Social Movement Organizations Research Articles

Making the match: How Chinese food‐movement organizations develop consumers in the alternative market

AbstractMany social movement organizations promote their agendas in market spaces. As such they need to attract consumers to their cause. This article used longitudinal qualitative data collected between 2018 and 2023 in Chinese alternative food markets to explore their consumer recruitment and ongoing efforts to match movement ideologies with consumers' values, particularly regarding what makes “good food.” I argue that an iterative, two‐way learning process between organizations and consumers helped facilitate good matching and establish a stable consumer base. Organizations educated consumers about the production process and producers' stories, aligning their missions with consumers' pursuit of safety and taste and distinguishing them from mainstream markets. Consumers resonated with this cultural work but required responsible producers and market organizers. Some organizations fostered self‐affirming discussions to redirect consumer demands, while others interacted with and learned from the dynamic culture within consumer groups to co‐create their new definition of good food. This mutual learning motivated organizers to adjust their visions of ideal consumers to align movement ideologies with consumers' desires, creating the right amount of differentiation in alternative markets. This paper advances the literature on social movement organizations' market activities by revealing the interactive learning process and the diversity of alignment strategies.

Taking Alberta Back: Faith, Fuel, and Freedom on the Canadian Far Right

Alberta, Canada is both a major extractive zone—home to the world’s third largest proven oil reserves, mostly in the form of oil sands located in the north of the province—and a place whose political culture has been profoundly influenced by evangelical Christianity. It is both “petro province” and “God’s province”. Despite these distinct political economic and socio-cultural features, relatively little scholarly attention has been given to the contemporary relationships among them. To explore this, we profile the populist far-right social movement organization Take Back Alberta (TBA), which, by channeling the interlocking “freedom” and separatist movements into the governing United Conservative Party (UCP), played a pivotal role in Alberta Premier Danielle Smith’s rise to power. We ask the following question: what role do religion and a populist defense of the fossil fuel industry (or “extractive populism”) play, both ideologically and organizationally, within TBA? Drawing from TBA-related documents, including websites, podcasts, social media, and speeches, our analysis produces two key findings: first, that TBA deploys a radical, far-right version of extractive populism, which “anchors” the Danielle Smith government, and, second, that evangelical Christianity contributes to this extractive populism organizationally—by impacting TBA’s membership and resource infrastructure—and discursively, by influencing the collective action frames utilized by TBA leaders in advocating for the interests of the fossil fuel industry.

Human Initiative Movement: Enhancing Environmental Literacy and Awareness among Orphans in Bengkulu City

This paper examines the Human Initiative organization in Indonesia and its efforts to provide education for orphans in Bengkulu City. It analyzes the organization's resource mobilization using various data collection techniques. Establishing an education center called the Home of Learning is seen as a social movement that successfully achieved its goals. The research considers five aspects proposed by Oberscall: social movement organization, leaders and leadership, resources and resource mobilization, networks and participation, and community opportunities and capacity. The research findings show that (Home of Learning) HOME in Bengkulu is a social movement that effectively implements quality education programs. This success is due to a clear institutional structure, effective leadership, resource mobilization, community participation, and opportunities for child development. Overall, this research highlights the effectiveness of the Human Initiative in providing education for orphaned children.

Challenging Identity Conflict: How Queer, Trans, and Nonbinary Muslim Organizations Incite Activism

Abstract This article synthesizes new directions taken in the sociology of religion and social movement studies and examines Queer, Trans, and Nonbinary (QTN) Muslim activism in Toronto, Canada. The author argues that Queer Trans and Nonbinary Muslim Organizations (QTNMOs) do more than help reconcile their members’ conflicting identities. Instead, QTNMOs use intersectional frameworks to help QTN Muslims resist intracommunity marginalization in mainstream queer and religious organizations. Findings show that QTNMOs can be considered Social Movement Organizations in three ways: these groups defy culturally embedded institutional norms that are harmful to QTN Muslims, they aim to foster oppositional consciousness, and they incite collective action from their constituents. The article provides a case study of multi-institutional LGBTQ religious activism. The intersectional perspectives of QTN Muslims allow interested sociology of religion and social movements scholars to strengthen the insights gained from each of these fields.

