Social Movement Organizations Research Articles

The Role of Spatial Organization in Resurrection City and Other Protest Camps

Social and political organizing and organization has a spatial dimension, and there is increasing interest in academic studies of organization to understand better how space and organization relate, interact, and conflict. There is a range of studies that look at business and workplace organization, but little evidence from social movement organization or what is sometimes referred to as alternative organization studies. This article addresses this gap by observing and analyzing the effects of spatial organization in social movements. It focuses particularly on protest camps, a form of social movement organization in which spatial organization is particularly important. It looks at the Resurrection City protest camp of 1968 to identify the development of spatial organization practices. They are carried onwards across social movements, as they resolve organizational desires for the social movement organization, such as enabling mass organization without resorting to formal membership or hierarchical structures. In summary, the article provides insight into the relationship between spatial and social organization.

The Transnational Women's Rights Movement and the World Economy

Promoting the ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) was a key objective of the transnational women's movement of the 1980s and 1990s. Yet, few studies examine what factors contribute to ratification. The small body of literature on this topic comes from a world-society perspective, which suggests that CEDAW represented a global shift toward women's rights and that ratification increased as international NGOs proliferated. However, this framing fails to consider whether diffusion varies in a stratified world-system. I combine world-society and world-systems approaches, adding to the literature by examining the impact of women's and human rights transnational social movement organizations on CEDAW ratification at varied world-system positions. The findings illustrate the complex strengths and limitations of a global movement, with such organizations having a negative effect on ratification among core nations, a positive effect in the semiperiphery, and no effect among periphery nations. This suggests that the impact of mobilization was neither a universal application of global scripts nor simply representative of the broad domination of core nations, but a complex and diverse result of civil society actors embedded in a politically stratified world.

The Hashtag Game: Disrupting Dissent during the Bersih 4 Protest

Abstract This paper demonstrates how protest tactics, such as the use of hashtags, can be co-opted by counter-protesters, as evidenced by how the cybertroopers operated against the Bersih 4 protest in 2015. This is achieved via focusing the analysis on how geographic places were communicated on Twitter around the time of the protest. The Bersih movement in Malaysia is an example of how a digital-savvy social movement organisation (SMO) operates in a hybrid regime. In this paper, I explore a form of reaction that, on the surface, appeared to be a bottom-up initiative against the Bersih movement. Based on the fieldwork conducted around the Bersih 4 protest in 2015, I focus on place mentions on Twitter to detect the cybertroopers who attempted to disrupt the discussion and narrative through the use of hashtags.

Conservation networks: are zoos and aquariums collaborating or competing through partnerships?

SummaryOrganizations can expand their impact through strategic partnerships. We used social network analysis to compare two network theories in order to determine whether zoos’ conservation partnerships form networks that reflect collaborative social movements or business-style competition. Data from 234 zoos revealed a conservation network involving 1679 organizations with 3018 partnerships. The network had 40 subgroups: 1 large network, 6 small networks and 33 disconnected zoos. Social network analysis metrics revealed an incohesive and low-density network. Zoos are more likely to behave competitively like businesses with limited partnerships to protect resources, rather than behaving as collaborative social movement organizations partnering to further the cause of conservation across their communities. Content analyses of organizational activities revealed that 62% of zoos’ partners display different skills and roles in conservation projects, while 38% participated in the same activities as zoos. These novel findings about zoos behaving as competitive institutions inform opportunities for better collaboration in order to expand organizations’ conservation impact.

Концепции гражданского активизма в цифровом пространстве коммуникаций

The author considers the change of approaches to the analysis of social changes that occur under the influence of digital communication technologies. The article presents the basic modern concepts of civic activism manifested in the digital environment. The concept of slacktivism reflects the negative manifestations of the effects of digital technologies on civic engagement leading to the waste of social capital. The concept of communication power reveals the institutional organization of network communities and social movements that act in accordance with established rules and hierarchies. The concept of connecting action focuses on self-organization, coordination and mobilization of user’s communities of digital communications to achieve shared values and interests. The concept of digital participation justifies the usefulness of online forms of civic activism, leading to increased social interaction offline. This non-exhaustive list of concepts of civic activism creates a general idea of the diversity of scientific approaches to the consideration of rapidly changing social relations mediated by digital communications.

