Activism Research Articles

Право на город в столичном ландшафте (Случай парка «Зарядье»)

The concept of the Right to the City, introduced into scientific use by Henri Lefebvre in the late 1960s, is actively used in the study of conflicts between residents and city authorities, as well as between different groups of citizens. However, such studies tend to overlook a special type of city — capitals, where the social demands of local residents oppose the political expectations of the country's population. In this case the debate around the interpretation of space comes to the fore, and here the conflict is transferred from the field of social and political activism to the field of symbols. This problem is especially acute in countries with ambiguous identities, where the capital is aimed to represent geographically and culturally diverse territories. Moscow is one of such capitals. This article, using the example of Moscow Zaryadye Park, examines the conflict of capital city space interpretation and possible ways of resolving it. Drawing on such sources as the projects, created by the participants of the contest to create the architectural concept of the park, analytical materials of “Zaryadye” digest, issued by Moscow Architecture and Urban Planning Committee, as well as Yandex.Wordstat web service statistics, the author shows, that the symbols of the capital and the local can coexist in one landscape. The article demonstrates that Zaryadye Park contains images of the capital that represent national identity. These images are embodied in specific design solutions that provide a balance between the interests of citizens, who perceive this space mainly physically, and the perception of the country’s population, for whom visual images play an important role. According to the author’s conclusion, it is precisely thanks to such objects as Zaryadye Park that it is possible to resolve the conflict around the interpretation of capital city space, which for the population of the country turns out to be political (the space of images), and for citizens — social (the space of functions).

Racial Segregation in a Multiracial Society: Black Exclusion and Spatial Integration in US Municipalities, 1990–2020

ABSTRACTAmerica's municipalities, as political actors, have become the cultural arena for changes in Black social integration and inclusion. Growing racial diversity presumably offers new opportunities for residential inclusion, resulting in less segregation, in an increasingly pluralistic and multiethnic society. This study examines patterns of Black segregation from Whites and non‐Blacks across America's increasingly multiracial municipalities over the last four decades. Our results reveal high, yet steep decline in Black segregation from Whites since 1990, as measured by the index of dissimilarity (D), decreasing from 77 to 64. However, Black–White segregation remains exceptionally high compared to other racial groups. Black segregation from Hispanics has also declined since 1990, but segregation from Asians has changed very little. In metro municipalities, fringe suburbs pose serious challenges for Black integration, suggesting new bastions of segregation. Nonmetro municipalities, particularly county seats, still show higher levels of segregation, reflecting enduring social structures that impede racial mixing. Fixed‐effects models that control for unobserved municipal‐period effects indicate that observed changes in the predictors cannot fully ‘explain’ the differentials in Black segregation or the large downward trend since 1990. Racial inequalities—in income, housing and labour market opportunities—nevertheless continue to reinforce persistent Black municipal segregation from Whites and other non‐Black populations. It remains to be seen whether Black segregation will continue to decline indefinitely in a multiethnic society or evolve in new and unexpected ways as racial diversity penetrates the American landscape.

Assessing the acceptability to general practitioners of the French College of General Medicine’s recommendations on considering patients’ social situations: a Delphi study

BackgroundSocial determinants of health (SDH) impact the health status of individuals around the world. General practitioners (GPs) can take into account the social situation of patients in their care practice....

Gendered exits: The role of parliamentarians, parties and voters in women's departure from the European Parliament

Extensive research explores women's entry into parliament and their political influence. However, reasons for women leaving, particularly in the European Parliament context, remain unclear. This study investigates departure patterns of women European parliamentarians from 2009 to 2019, investigating the role of politicians themselves, national parties, and voters. The study finds less gender differences in parliamentarians’ exit than expected, highlighting national parties’ pivotal role in a women-friendly European setting and the importance of the mediating power of the electoral system. Contrary to expectations, national parties do not disadvantage women during re-selection. Women experience higher re-election probabilities, influenced by parties’ strategies and voter preferences. Also, those women who want to progress to the national political level from the EP are not less likely to succeed in their post-parliamentary career. I conclude that electoral institutions, along with their interaction with political actors, influence women's career paths.

