm, 1961-1966 (review)

Reviews 197© 1999 by University ofHawai'i Press Although Liu and Ma emphasize the role ofthe national college entrance exam in setting and maintaining high curriculum standards and student achievement, they keep coming back to the overriding effect ofchanges in social and political values in China. For centuries the entire Chinese governmental mechanism has been highly centralized, and this has been reflected in Chinese cultural attitudes concerning governance. There are no similar structural and cultural parallels in the North American context. But in the end, they argue that the vast socioeconomic and political inequality in China—affecting teachers and students, the quality ofschools, and the labor market—overwhelms the centralized nature of curriculum planning and standards: "Teaching facilities at the key-note schools at the national and provincial levels are likely first class and far above the requirement of the unified curriculum, comparable to international standards. While ordinary schools are far beyond die reach ofthe requirement ofthe national curriculum " (sic) (p. 169). And, "Therefore, the prioritization ofeducational resources created by the national curriculum in fact generates the prioritization of social interest" (p. 170). Therein lies the lesson of a centralized, unified national curriculum. In sum, this book delivers on its promise, although it would have benefited from a strong editorial hand. Vilma Seeberg Vilma Seeberg is an assistantprofessor ofinternational-intercultural education at Kent State University. Roderick MacFarquhar. The Origins ofthe Cultural Revolution. Volume 3, The Coming ofthe Cataclysm, 1961-1966. Oxford: Oxford University Press; New York: Columbia University Press, 1997. 733 pp. Hardcover $47.50, isbn 0-231-11082-0. Twenty-three years after the publication ofthe first volume ofthis trilogy on the origins ofthe Cultural Revolution, we now have the much-awaited final volume. Like the first two, this final installment is also meticulously researched and attractively produced. Indeed, the intervening years since the publication ofvolume 1 in 1974 have seen the release ofa torrent ofnew documents and publications in China, and MacFarquhar has taken full advantage ofthe newly available materials. Volume 3 has a total ofmore than 2,400 notes, compared with just un- 198 China Review International: Vol. 6, No. ?, Spring 1999 der 1,500 in volume 1 and more than 1,900 in volume 2. Each note in volume 3 also appears to be longer than the average note in the earlier volumes; many are, in fact, brief essays. In spite ofthe great length ofthis volume and of the trilogy as a whole, the central thesis ofvolume 3 is quite straightforward. MacFarquhar argues that two related developments, the failure ofthe Great Leap Forward and the vicissitudes in Sino-Soviet relations, can largely (though not fully) explain why Mao chose to turn on his heir apparent, state president Liu Shaoqi, and launch the Cultural Revolution. The colossal failure of the GLF plunged China into the worst famine in human history, pitted society against the state, fundamentally altered the attitudes ofChina's top leaders toward rural organizations, and sowed the seeds of suspicion in Mao toward his colleagues. Meanwhile, the retreat from Stalinism in the Soviet Union and the Sino-Soviet dispute caused Mao to worry about "a similar betrayal of the revolution in China" (p. 6). These concerns plus genuine political differences between Mao and Liu sealed Liu's fate. Mao's attack against Liu thus had both domestic and international dimensions. Indeed, when this volume, like the first two, is translated into Chinese, Chinese readers will find an image ofLiu Shaoqi that is considerably at variance with conventional wisdom in China. Radier than the number one capitalist roader that he was accused of being during the Cultural Revolution, Liu comes through these pages as Mao's lieutenant but especially a Party man who oversaw the Party machine and was bent on maintaining control. During the Socialist Education Movement that followed the Great Leap debacle, for example, Liu veered toward the extreme left and spearheaded a purge of rural Party members and cadres with ruthless thoroughness. In contrast, Mao was more tolerant ofgrassroots cadres and saw problems higher up. Seen in today's perspective, readers will likely have some sympathy for Mao's removal ofLiu, ifnot for the profound humiliation Liu was made to endure. The portrait...

The Cultural Revolution—A Complete Show of Mao Zedong's Erroneous Thinking in His Later Years

Abstract According to the domestic and international situation as related above, Mao Zedong sensed an impending danger of capitalist restoration. It seemed to him that various struggles waged before in villages, factories, schools, and cultural circles, and the socialist education movement (the four cleanups movement) in the wake of the struggle against Right opportunism, still could not solve the problem. Only through a more open and comprehensive mass movement launched from the bottom up to expose the negative side in every aspect within and outside the Party could the question be settled thoroughly, the ideology be radically reformed, and the power usurped by the capitalist-roaders seized back. He gradually focused his attention on the inside of the Party Central Committee, holding that the policies and line pursued by Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping ran counter to the "three red flags" and stood for revisionism, which represented the struggle between the two classes and the two roads. The socialist society for which he had been unremittingly fighting was to take class struggle as the key link, criticize and restrict "bourgeois rights, " which, featuring "large-scale, public ownership, and purity, " would combine industry, agriculture, culture and education, and military affairs, restrict the development of the commodity economy, and be quite egalitarian in distribution. The "socialist revolution" launched to reach this goal was to him the continuation of the struggle against the Guomindang reactionaries and a great political revolution in which one class would overthrow another. Only by constantly initiating the struggle between the two classes, two lines, and two roads was it possible to build and consolidate the kind of socialism he envisaged. Therefore he said that in the later stage of the Cultural Revolution, such a revolution would have to be waged time and again in the future. So-called theoreticians like Kang Sheng and Chen Boda extolled the erroneous "Left" thesis and practice as a creative development of Marxism and as the "third milestone" of Marxism after Lenin; Lin Biao, on the other hand, praised it as "the pinnacle of Marxism."