Sustainability and communication practices in grassroots movements in Turkey following Gezi Park Protests: Cases of Dogancilar Park Forum, Macka Park Forum and Validebag Volunteers

Recent social movements, as exemplified by the informal organizations formed during and after the Occupy Movement in the United States and Gezi Park Protests in Turkey, are characterized by distrust towards institutional political bodies and hierarchical organizations (Boler et al. 2014). Also, the debate on the relationship between social movements and digital media technologies often highlights the opportunities that these technologies provide for ‘largely unfettered deliberation and coordination of action’ (Castells 2012). Scholars critical towards the concept argue that horizontal grassroots organizations may suffer from problems of continuity and formation of a durable movement (Calhoun 2013). This article aims to investigate the organizational characteristics and media practices of grassroots organizations that were established or mobilized following Gezi Park Protests, a nation-level social protest in Turkey. Drawing on participant observation of three grassroots social movement organizations in Istanbul – Dogancilar Park Forum and Imrahor Garden; Macka Park Forum and Komsu Kapisi Association and Validebag Volunteers – this analysis will aim to contextualize opportunities and obstacles associated with the horizontal structures of such movements. The article will particularly focus on the strategies that these organizations utilize to maintain the sustainability of the respective movements and approaches they employ in media and communication practices at a local level.

Yes, it is possible! Framing processes and social resonance of Spain’s anti-eviction movement

There are few empirical studies on the cultural consequences of social movements. This article contributes to alleviating this problem, examining the cultural outcomes produced by the action of the Platform for People Affected by Mortgages (PAH), one of the most important social movement organizations to appear in Spain in the 2010s. Concretely, through qualitative methods, we analyse the content and form of the PAH’s discourse and the communicative practices developed to disseminate it to the population. Following, we examine this diffusion using quantitative methods. The article shows that PAH activists produced a discourse with a form and content that sought to achieve alignment with the common sense of the majority of the population, that their communicative practices took advantage of the opportunities offered by social and mass media, and, lastly, that the PAH’s diagnosis and proposals resonated among a majority of the population.

Examining Athlete Ally Through Resource Mobilization Theory

Social movement organizations have played an important role in athlete activism. Countless athlete activists have all benefited from having organizations supporting their social justice efforts. One such organization, Athlete Ally, partners with today’s athletes to create an inclusive athletic environment. Due to their relationship, both Athlete Ally and the athletes provide each other with resources to enact change through sport. The purpose of the following study was to examine the resources exchanged between the two entities through resource mobilization theory using qualitative interviews. Resources are divided into five categories: moral, cultural, social-organizational, human, and material. Results revealed moral, social-organizational, and material resources are shared between the two entities but not human and cultural resources. Practical and theoretical implications are expanded upon in the article.

From protest to parliament: The role of digital technologies within an online community

Our teaching case introduces the story of how the Italian Five Star Movement used digital technologies in the growth from a personal blog discussing politics back in 2005 to the most voted party in the Italian election in 2018, becoming part of the government. The Italian Five Star Movement is among the largest eParticipation initiatives globally. It is (almost) totally organized through the use of digital platforms. Members form online communities and are continuously invited to discuss and make decisions that end up into Italian politics. Adopting a chronological perspective, we describe the development of the Italian Five Star Movement, focusing on their use of digital technologies at various stages and for various purposes. The case illustrates the growth of online communities and the advent of a social movement organization within the political sphere, and how to organize for members to discuss and make political decisions online. Furthermore, it demonstrates the growth of online communities and opportunities and challenges faced with such a quick progress.