Fighting HIV at the Grassroots: Local Leadership in Prevention Programs

HIV prevention has seen significant advancements through various approaches, yet one of the most impactful strategies is leveraging local leadership in grassroots communities. Local leaders, including health workers, religious figures, and community activists, play a crucial role in shaping attitudes, reducing stigma, and mobilizing resources for HIV prevention. This review highlights the importance of community-driven HIV prevention programs and examines how local leadership fosters trust, promotes safer behaviors, and ensures sustainability in tackling the epidemic. It emphasizes the unique position of grassroots leaders to bridge the gap between formal healthcare systems and underserved communities. The success of grassroots HIV prevention initiatives has been evident in regions such as sub-Saharan Africa and parts of Asia, where community health workers and faith-based leaders have led impactful programs. These leaders are often better equipped to address the specific cultural and social contexts of the populations they serve. By incorporating culturally relevant education, advocacy, and healthcare resources, local leaders effectively reduce barriers to HIV care and prevention. However, the success of such programs is not without challenges, including the persistence of stigma, limited resources, and the need for more formal training for local leaders. Keywords: HIV Prevention, Grassroots Leadership, Community-Based Programs, Local Leadership, Public Health

Abul Kalam Azad and Ethno-Confessional Nationalism: Political Activity and Religious and Philosophical Quest

The purpose of the article is to analyze the political activities and religious and philosophical views of an outstanding figure of the Indian national movement, one of the leaders of the influential Indian National Congress Party, its president during World War II, a staunch Muslim Abul Kalam Azad (1888-1958) in the context of the problem of ethnic and confessional nationalism in India. Azad was an implacable fighter for the unity of India and an opponent of its partition. Together with Jawaharlal Nehru, he was the creator of the theory of Indian nationalism the entire population of Hindustan is one people. Azad believed that large political associations (states) were the most progressive, and humanity, sooner or later, would come to realize its unity. He believed that there were more similarities than differences in different religions, and considered Islam to be a religion of freedom. Using Indian and domestic sources and research, the author characterizes one of the least studied Indian politicians and thinkers in our country, an associate of Mahatma Gandhi, an opponent of the disintegration of the country along religious and confessional lines in 1947.

Competitiveness of Germany's Economic and Political Space

Germany's economic Standort, as a crucial component of the European Union's broader economic and political space, largely shapes its competitiveness. In his September 2024 report on this topic, Mario Draghi gave special, though understandibly insufficient, attention to Germany's role. This article aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the competitive strengths and weaknesses of Germany's economy. The author employs a spatial approach, viewing the German economy as a Standort product, intentionally shaped by the executive and legislative authorities at all levels, in collaboration with key stakeholders from business, academia, education, and active segments of civil society. The author concludes that inefficiencies in the federal government's economic and political activities, including inadequate dialogue with stakeholders, along with structural problems accumulated over recent decades in the national economy, have been major contributors to the decline in Germany's competitiveness. Prospects for reversing this negative trend remain uncertain. Without stronger leadership in Berlin and more effective Standort collaboration, there is a risk that Germany in the medium term.may continue to be the «sick man of Europe».

Transformation of Pacific Regions in the Second Half of the 20th Century – Beginning of the 21st Century

The paper is devoted to transformation of international political regions in the Pacific. In the late 1960s to early 1970s the formation of the Indo-Pacific started as a consequences of US military and political activities and the intensification of bipolar confrontation. But an emphasis on military aspects at the expense of the economic ones as well as US foreign policy planning based on classical, smaller regions, weakened the unity of the Indo-Pacific space. The end of the Cold War and economic growth in East Asia turned Indian Ocen region into a periphery. Then, for 25 years, economic architecture of the Asian-Pacific, rather than its military-political framework, was at the core of US foreign policy interests. India, Japan, and China used the appeared vacuum to shape a common Indo-Pacific space in accordance with their perspectives. All three had economic foundations and military-political superstructures. In the 2010s, the USA reacted to China’s growth and suggested their own politically motivated version of the Indo-Pacific region, based on political-military presence and interaction later solidifying this in official strategies. So, the formation of the Indo-Pacific is related to space-based objective mutual interests and military and politically motivated regions.

May Ayim: To Be Black

The article considers the complexity of the search for identity by the Afro-Germans in the last quarter of the 20th century based on the life path of the prominent teacher, poetess and activist May Ayim. The author presents a number of stages of her literary, scientific and educational activities. And examines the specifics of May Ayim’s self-awareness in the creative direction, studying of legacy and resistance in her poems and essays, as well as the integration of her work into the German-language literary space. Drawing on her literary contributions, political activism, and struggles against racism and discrimination, this article sheds light on Ayim’s impact on the Afro-German community and her enduring legacy in the German literary landscape. The article examines the problems of perception of Afro-Germans in Germany at the turn of 1980-1990, as well as May Ayim’s personal contribution to activist activities in Germany. This research aims to celebrate Ayim’s personal contribution to Afro-German literature and to changing the situation regarding Africans and half-breeds in Germany.