Explaining Differential Involvement in Cross-Movement Coalitions on Social Media: the #StopHateForProfit Campaign

Social movements form coalitions to gain leverage and achieve mutual goals, however little is known about how coalitions work, especially in the realm of social media. In this paper we examine the 2020 #StopHateForProfit coalition which pressured corporations to pull their advertising spending from Facebook because of its permissive content moderation policies toward disinformation and hate. From the digital traces of the campaign on Twitter, we explain the participation differentials among coalition social movement organisations (SMO) partners and their followers. The findings show that the coalition's centrality to movement agenda, the ideological homogeneity of followership, and the SMO partners and their followership's central positions in the communication network led to the highest and most time persistent participation rates. Our counter-intuitive findings extend the literature on social movements coalitions by suggesting that multi-issues, “big tent” movements with ideological breadth may find invoking the core of their large followership rather challenging despite the ease of participation afforded by social media.

Beyond Petroleum? The Diffusion of Alternative Fuels in the United States, 1994–2015

ABSTRACT What determines whether technological innovations are adopted or abandoned? We leverage comparative data from three competing alternative fuel technologies to explore the conditions under which social movement organizations and industries support or challenge the adoption of emerging technologies. Empirically, we examine the diffusion of three technologies – electric, ethanol, and compressed natural gas – in the United States between 1994 and 2015. The comparison of results from quantitative analyzes of each case shows that environmental organizations can have different effects on the adoption of technologies that challenge fossil fuel dominance and that the effects change over time. The results also indicate that an incumbent industry that has an opportunity for diversification can positively influence the adoption of the technology, and that partial abandonment results when a technology is not supported by either environmental organizations or an incumbent industry.

Unveiling Extra-Institutional Agency in Nationalist Contention: Transformative Events and Grassroots Mobilizations in Scotland and Catalonia (1980s-2000s)

The literature on nationalist movements in Western democracies has almost exclusively focused on ethno-nationalist parties by attributing to them the key-role of “ethnic entrepreneurs”. Yet, non-institutional actors such as social movement organizations and grassroots groups can significantly impact the history of territorial contention and reshape movements. Their role is thus explored in the Scottish and Catalan struggles for selfdetermination between the 1980s and the 2000s. Firstly, the historical analysis of transformative events shows how the latter were set in motion by non-institutional actors. While Scottish organizations and groups operated to foster cross-party cooperation, the Catalan counterparts operated to mobilize society and popular support. Secondly, a thematic analysis of primary sources shows that the mobilizations fuelled by these events produced organizational and cultural changes in both nationalist movements. These changes left their legacy suggesting that former grassroots mobilizations made an important difference to resources mobilized in the current secessionist movements.

Between Cooptation and Surveillance: Varieties of Civic Monitoring in Spain

Civic monitoring is a democratic practice that allows citizens to hold accountable powerholders and enhance the accountability of democratic systems. To date, democratic theorists and collective action scholars have stressed the relevance of monitoring by NGOs, social movement organizations, and alternative media to increase civil society’s watchdog potential, filter publicly relevant information, and ensure the inclusion of new voices and the representation of new instances in democratic arenas. However, little is known about how such diverse collective actors leverage monitoring practices, particularly in interaction with monitored actors and their constituencies. Focusing on the Spanish case (2011-2021), often considered a prominent example of monitory democracy, the study employs Situational Analysis and builds on semi-structured interviews and document analysis to discuss differences within the Spanish monitoring field. The results contribute to ongoing discussions on the hybridization of civic efforts and classifications of civic monitoring initiatives.