Anti-corporate activism and market change: the role of contentious valuations

ABSTRACT The contentiousness of markets has recently been assessed by the social movements literature. Activists can use a broad range of tactics to compel corporations to change their practices. This paper examines the outcomes of this contentiousness. It draws on an empirical study of a disruptive tactic used by anti-corporate activists: the shame-on-you prize. I propose to adopt an economic sociological perspective to understand the mechanisms by which social movement organizations seek to undermine the values that underpin the economic order. Activists provide new categories for valuating economic activities that challenge the existing ones. Social movement organizations legitimate these valuations as coming from civil society and reflecting public expectations about what should count in valuations of economic activities. As such, they may encourage public decision-makers to undertake regulatory action.

Building Bridges: Social Movements and Civil Society in Times of Crisis

Social movement studies and studies on civil society and, related to them, studies on voluntarism and the third sector, are burgeoning fields of knowledge, which have, however, only rarely interacted with each other. In fact, social movement scholars have devoted little attention to the concept of civil society, not even when addressing issues of “social capital”. Vice versa, civil society scholars have, with few exceptions, not considered social movements as cognate phenomena. This is all the more puzzling as there is instead ample theoretical and empirical overlapping, which calls for the building of bridges between these fields of study. In political and media discourse some organizations, individuals or events are defined interchangeably as linked to either social movements or civil society. In the social sciences, however, the core conceptualizations have pointed towards different elements as characterizing these phenomena. In particular, social movement studies can contribute to the literature on voluntarism a toolkit of concepts and theory oriented to understand social and political conflicts, learning from the literature on voluntarism about conceptions and practices of solidarity. In this article, I will address some (potential) interactions between the two fields, looking at differences and similarities in the conceptualizations of the two phenomena as well as in their empirical analysis as they have developed in time. I will first of all address conceptualizations in these cognate fields with attention to their theoretical developments. Then, I will point towards some recent trends that have blurred the distinction between social movements and civil society, voluntarism and third sector policies, looking in particular not only at more established analyses of NGOization of social movements, but also, and especially, of what can be defined as an SMOization of civil society—that is, the hybridization of more established civil society organizations into social movement organizations, especially when facing politicization in times of crises and increasing criminalization of solidarity activities.

Strategic relationship management and civic information in an activist organization

This study examines the organizational practices of CODEPINK: Women for Peace, a social activist organization, between January 1 and October 1, 2018 to understand the organization’s strategic data-driven practices during activist campaigns. The results provide important insights into the mechanisms a digital-grassroots organization takes to spread civic information to users for political participation. In a series of semi-structured interviews, analyzed with content-analysis, respondents indicated organizational practices that included the use of a non-partisan political customer relationship management (CRM) platform, social matching, and interest-based targeted emailing. CODEPINK uses these tools to help facilitate support for fundraising, direct marketing, and organizing campaigns. Understanding how social movement organizations use media innovations to support their action repertoires provides a better framework for understanding modern-day activist practices.

VALUING THE CAUSE: A THEORY OF AUTHENTICITY IN SOCIAL MOVEMENTS*

Scholars of contentious politics expect that social movement organizations (SMOs) are valued according to their ability to craft resonant frames or to enact displays of worthiness. We offer an alternative, relational perspective highlighting the critical role of authenticity in shaping an SMO's perceived value. Unlike frames and intentional displays, calculated efforts to proclaim authenticity often backfire. We distill two orthogonal types: grassroots (in)authenticity, based on idealized notions of civil society, and institutional (in)authenticity, rooted in culturalcognitive schemas used to judge fit with established SMO categories. Grassroots authenticity benefits an SMO's fundamental legitimacy, while lacking it entirely (i.e., “astroturfing”) severely harms public support. Institutional authenticity increases resources and survival chances, intelligibility to elite observers, and clarity of collective identities; still, lacking this (via hybridity) may assist in recruitment and outreach. We build propositions that elaborate these expectations and argue that authenticity should become a more central concept in social movement research.