The politics of corruption in contemporary China: an analysis of policy outcomes

Tables and Figures Preface Abbreviations Introduction Theory Rethinking the Definition of Corruption Contending Approaches to Corruption A Methodological Alternative: The Policy Outcomes Perspective History Corruption in China: A Legacy? Transformation and the Three and Five Anti's Campaign Consolidation and the Socialist Education Movement Today Modernization and Its Organizational Corollaries Corruption as Policy Consequence Anti-Corruption in the Reform Context Conclusion References Index

Answers to Questions Concerning the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of the Party since the Founding of the PRC"

The "Resolution" does not have much to say about the Socialist Education Movement, but if one reads closely one can see that major questions about it are raised. Please pay attention to the sentence from Section 17 that says "Quite a number of cadres at the grass-roots level were unjustly dealt with in the latter half of 1964."1 This is criticizing Comrade Liu Shaoqi without mentioning his name. At Eighth Central Committee's Tenth Plenary Session, Comrade Mao Zedong once again brought up class struggle but said not to disrupt economic readjustment. However, he himself did not pay much attention to the economic readjustment and concentrated on carrying out class struggle, encouraging all areas to set up experimental stations. By May 1963 he had worked up the so-called First Ten Articles. The calculations of these "First Ten Articles" regarding the state of class struggle in the villages were quite severe and overdone. After the passage of the "First Ten Articles" Comrade Liu Shaoqi wanted Comrade Wang Guangmei to go to Taoyuan in Hebei province to set up an experimental station, and then he went on to make up the "Latter Ten Articles." As it was, Comrade Mao Zedong had already been quite severe in his estimate of the class struggle situation in the countryside, but after the experiences of the Taoyuan experimental station Comrade Shaoqi was even more severe in his calculations. He saw that even after having gone through socialist reconstruction the villages were still places where the party could only work in secrecy, conspiratorially, unable to be openly active; as for the cadres at the grass-roots level, the work groups should push them aside as soon as they entered the villages. Propaganda about the Taoyuan experience was certainly a major stimulus to socialist education in the countryside. Comrade Mao Zedong was later to say that he talked for two years and no one would listen, but with Comrade Shaoqi in charge the whole country was propelled forward. But as the estimate of the rural condition did not accord with reality, there arose the problem of attacks on cadres at the grass-roots level that were too strong and too broad. The "Twenty-three Articles" were personally sponsored and drawn up by Comrade Mao Zedong and played a positive role in correcting the problem of launching too strong and too broad attacks on cadres at the grass-roots level. But although his assessment of the rural situation was more correct than that of Comrade Shaoqi, there was in fact no fundamental change. The saying at the time was "We have only two-thirds of the country," which meant that two-thirds of the lower-level units remained in our control whereas one-third of the leadership authority had been taken over by others. Moreover, in the "Twenty-three Articles" it was mentioned that the thrust of the movement should be to punish those in power taking the capitalist road. Comrade Mao Zedong and Comrade Liu Shaoqi had a conversation during a meeting. Comrade Mao Zedong said three times that there were already capitalist roaders in the countryside and that the focus of the movement should be to punish them. Comrade Shaoqi neither disagreed nor agreed; neither after saying it once or twice nor after having said it for the third time did he indicate either opposition or approval. And what did he finally say? That the conditions in the villages were complex, that all sorts of contradictions overlapped-contradictions between ourselves and the enemy overlapped with contradictions among the people-all of which needed concrete analysis. One might say that each was talking about what he wanted to say without listening to the other. When the "Twenty-three Articles" were passed Comrade Shaoqi had to express agreement. At this meeting Comrade Zhou Enlai played a very positive role. When talking about the capitalist roaders having backstage supporters on every level in the countryside, the original draft said that there were also backers in the Central Committee. Comrade Zhou Enlai said, is it not overdoing it to say that there are backers everywhere in the Central Committee? Thus it was changed to read that there were backers in every department at the center. Comrade Shaoqi asked, if Rao Shushi was a capitalist roader and it was I who promoted him and put him in important positions, does that mean that I am the backer of Rao Shushi? The atmosphere at the meeting was rather tense.

社会主義教育運動とそれをめぐる党内論争--文化大革命前史・一九六二〜六五

社会主義教育運動とそれをめぐる党内論争--文化大革命前史・一九六二〜六五

A Fundamental Reform of Enterprise Management

At the beginning of this year, our plant, on the basis of the socialist education movement, mobilized the masses and started to revolutionize enterprise management, implementing a new system of centralizing [management] at the headquarters and rendering service to the shifts and teams. This is a fundamental change in our enterprise management.

