Social Democratic Approach Research Articles

LABOUR REGULATION AND PRODUCTIVITY IN THE UK SINCE 1945: DEBUNKING MYTHS ABOUT ‘DISEASE’, ‘MIRACLES’ AND ‘PUZZLES’

Over 50 years ago, New Society first identified a new ‘Oxford School’ considered central to British post-war reconstruction. Based around Nuffield College, it contained five key figures: Hugh Clegg, Allan Flanders, Alan Fox, Bill McCarthy and Arthur Marsh. Other identified contributors were Ben Roberts, John Hughes and legal theorist Otto Kahn-Freund. A second generation included the likes of George Bain, Willy Brown, Richard Hyman, Rod Martin and Roger Undy. Intriguingly, as early as the late 1940s its key theorist Flanders described their social democratic approach to build industrial pluralism as the ‘third way’—obviously a phrase given greater prominence in the 1990s by Tony Blair and Tony Giddens.

Makroekonomsko okruženje i javni sektor - mesto i uloga

In most modern countries, the social democratic and liberal approaches prevail on the place of the public sector in state management and socioeconomic development, which significantly reduces the role of the public sector in production activities, so the public sector today largely encompasses social activities, i.e. socially upgrading production activities. Regardless of the ideological approach, the public sector is undeniably the most important factor of the state, on whose efficiency and effectiveness the degree of economic and legal environment as a basic prerequisite for the development of society and the development of social activities depends.

Democracy, Enlightenment, and Revolution: Cantonese Marxists and Chinese Social Democracy, 1920–1922

This article discusses two different attitudes toward elections and democracy among the early Chinese communists. It argues that apart from some communist leaders in Shanghai who saw nothing of value in participating in elections, there were members of the party who favored social democracy. Two Cantonese Marxists, Chen Gongbo and Tan Pingshan, heavily influenced by German social democrats, especially Karl Kautsky, attached great importance to elections and “the enlightenment of the masses” on the road to communism. This led them to oppose their comrades in Shanghai, and to support the federalist self-government movement advocated by Chen Jiongming. After 1922, this rift between communists in Guangzhou and Shanghai grew into a serious intra-party conflict. Eventually, the Cantonese social democratic approach was politically discredited and largely forgotten. Exploring this Cantonese approach will clarify the connection and tension between democracy, enlightenment, and socialism in May Fourth China.

Teaching Public Economics with Special Reference to Australian and US Cultures

AbstractThis article discusses how teaching public economics is, and should be, related to national cultures. The article shows how the US culture of distrust of government influences the two major US texts (Rosen and Gayer 2014; Gruber 2016) that dominate the teaching of public economics in Australia and elsewhere. By contrast, Stiglitz and Rosengard's (2015) text on public economics emphasises the role of government in providing social welfare. These traditions may be described as neo‐liberal and social democratic respectively. I conclude that the social democratic approach reflects Australian culture and is more appropriate for teaching public economics in Australian universities.

A Seat at the Table: Sectoral Bargaining for the Common Good

There is growing consensus among left-leaning union leaders, scholars, and public policy experts that fundamental labor law reform is necessary, not only to fix a broken labor and employment regime but also to address the nation's staggering economic and political inequality. According to conventional wisdom, however, more social democratic approaches to labor relations—for example, enabling bargaining for all workers on a sectoral basis—are in deep conflict with American traditions.

Privacy, autonomy, and public policy: French and North American perspectives.

This article raises the question of whether in both the United States and in France, an individual's autonomy and private decision-making right(s) in matters of health care and access to reproductive technologies can be conciliated with the general interest, and more specifically, the role of the State. Can a full-fledged right to privacy, the ability to exercise one's autonomy, exist alongside the general interest, and depend neither on financial resources like in the United States nor on centralised government decisions or the medical hierarchy like in France? The contrast between these two modern democracies justify the importance of comparing them. I will demonstrate that overlaps do exist: the free exercise of religion and opinion, freedom of expression, the inherent value of each individual. What differs, however, are the institutions and how they provide, protect, promote, or frame access to and expressions of these democratic principles. The impact of the global economy, the exposure of people around the world to each other via the internet, and the mirror effects of social media, blogs, and other such forums, have created new perspectives that countries project onto one another. For example, does France now seem to tout 'autonomy' as a new and important value because it appears to be an 'American success story'? Does the United States now seem to value human rights and a social-democratic approach because of the 'French model'? There seems to be some truth behind these assertions, but as this article will demonstrate, the portrayals of what the 'right to privacy' is in the United States and what 'socialised medicine' is in France are not necessarily fully accurate.