Studying the Icarus Project Through Digital Bricolage: How Digital Platforms Reflect Shifting Strategies in a Social Movement Organization's Development

Abstract This article describes digital bricolage as a way to study the digital history of a social movement organization. Drawing from our separate research projects on The Icarus Project (TIP), we describe our respective strategies as a health humanities scholar and a journalist to trace the organization's evolution; and our research findings describe TIP's gradual shift from grassroots leadership to professional staff. In tracing TIP's digital evolution, we argue that digital bricolage can contribute to our understanding of digital organizing tactics used in modern health social movements.

Corporate human rights performance and moral power: A study of retail MNCs’ supply chains in Bangladesh

• MNCs’ human rights disclosures do not remain unchallenged by NGOs in Bangladesh. • With greater inequity, suppliers’ and MNCs’ exercises of moral power become tenuous. • A social audit can be exploited to give a moral dimension to economic gains. • MNCs’ neoliberal discourse of ‘doing good only for profit’ is problematic. • Rana Plaza disaster is a solid example of MNCs’ disintegration of moral power. This paper investigates how particular stakeholder groups, such as labor rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs), question and even challenge the moral power of multinational companies (MNCs) to maintain human rights in their supply chains in Bangladesh. Around the time of two major factory disasters in Bangladesh (the Tarzeen fire and the Rana Plaza collapse in 2012 and 2013, respectively) we conducted a series of interviews (between 2012 and 2014) and reviewed articles in news media and NGO documents to understand how labor rights NGOs’ narratives challenge MNCs and their suppliers’ actual human rights performance and associated moral power within clothing supply chains. The findings show that MNCs’ and their suppliers’ workplace human rights performance in Bangladesh, as perceived by labor rights NGOs, is inconsistent with MNCs’ public disclosures on human rights. The NGOs’ counter-narratives testify to MNCs’ and their suppliers’ abuses of human rights and the associated moral deficit. This study draws on the notion of moral power in line with Aristotle’s view of the moral actor and adds to Mehta and Winship (2010) three essential aspects of moral power – moral intention , moral capability and moral standing – by providing a new insight that suggests that MNCs and their suppliers in the developing nation context of Bangladesh lack the moral intention, moral capability and moral standing to uphold workplace human rights. We note that gaining these richer insights are possible because we directly solicit the views of NGOs and social movement organizations. The paper fills a research gap by looking at whether the adoption of the language of human rights obligations by MNCs creates any change in their moral power and human rights performance, as perceived by workers’ rights NGOs.

Setting the record straight on the Movement for Black Lives

ABSTRACTSimilar to previous social movement organizations, the Movement for Black Lives (MBL) has faced a myriad of critiques. Adam Szetela is one of the recent to do so. My essay aims to set the record straight on some of the main critiques in Szetela’s article. I deal with comparisons to the Civil Rights Movement, the achievement of MBL, and Black essentialism. I argue that the movement’s reach for lofty goals that seem unattainable is noteworthy and strategic rather than a limitation. MBL understands that social problems that centre on Blackness often lead to Black organizations and Black people being left on the outside looking in at policy issues they helped to highlight. In being more intersectional and inclusive than previous movements, I assert that MBL has helped to advance understandings of Black dehumanization, change attitudes about racism in America, and thrust policing and criminal justice reform into the international spotlight.

Resource Dependence, Uncertainty, and the Allocation of Corporate Political Activity across Multiple Jurisdictions

This paper contributes to the resource dependence theory and corporate political activity literatures by distinguishing dependence from uncertainty and explaining how two different types of uncertainty have opposite effects on dependence management. We explain how some environmental factors increase the state uncertainty associated with firms’ dependence on government jurisdictions, whereas other factors increase response uncertainty. We hypothesize that, due to the historical influence of the media and social movement organizations on politics, negative national media tenor and oppositional social movement organization resources increase state uncertainty (i.e., government’s likely behavior toward firms becomes less predictable), strengthening the relationship between firms’ dependence on jurisdictions and their use of political contributions in those jurisdictions. Further, we hypothesize that top management team turnover and politician turnover increase response uncertainty (i.e., the effectiveness of firms’ efforts to manage their dependence becomes less clear), weakening the relationship between dependence and political contributions. We find support for our theory in an examination of state-level political contributions of firms in environmentally intensive industries from 2009 to 2016. Interviews with senior executives, political consultants, and senior government employees directly involved in corporate political activity help illustrate the hypothesized relationships.