The Position and Political Discourse of Russian Parties in Latvia and Estonia in the New Geopolitical Reality

The study analyses the position and political discourse of Russian parties in Latvia and Estonia in the context of the special military operation in Ukraine. The analysis is conducted along the lines of interaction of Russian parties with one another, as well as with the government, the Russian diaspora and Russia. The empirical basis of the study is the data of the central election commissions of Latvia and Estonia. The speeches of Russian party leaders about the special military operation are also analysed. The main differences in the representation of the ethnic component of the discourse in the preelection programmes were revealed. Based on this, conclusions are drawn about the different degree of ethnic identity of parties as a criterion reflecting the degree of positioning of a political force as a representative of the interests of a national minority. It was recorded that Russian parties are characterised by different rhetoric regarding the conflict in Ukraine. Some parties preferred silence or neutrality, while the largest Russian parties in the 2000s (“Harmony” and the Estonian Centre Party) chose a hostile stance towards the Russian government. This fact together with the low representation of the ethnic component in their programmes was an important factor that significantly reduced their electoral support in regions with Russian population and in the country. At the same time, the process of fragmentation of the Russian electorate is taking place in the countries under consideration due to the growing number of political actors articulating its interests.

The accessibility of religious reasons: an emotion-based account

ABSTRACT In this paper, I argue that the debate on the accessibility of religious reasons, as it exists within the public reason literature, has insufficiently identified what it is that makes a religious reason for political action accessible. I thus explore a new route of analysis, one that takes seriously how religious reasons can be accessed via emotion. Emotions, I claim, are not only a source of justification for believers, but they allow non-religious citizens to feel the force of religious reasons more than they otherwise would.

The crisis of the democratic imaginary: How anti-democratic imaginaries foster democratic malaise

ABSTRACT Scholars have dealt extensively with the crisis of liberal democracy, yet there has been a notable absence in exploring the role that imaginaries might play in intensifying this crisis. This paper suggests they are a crucial, overlooked element for understanding democratic malaise. To start, I argue that the imaginary, with its productive, collective, normative, and pluralistic nature, proves to be a more helpful concept than other potentially similar ones. It helps to explain how liberal democracy can be appreciated as an ideal while being vehemently contested in its institutional and tangible manifestations (e.g. politicians, parties, policymaking), shedding light on both communicative and political issues. This contention arises because three anti-democratic imaginaries challenge democracy: the technocratic imaginary, the neoliberal imaginary, and the anti-political imaginary. The crisis of the democratic imaginary consists of the fact that, although its ideal foundations remain solid, anti-democratic imaginaries hinder democracy’s effective functioning by laying the ground for anti-democratic discourses and making political action increasingly complex from an individual, collective, and institutional perspective. In short, some contemporary imaginaries are harmful to liberal democracies. To reverse the crisis of democracy, acting on common sense and addressing issues stemming from these imaginaries is therefore essential.

Sensemaking and Media Logic of Filipino Environmental Activist Groups in Communicating Climate Science and Action

Climate change is a reality felt across all sectors of society and in many countries. The Philippines, a developing country, has been cited as one of the most vulnerable countries to climate change even though several reports point to developed countries as major contributors of historical greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. With the release of the Sixth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), it was concluded that the global surface temperature will continue to increase and may exceed the 1.5-degree Celsius threshold. This makes climate change the most serious issue among other environmental problems and requires concerted effort from all levels of government, public and private sectors, and civil society. One of the crucial voices in the climate change discussions is the environmental activist groups. Multiple case studies of three mainstream and three grassroots environmental activist groups based in the National Capital Region (NCR) and provinces showed that they consult science and use media to communicate climate action in their online and on-the-ground campaigns. Their understanding of climate science allows them to perform their roles and functions and communicate effectively with other change agents such as the government, scientific community, industry, media, and ordinary citizens. They likewise use social media accounts to meet where their audiences mostly are and produce creative multimedia materials imbued with specific climate action messages. This study proves that environmental activist groups are critical sources of climate change-related messages. They demonstrate high value for research and social media as foundations for their communication strategies. Keywords : climate change, communication strategies, environmental problems, media logic, science communication

Direct and Digital Democracy in the Ideology and Politics of the Five Star Movement

The article analyses the role of direct and e-democracy in the ideology and political practice of the Italian populist party Five Star Movement (M5S). Founded as a party in 2009, Movement stood out among European populists with its pronounced leftgreen agenda aimed at solving local problems of an urban nature. However, an even more remarkable feature of the Five Stars has become an equally clearly noticeable technoutopianism mixed with direct democracy, which argues for the need to expand democratic participation for ordinary citizens through the tools of direct democracy and digital technologies. Based on the study of primary sources (party documents, Beppe Grillo's blog and the official party blog), as well as text media materials, an attempt is made to trace how during two periods of activity of Five Star Movement in 2013–2022 the attitude of the party leaders to the role of direct and electronic democracy in the political activity of Five Stars gradually changed. The article analyses changes in Five Star Movement’s organisational structure and tools of the e-democracy in the course of the development of the party and its institutionalisation into the Italian party-political system. The article concludes that with the process of Five Stars’ incorporation into the political regime, the party has pushed technoutopianism out of its agenda and practice, strengthening party centralisation. Thus, innovative practices in the digitalisation of the political process did not lead to a real expansion of democratic participation, but were subordinated to a party discipline.