Networking ATTAC: the local branch of ATTAC in Argentina

ABSTRACT ATTAC is a network of international twin organizations that opposes the neo-liberal globalization aiming at pledging essential rights for everybody. On this basis, the local branch of ATTAC in Argentina was investigated in order to understand “if” and “how” its interconnections with other political and social movement organizations are helpful in building an effective national political strategy and which could contribute to the pan-American one. The local branch of ATTAC-Quebec was also previously investigated and a South-to-North continuity-line might be traced that connects the two organizations. Participant observation and qualitative network interviews were employed in Argentina. The multiple political membership approach inspired the research while the social network analysis was developed through eight interviews with ATTAC militants. Among others, the militants were asked which other groups and organizations they were simultaneously associated with, and the network available was also qualitatively discussed further. In the fieldwork it was noticed that ATTAC-Argentina does not count so many activists. However, the Argentinean and Canadian militants also suggest that “number doesn’t matter”. In fact, someone noticed that the strength and the political effectiveness of the two organizations is represented by the network available to them. In other words, the data describe ATTAC-Argentina as a group that can count on a solid network of left-wing organizations through the militants’ political grid. This grid combined with the solid network of organizations on the pan-American scale represents an effective political option for the Latin-American branch of ATTAC for the present and the time to come.

Framing Social Movements on Social Media

Social media enables activists to directly communicate with the public and provides a space for movement leaders, participants, bystanders, and opponents to collectively construct and contest narratives. Focusing on Twitter messages from social movements surrounding three issues in 2018-2019 (guns, immigration, and LGBTQ rights), we create a codebook, annotated dataset, and computational models to detect diagnostic (problem identification and attribution), prognostic (proposed solutions and tactics), and motivational (calls to action) framing strategies. We conduct an in-depth unsupervised linguistic analysis of each framing strategy, and uncover cross-movement similarities in associations between framing and linguistic features such as pronouns and deontic modal verbs. Finally, we compare framing strategies across issues and other social, cultural, and interactional contexts. For example, we show that diagnostic framing is more common in replies than original broadcast posts, and that social movement organizations focus much more on prognostic and motivational framing than journalists and ordinary citizens.

Beyond the protest paradigm: Four types of news coverage and America's most prominent social movement organizations

AbstractWhat determines the quality of coverage received by social movement organizations when they appear extensively in the news? Research on the news coverage of social movement organizations is dominated by case studies supporting the “protest paradigm,” which argues that journalists portray movement activists trivially and negatively when covering protest. However, movement organizations often make long‐running news for many different reasons, mainly not protest. We argue that some of this extensive news will lead to worse coverage—in terms of substance and sentiment—notably when the main action covered involves violence. Extensive coverage centered on other actions, however, notably politically assertive action, will tend to produce “good news” in these dimensions. We analyze the news of the twentieth century's 100 most‐covered U.S. movement organizations in their biggest news year in four national newspapers. Topic models indicate that these organizations were mainly covered for actions other than nonviolent protest, including politically assertive action, strikes, civic action, investigations, trials, and violence. Natural language processing analyses and hand‐coding show that their news also varied widely in sentiment and substance. Employing qualitative comparative analyses, we find that the main action behind news strongly influences its quality, and there may be several news paradigms for movement organizations.

The Racial Limits of Disruption: How Race and Tactics Influence Social Movement Organization Testimony before Congress, 1960–1995

Abstract Social movement theory holds that disrupting social and political processes is among the most effective tools social movement organizations (SMOs) use to motivate recognition for themselves and their constituents. Yet, recent research suggests that the political reception of disruption is not racially neutral. Black SMOs face a dilemma in that, although disruption is a powerful tool for change, the public often perceives nonviolent Black disruptive protest as violent. We investigate this bind by analyzing how nondisruptive protest, nonviolent disruption, or violence helps or hinders both Black and non-Black SMOs to gain state “acceptance” as legitimate spokes-organizations for their issues. We combine data on newspaper-reported protest events with data covering 41,545 SMO Congressional testimonies from 1462 SMOs from 35 movement families. In panel regressions, we find that Congress is generally more accepting of nondisruptive protest but that nondisruptive protest is only roughly one-tenth as effective for Black SMOs compared with non-Black SMOs. Furthermore, whereas non-Black SMOs are significantly more likely to testify after using nonviolent disruption, Black SMOs using nonviolent disruption are significantly less likely to testify before Congress. Regardless of race, violence was associated with fewer congressional testimonies. Collectively, these findings suggest that Black SMOs face a tactical bind: Black SMOs can use nondisruptive tactics that are resource-intensive and slow, or they can use nonviolent disruption that gets media attention but hinders congressional acceptance. These findings contribute to a growing literature on how racial inequality and prejudice impact the outcomes of social movements.