Phenomenon of Trust in Educational Policy

Trust is the essence of all social relations in our lives. It unites our societies, joins or destroys governments, businesses and other social structures. Trust is the necessary element for people to rely on the structures implementing changes. In post-communist societies the level of trust is lower than in Western democracies. It is determined not only by diminished sources of trust during the totalitarian regimes but by rapid societal changes and the lack of new stable fundaments for trust. Distrust is not the opposite of trust but rather a rational state of mind in certain contexts and situations. Disbalance between trust and distrust in education is represented by inadequate mechanisms of inspection or control and the lack of trust in professionals. After the II World War the Western countries tried different ways to reform education called by A. Hargreaves and D. Shirley (2012) First, Second and Third way. This typology shows how political ideologies influence the development of public education. As for the trust, neoliberal approach in education created an extremely distrustful environment for educational professionals.
 Neoliberal reforms replaced liberal or social democratic approaches which are characterized by much bigger trust in professionals, as well as less tiresome mechanisms of accountability. In comparison to Western democracies, Lithuanian society and public education experienced an especially rapid and contradictory ideological, social and political transformation related to the creation of an independent state, the rapid overhaul of the national political structure along with global influence. Speaking of the three different ways of reform, it appears that Lithuanian education reform is meandering down all the different ways at once but is most likely stuck between the First – Innovations and Inconsistency – and the Second – Standardization and Markets – Ways. It is reflected by wandering between the sociodemocratic principles of education for all” and neoliberal approaches packed into the rhetoric’s of New Public Management. Due to the contradictive trajectories of educational change, practitioners are becoming “objects” of political requirements losing their authentic professional life. The quality of education in every country depends on the amount of professional capital: professionals, who implement their moral purpose in trusting environment and strengthening the social capital of the country. The further development of education in Lithuania should address the enrichment of professional capital.

Left Realism and Social Democratic Renewal

At its inception Left Realism argued the need to develop a radical social democratic approach to crime. I argue that its contribution and continuing relevance primarily lies in this political project, the need for which has not dissipated. But this can only be advanced as an integral component of a more general renewal of social democratic ideas and politics that challenges the hegemony of neo-liberalism. This is far from guaranteed. The possibilities and challenges after the global financial crisis are considered. I argue for a rethinking of some core themes from early Left Realism to (as I see it) better complement the task of social democratic renewal in the present.

The indignant citizen: anti-austerity movements in southern Europe and the anti-oligarchic reclaiming of citizenship

This article discusses the change in political vision of anti-austerity movements in southern Europe in comparison with previous protest movements. It focuses on the emergence of a discourse of citizenship at the core of the new protest wave, as seen in frequent references to ‘citizens’, ‘citizenry’ and ‘citizenship’ in movement manifestos, and the resolutions and declarations of popular assemblies. I investigate the meaning and motivations of this ‘citizenism’ and how it reflects the change in economic conditions and popular perceptions in the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis. The analysis draws from movement documents, and in-depth interviews with 40 protest organisers and participants from the Indignados movement in Spain and the Aganaktismenoi movement in Greece. I argue that within these movements, the idea of citizenship has acted both as a source of popular identity interpellating a diverse set of demographics, and as a central demand, organising calls for greater popular participation in decision-making, freedom of expression and against corruption. Anti-austerity movements put forward an anti-oligarchic view of citizenship, which is different from the liberal, civic-republican and social democratic approaches, in its understanding of citizenship as the power of the dispersed ‘citizenry’ against the concentrated power of economic and political elites. This grassroots re-appropriation of citizenship highlights how anti-austerity movements in southern Europe have departed from the anti-statism of autonomous movements and have developed a more positive view of the state as a basis of social cohesion and a possible means of ‘people power’.