A feminist and decolonial perspective on passing the test in activist ethnography

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to question the idea of “passing a test” within activist ethnography. Activist ethnography is an ethnographic engagement with social movement organizations as anti-authoritarian, anarchist, feminist and/or anti-racist collectives. It is based on the personal situating of the researcher within the field to avoid a replication of colonialist research dynamics. Addressing these concerns, we explore activist ethnography through feminist standpoint epistemologies and decolonial perspectives.Design/methodology/approachThis paper draws on our two activist ethnographies conducted as PhD research in two distinct European cities with two different starting points. While Léa entered the field through her PhD research, Claire partly withdrew and re-entered as academic.FindingsEven when activist researchers share the political positioning of the social movement they want to study, they still experience tests regarding their research methodology. As activists, they are accountable to their movement and experience – as most other activist – a constant threat of exclusion. In addition, activist networks are fractured along political lines, the test is therefore ongoing.Originality/valueOur contribution is threefold. First, the understanding of tests within activist ethnography helps decolonizing ethnography. Being both the knower and the known, activist ethnographers reflect on the colonial and heterosexist history of ethnography which offers potentials to use ethnography in non-exploitative ways. Second, we conceive of activist ethnography as a prefigurative methodology, i.e. as an embedded activist practice, that should therefore answer to the same tests as any other practice of prefigurative movements: it should aim to enact here and now the type of society the movement reaches for. Finally, we argue that activist ethnography relies on and contribute to developing consciousness about the researcher’s political subjectivity.

Testing Theories about Advocacy and Public Policy

One critical way that social scientists contribute to our understanding of policy change is developing and testing theories to explain the impact of advocacy efforts by nonparty organizations and activists to influence policy. What does the theory testing discover? To find out, this article analyzes all tests of such theories published in 25 major journals in political science and sociology between 2000 and 2018. Nineteen theories were tested and are generally quite similar, proposing that advocacy will affect policy and seeing electoral concerns as the basis of that influence. But they differ in terms of whose impact they seek to explain: there are different theories for interest groups, social movement organizations, and nongovernmental organizations. Predictions made by the theories are consistent with the data just over half the time. The theory-testing articles fail to show what their findings add to the weight of evidence for or against their theories, rarely test competing theories against each other, and seldom generalize or make specific suggestions for future work. This article highlights the most constructive suggestions for future work and argues for breaking down barriers between subdisciplines and systematically spelling out the value added by each new test of theory.

Smartphones versus NHK? Mobilization strategies of the Japanese anti-nuclear movement under Abe’s restrictive media policy

ABSTRACTAgainst the background of Japan’s falling rank in the Reporters Without Borders’ Press Freedom index, from 22 in 2011/12 to 61 in 2015, and a growing self-censorship within Japanese mainstream media since Prime Minister Abe took office in 2012, this article examines what media strategies are adopted by social movement actors and asks whether Internet-based media strategies replace contacts to mass media circles. Media coverage plays an important role in movement mobilization; however, the relationship between media and social movements is characterized by a power relationship leaning toward media actors, as social movement scholars such as Gamson and Wolfsfeld suggest. This article tackles these questions from the perspective of movement actors based on 24 qualitative semi-structured interviews with representatives of social movement organizations active in the anti-nuclear movement conducted in 2013 and 2014 in the Greater Tokyo Area. The results indicate that with growing public demand for alternative internet-based information by civic groups, movement organizations expand their activities in this realm while at the same time they do not neglect mass media contacts.