Explaining the impact of citizens’ initiatives on social movements: insights from the Spanish housing movement

ABSTRACT How do instruments of direct democracy affect the social movement organisations that sponsor them? Drawing on social movement studies and direct democracy research, we argue that direct democracy has a transformative effect on its sponsors because it triggers a triple process of movement building, learning, and bargaining with political elites. This triple process sets in motion enduring trends within the organisation that has undertaken the burden of promoting the initiative. We illustrate this argument with the case of a people’s legislative initiative (a non-binding mechanism of direct democracy) organised by a housing rights organisation between 2011 and 2013 to counter the eviction crisis in Spain. This initiative did not result in the reform that activists demanded. Nevertheless, it contributed to consolidating the sponsor organisation, innovating its repertoire of action, and broadening its strategic options.

한국 최저임금 담론정치에 관한 비판적 분석

This study examines the social movement's framing strategy and the changing discourse of the institution through the case of the minimum wage movement. The discourse politics of the minimum wage began in earnest in the 2000s and has continuously changed. Social movement organizations, especially the newly emerging labor movements have been actively producing new framings related to the minimum wage. Through the framing of ‘the minimum wage is the youth wage,’ the Youth Union has made the minimum wage a important social agenda connecting the issue with the precariousness of youth generation. The Part-time Workers’ Union’s ‘minimum wage into 10,000 won’ restructured the existing minimum wage discourse through a progressive framing, stimulating the formation of public opinion necessary for a sharp increase. However, the minimum wage movement failed to respond to the rapidly growing number of people opposing the increases. As a result, the impetus for raising the minimum wage was lost. Through the analysis, it was confirmed that the frames dispute with each other and are ultimately adopted among social movement sector. Institutional discourse acts as an environment that constrains social movements when they construct framing strategies, but social movements can change existing discourse even within these constraints.

‘You are not Sikkimese enough’: Understanding collective action tendencies of old settlers in Sikkim using SIMCA

AbstractThe current study analyses the motivators and inhibitors of collective action tendency using the Social Identity Model of Collective Action (SIMCA). The study was conducted with a minority and state‐based repressed group known as the old settlers in Sikkim, India. The old settlers are a community that have been historically settled in Sikkim prior to the state's merger with India in 1975. They are racially and ethnically different from the majority population of northeasterners in Sikkim and face both institutional and interpersonal discrimination. A qualitative approach using semi‐structured interviews with 11 old settlers was taken to delineate SIMCA variables – moral conviction, identity, injustice and efficacy – within the context of northeast India. Collective action was motivated through moral conviction via principles of equality and unequal treatment and outsider status, identity via politicisation of identity, creation of social movement organisations, injustice via anger and fraternal resentment and efficacy via marches and legal recourses. Collective action was inhibited through moral conviction via denial of violation, identity via acculturation, injustice via fear and efficacy via learned helplessness. These findings indicate that in state‐based repressed groups, collective action tendencies must be understood from a context‐specific lens that attempts to understand both motivating and inhibitory factors.

#Resistencia: Indigenous Movements, Social Media, and Mobilization in Latin America

Abstract Indigenous peoples in Latin America have produced some of the region’s strongest and most enduring social movements, drawing on a diverse repertoire of contention to pursue their goals. In the twenty-first century, social media have transformed the landscape of collective action, compelling Indigenous movements to navigate the evolving dynamics of digital platforms. There is an ongoing debate in the literature regarding the role of social media in mobilization. But we know relatively little about how social media fit into the tactical repertoires of Indigenous actors and what tasks these platforms are used for. This article addresses this gap through an examination of how Indigenous actors use social media during protest events. We conducted a comparative analysis of social media content produced by Indigenous social movement organizations during major protest events in three countries from 2018 to 2019. We find that the most common functions include activating supporters and exposing state violence. These functions support several of the organizations’ core mobilization tasks by providing actors with tools to complement collection action.