The Social Doctrine of Zeev Jabotinsky, from the Fathers of Zionism

Zeev Jabotinsky, in contrast to the conservative economic approach that characterizes the right parties around the world, in essence supports a social democratic approach in the economic dimension, at least in the stage of the establishment of the Jewish state that will be established. Jabotinsky considered the topic of the need to protect the person’s individualism to be very important, since “every individual is a king” and he also supports the idea of the welfare state. The state has to give the individuals there basic needs, but the new Jew has to pay contribution to building the Hebrew new nation and new society. His approach was mixed of liberalism and nationalism, and he adopted the universal attitude of the famous Russian writer Tolstoy to the human suffer, and admired Garibaldi the leader that united Italy. After the second world war and the rise of the Fascists dictatorship of Germany and the communist revolution, Jabotinsky emphasized his belief in the values of liberalism like the American approach of Abram Linkolen that gave freedom to the slaves. Jabotinsky died in New York in the United States, the land of freedom and liberalism as refugee, far away from Russian culture that he was born to.

Blue and Purple Labour Challenges to the Welfare State: How should ‘Statist’ Social Democrats respond?

This article explores two influential strands of thinking about the welfare state, Blue Labour and Purple Labour, that have emerged following New Labour's defeat at the 2010 General Election. It is argued that although both of these new approaches raise some important issues about the relational and associational dimensions of social welfare as well as diversity and pluralism, those committed to universal and egalitarian goals should not abandon the ‘Statist’ Social Democratic approach to the welfare state.

Citizenship in China: a Comparison of Rights with the East and West

After the economic rise of China with the improvement in their standard of living, there have been many changes in the rights of citizens in China. This paper provides a broad survey of rights to see how China compares with the West and some countries in the Far East. This comparison assesses citizenship theory as it might apply to China, and then assesses a number of measures of rights. First, in order to make comparisons, the very different conceptions and theories of citizenship in China must be considered. Chinese citizenship is based on more of a communitarian model than a liberal or social democratic approach mainly due to Confucianism. Despite considerable improvement in citizenship rights, China’s reliance on a more communitarian citizenship theory (rather than liberal or social democratic theories) tends to emphasize obligations over rights. Second, in assessing the level of rights in China in the 21st century, T. H. Marshall provides the classification of legal, political and social rights. Using Freedom House, Fraser Institute and other data, I make cross-national comparisons between China and Western countries (e.g., the US, Canada and select European countries) and East Asian countries or regions (e.g., Japan, Indonesia, South Korea, Hong Kong and Taiwan). I also include Russia since it has made a similar transition from communist rule. The paper argues that citizenship rights for Chinese citizens have improved for many legal and social rights but not so much for political rights. However, all of these rights in China are much lower than in the West and much of East Asia, though in a few instances the levels are quite similar to Russia. I conclude with an estimate of the possible pathways toward greater political rights in China over the next few decades.

Jonas Gahr Støre: health as a collective responsibility

Jonas Gahr Støre: health as a collective responsibility

Social Democracy and Security

The aim of this paper is to account for the dilemmas and difficulties a social democratic approach to crime and security has always faced in the context of the modern state, to examine the historical solutions sought to these difficulties, to identify some of the new challenges to have emerged over the past 30 years or so - in particular the challenges posed by neo-liberalism and globalization, and to assess the prospects of a new wave of social democratic crime and security policy in the face of the combination of new and old challenges. Just as social democracy has always been ambiguously poised between reformism and more radical forms of socialism, social democratic crime and security policy has also always been uneasily located between its reformist premise - stressing consent, rehabilitation and cultural inclusion and its radical premise - stressing the material basis of any genuine programme of societal security. This tension, amplified by the recent challenges posed by neo-liberalism and globalization, underpins the explanation and the prognosis offered by the paper.

State–Society Relationships, Social Trust and the Development of Labour Market Policies in Italy and Sweden

The first decade of the twenty-first century may be remembered for the rebirth of consensus on labour market policy. After three decades of bitter political and ideological controversy between a neo-liberal and a traditional social democratic approach, a new model, often labelled flexicurity, has emerged. This model is promoted by numerous political organisations since it promises to put an end to the old trade-off between equality and efficiency. Several countries are embracing the flexicurity model as a blueprint for labour market reform, but others, mostly belonging to the ‘Mediterranean Rim’, are clearly lagging behind. Why is it so difficult for these countries to implement the flexicurity model? This paper argues that the application of a flexicurity strategy in these countries is complicated by the lack of social trust between social partners and the state as well as political economy traditions that highlight the role of labour market regulation as a source of social protection.