II. Under the Guidance of "The Twenty-Three Points"

Abstract In the summer of 1965, July 1 Commune experienced a fervent revolutionary climate. The broad poor and lower-middle peasants and revolutionary cadres of the various levels all sincerely studied the brilliant works of Chairman Mao 'Where Does the Correct Thinking of the People Come From?" and "The Twenty-Three Points." In preparation for a new upsurge in the Socialist Education Movement in the countryside these works were fervently discussed everywhere. The poor and lower-middle peasants and cadres urgently hoped to seize victory in the Four Cleanups Campaign in the spirit of "The Twenty-Three Points."

A Review Of The Socialist Education Movement In City And Countryside

From the autumn-winter period of 1962 until the summer of 1966, a gigantic Socialist Education Movement was launched in both cities and countryside throughout the country. It was a great struggle in which the proletariat exercised dictatorship over the bourgeoisie. An historical review of this struggle will help us with our current study of the theory of proletarian dictatorship.

Ssu-Ch'ing: The Socialist Education Movement of 1962–1966. by Richard Baum and Frederick C. Teiwes.[Berkeley, Calif.: Center for Chinese Studies, University of California, Research Monographs, 1968. No. 2, 1968. 128 pp. $4.00.

Ssu-Ch'ing: The Socialist Education Movement of 1962–1966. by Richard Baum and Frederick C. Teiwes.[Berkeley, Calif.: Center for Chinese Studies, University of California, Research Monographs, 1968. No. 2, 1968. 128 pp. $4.00.

A Study of the Socialist Education Movement

A Study of the Socialist Education Movement

Revolution and Reaction in the Chinese Countryside: The Socialist Education Movement in Cultural Revolutionary Perspective

At the time the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) issued its now-famous Circular Notice of 16 May 1966, which roundly criticized Peking's Mayor P'eng Chen and thereby ushered in a dramatic new stage of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, a large-scale and intensive Socialist Education Movement was still being implemented systematically in the Chinese countryside.

New Wind in a Border Village

Man-mai [1A] and Man-ta [1B] are two hsiang in Ching-hung [1C] hsien, Ching-hung district, of Yunnan's Hsi-shuang-pa-na T'ai people's autonomous chou. Ever since the beginning of the socialist education movement, there have emerged (in these hsiang) many new men, new things, and new trends. What I am going to introduce below, although it is but a small part of the whole, will serve to show the profound changes this great movement is bringing about among the fraternal nationalities of the border areas.

Liu Shao-Ch'i and the Cadre Question

One of the most significant charges raised in the ongoing campaign of vilification against Liu Shao-ch'i concerns his alleged reactionary line on During the past year Liu has repeatedly been accused of having propagated this line, known in Party jargon as hitting hard at the in order to protect the few, both during the rural Socialist Education Movement of 1962-1966 (also known as the Four Cleans campaign) and during the early stages of the cultural revolution in June and July of 1966. Moreover, the lingering influence of Liu's erroneous cadre policy has also been blamed for of the difficulties faced by the regime in attempting to consolidate its shaken cadre ranks in the period after Liu's demotion and effective removal from power at the August 1966 Central Committee Plenum. Hitting hard at the many refers to the practice of excessively criticizing, punishing and dismissing basic level cadres1 for such relatively minor, nonantagonistic deviations as petty corruption, bureaucratism and bourgeois living styles. By underwriting this practice, Liu allegedly sought to divert the revolutionary wrath of the masses away from its proper target, a small number of powerholders, thereby protecting the few and leaving the latter free to sabotage socialism and subvert the correct policies of Mao Tse-tung. While the language used by the Maoists to frame these charges and allegations against Liu has generally been cloaked in considerable obscurity and ambiguity, it is nevertheless evident that a very substantial problem is involved-one which concerns not only the existence (or nonexistence) of ideological heresy at the highest levels of power, but also involves the question of the morale, effectiveness and reliability of China's thirty-odd million basic level cadres.

Rectification of Mainland China Intellectuals, 1964-65

Research Article| October 01 1965 Rectification of Mainland China Intellectuals, 1964-65 Adam Oliver Adam Oliver Search for other works by this author on: This Site PubMed Google Scholar Far Eastern Survey (1936) 5 (10): 475–490. https://doi.org/10.2307/2642167 Views Icon Views Article contents Figures & tables Video Audio Supplementary Data Peer Review Share Icon Share Twitter LinkedIn Tools Icon Tools Get Permissions Cite Icon Cite Search Site Citation Adam Oliver; Rectification of Mainland China Intellectuals, 1964-65. Far Eastern Survey 6 May 1936; 5 (10): 475–490. doi: https://doi.org/10.2307/2642167 Download citation file: Ris (Zotero) Reference Manager EasyBib Bookends Mendeley Papers EndNote RefWorks BibTex toolbar search Search Dropdown Menu toolbar search search input Search input auto suggest filter your search All ContentAsian Survey Search This content is only available via PDF. Article PDF first page preview Close Modal You do not currently have access to this content.