Land Rights Movements in Nepal: Investigating Mobilization Strategies within a Political Landscape

This paper explores nations' political influence on social movement organizations. It focuses on the activities of National Land Rights Forum (NLRF), the largest land rights organization of Nepal. Effective mobilization of movement depends on organization's ability to align with the current political landscape, but is less emphasized by the global south social movement studies, which are focused on analyzing historical triggers and socioeconomic consequences with references to state policies. This paper takes survey-based open-ended interviews with 27 stakeholders, including the leaders and participants of NLRF’s land rights movement. The NLRF’s experiences on mobilization provided a strategic understanding of its adaptation to country's political milieu by leveraging the state-initiated major political events, which could be seen as opportunities to incorporate their concerns with state agendas. Furthermore, the Maoist-led insurgency in the past had fueled for the land rights movements, particularly the NLRF’s priority in organizing and unifying individuals who had similar political and economic identities. The mobilization strategies for land rights movement highlight the contextual variation on how current political landscape shapes the adaptive systems and practices of movement organizations.

“Framing” contentious activism: a sociological analysis of Boko Haram’s ideology, through its discourse (2008 – 2016)

ABSTRACT How does a terror movement like Boko Haram employ language and discourse towards collective action? This is the central question our paper addresses. Focusing on Boko Haram as a militant jihādist social movement organisation (SMO), our article shows how the movement’s ideology, evidenced through its discourse, “frames” narratives that identify the problem, call for action and motivate adherents and potential recruits towards violent repertoires. Using interview data, critical discourse analysis (CDA) and Social Movement Theory (SMT), specifically framing analysis, we interrogate Boko Haram’s Qur’anic exegesis based on the group’s publications, exhortations, lectures and sermons between 2008 and 2016. Along with calls for jihād (holy war, within the movement’s interpretation) and criticism of Nigeria’s federal constitution vis-à-vis Sharī‘a (Islamic law) as a superior social alternative, Boko Haram employs a specific takfir (apostate declaration) doctrine that divides the world into two camps: unbelievers (al-kāfirūn) or (kuffar) and believers. Such identity construction constitutes part of a “framing” approach to mobilisation and recruitment. In this sociological analysis of Boko Haram’s discourse, we identify diagnostic, prognostic and motivational “framing” patterns employed alongside an injustice master frame as a means to encourage collective action by the “in-group” (adherents and potential recruits) against “out-group” identities.

“WE WON’T BE DIVIDED, WE STAND UNITED!” MOVEMENTS’ PROTEST CLAIMS ON SOCIAL MEDIA

For social movement organizations to create impact, broadcasting the dWUNCness (diversity, worthiness, unity, numbers, and commitment) of protest is crucial. Public representations of dWUNC are inherent to social movements’ existence and increase the legitimacy of their acts. However, to what extent do social movement organizations claim dWUNC? Which dWUNC elements do they focus on? And, which protest and social movement features explain their dWUNC claims? In this study, I analyze Twitter and Facebook messages (N = 2,849) of social movement organizations (N = 186) about street protests (N = 232) staged in Brussels (Belgium). Descriptives show that in 67.7% (N =1,929) of their online protest messages, social movements speak in terms of dWUNC. Unity was frequently claimed, and dWUNC was communicated differently across social media platforms. Explanatory analyses show that social movements display dWUNC in and outside the boundaries of protest reality. Findings reveal the outcome of movements’ protest communication strategy in today's digital media landscape.

Seeking ‘to cease existing as we are’: dynamic strategies of environmental activism in Russia

How and why do civil society actors change their modes of activism and strategies under the condition of shrinking civil society space in authoritarian states? Previous studies have tended to juxtapose participatory activism, associated with broader mobilisation, and transactional activism, based on coalition building and professionalised civil society organisations. Using the illustrative example of the environmental social movement organisation RazDel’niy Sbor (‘Separate Collection’) in Saint Petersburg, we demonstrate how the strategic repertoire of civil society organisations changes from participatory to transactional activism over time. The study takes a dynamic outlook on strategies and explores how transactional activism and professionalisation are built on the previous successful participatory phase. Furthermore, the study expands our understanding of the participatory mode of activism that is interpreted in an innovative and safe way to avoid repression in the authoritarian political context of modern Russia.