Should We Trust Intellectuals?

This article explores the problem of the political responsibilities of intellectuals and philosophers through an appraisal of Michael Walzer's work on the idea of “connected criticism.” The author elaborates the main elements of this theory, shows how it approaches various thinkers, like Herbert Marcuse and Jean-Paul Sartre, and shows where it fits into American intellectual life, particularly the intellectual history of Dissent Magazine and the democratic Left. Walzer's idea of a connected social critic contrasts to Sartre's idea of an “engaged critic.” The article also examines Walzer's theory in light of some of the arguments made by “commonsense” moral philosophy, such as those of Irving Howe, John Rawls, Theodor Adorno, and Leo Strauss. Cohen defines Walzer's theory as part of a social democratic approach that also can serve in part as an antidote to intellectual hubris. Finally, this article presents a critique of Edward Said's understanding of intellectuals in his Representations of the Intellectual. The author argues that Said's book misrepresents Turgenev's novel Fathers and Sons. Cohen suggests that there are radical differences between Said's description of this novel's central character, Bazarov, and the world in which he lives, and those created by Turgenev. Said's approach is evaluated in relation to the notion of connected criticism and some criticisms of connected criticism are offered.

Partnership agreement adoption and survival in the British private and public sectors

This article assesses the adoption and survival of labour-management partnership agreements in Britain. In contrast to predictions that British employers will avoid partnership agreements, significantly more agreements have been signed than expected with 248 partnership agreements signed between 1990 and 2007. Partnership agreements covered almost ten percent of all British employees in 2007 and one-third of public sector employees. The majority of agreements are now in the public sector as part of government plans to reform the delivery of public services and in the devolved health services of Scotland and Wales as part of the potentially distinctive social democratic approach adopted by the devolved Governments. In contrast to predictions that, once signed, partnership agreements are unlikely to survive, four-fifths (80 percent) of all agreements survived to the close of 2007. Public sector agreements appear particularly robust.

The production of Australian professional development policy texts as a site of contest: The case of the federal quality teacher programme

This paper reveals how the provision of teacher professional development is conceptualised within the Australian Government Quality Teacher Programme (AGQTP) policy text and its predecessors, and uses these texts to infer the nature of the production practices associated with the development of these policies. The paper argues that multiple tensions within these texts gesture towards support for complex and contested approaches to professional development during the policy production process. To make sense of this contestation, the paper draws suggestively upon Bourdieu’s field theory, which conceptualises the social world as consisting of social spaces or “fields”, and extensions of his theory, which reveal fields as exerting considerable influence upon one another. The paper argues that “Quality Teacher Programme” texts infer support for more progressive, social democratic approaches to the provision of teacher professional development within the educational policy field, as well as more economistic and neoliberal approaches.

Engaging the poor to challenge corrupt governance

English This article summarizes four popular anti-corruption approaches, including universal legal reform, public-sector reform, social action and democratic participation. It specifically addresses how social workers can engage the poor in challenging corrupt practices, and cites examples where practitioners have been successful at implementing these strategies. French Cet article récapitule quatre approches populaires anti-corruption incluant une réforme légale universelle, une réforme du secteur public, l'action sociale et la participation démocratique. Il s'intéresse spécifiquement à savoir comment les assistants sociaux peuvent encourager les pauvres à défier les pratiques corrompues et cite des exemples dans lesquels les praticiens ont été couronnés de succés pour mettre en oeuvre ces stratégies. Spanish Se resumen cuatro abordamientos populares contra la corrupción: reforma legal universal; reforma del sector público; acción social; participación democrática. Se expone cómo los trabajadores sociales pueden activar a los pobres para la lucha contra la corrupción, y da ejemplos en los que la implementación de tales prácticas se vio coronada por el éxito.

Assessing No Child Left Behind and the Rise of Neoliberal Education Policies

No Child Left Behind and other education reforms promoting high-stakes testing, accountability, and competitive markets continue to receive wide support from politicians and public figures. This support, the author suggests, has been achieved by situating education within neoliberal policies that argue that such reforms are necessary within an increasingly globalized economy, will increase academic achievement, and will close the achievement gap. However, the author offers preliminary data suggesting that the reforms are not achieving their stated goals. Consequently, educators need to question whether neoliberal approaches to education should replace the previously dominant social democratic approaches.