The People of Dhimmah and their Political Opposition Activites in the Kurdish Countries in the Abbasid Era (132-334A.H\750-945A.D)

Many religious groups and Kurdish tribes, until the middle of the third century AH / ninth century AD, adhered to their ancient religious beliefs of the Kharami, rich, Christianity and Judaism in the country of the Kurd, and these until that time with their population density constituted most of the Kurdish social fabric, the appearance of their religious culture, and the pillar of their agricultural, pastoral, craft and commercial economy, and thus they were an important and vital part of the Kurdish-Islamic society, and according to these considerations and according to considering Islamic political jurisprudence with great responsibility. However, from one to another, part of them, especially religious groups and influential tribes, carried out opposition political activities and military movements against the Abbasid state. Some of these opposition activities were the resulted from motives Religious-political-historical, it rejected Islam as a religion and authority in principle, and it was on two levels, the level of leadership, religious elites, and the level of the grassroots. At the first level, the motives were in general, maintaining religious influence, social status, economic interests and political aspirations. At the grassroots level, the motives were in general, religious beliefs and feelings, and their commitment to obedience to the tribal leader and the cleric, and in general, it was in one of its forms, an expression of the adherence to part of the Kurds to their old religious identity.While other opposition positions to another section of the dhimmi people in the country of the Kurds, were caused by the arbitrary and harsh decisions of the authority against them, especially the decisions that related to the issue of excess, taxes, tribute, and methods of collecting them, or because of them were arbitrariness, greed and personal greed for some states and leaders in some states of the Kurds, who were forcing people to pay additional percentages of taxes, and exploiting their positions for that and to satisfy their satiation of money and property.This type of opposition and religious movements resulted in orders, including what was immediate and temporary; such as human losses and destruction in the Kurdish areas in which these movements broke out, and the destruction of the economy, in addition to the cultural and civilizational isolation of these groups from their Islamic environment in general, and their Kurdish-Muslim surroundings in particular, and sometimes it was the cause of a clash between the Muslim part of it and the other non-Muslim section, including what was the consequences of the return of the term; them caused the influential Kurdish elites not to reach the center of the administration and decision in the capital of the Caliphate Baghdad, and their stay on the sidelines of events, unlike the Turks, who were able to reach, respectively. To the decision center in Baghdad and control its management, as well as the naive religious feeling was a reason for the ease of containing these religious and tribal groups, by various political theories, and a reason for the waste of their human and economic potential.Religious conflict usually has catastrophic results and its effects are deep and continuous, especially on the weaker side, and the conflict in it is zero, in the sense that each of the parties to the conflict is trying to eliminate its opponent once and for all, so the position of the Abbasid state towards these movements was cruel and violent.

“Taking Action in Community Is Much, Much Preferable to Doing It Alone”: An Examination of Multi-Level Facilitators of and Barriers to Sustained Collective Climate Change Activism Among US Residents

To enact climate mitigation policies, sustained collective activism is essential to create political pressure and prioritize addressing climate change. Climate change activism includes behaviors such as contacting elected officials to urge them to take action on climate change, volunteering, and signing petitions. Climate change activism is often measured as a one-time event, not sustained activism efforts, which are necessary to enact sufficiently impactful policy changes. To examine barriers to and facilitators of sustained climate change activism, 23 in-depth interviews were conducted between August and December 2023 among members of an innovative national climate change-focused organization. Eligibility included being at least 18 years of age, English-speaking, a US resident, and highly engaged in a climate change activism group. Content analysis of interview transcripts was employed, and five themes emerged as barriers, four themes as facilitators, and five themes as both facilitators of and barriers to sustained climate change activism. The study identified strategies to promote the critical behavior of sustained climate change activism, which included fostering a community of climate change activists, clear instructions on how to engage in activism behaviors for all technical abilities, supporting mental health, and creating climate change activism as a habit and identity.

Towards liberation: uncovering the principles of feminist mediation in Mukti magazine

ABSTRACT This paper examines Mukti, a hitherto underappreciated feminist magazine that sought to engage, politicize, and aid organization amongst South Asian women in Britain between 1983 and 1987. Looking at the magazine as an archive of how these women mediated their political demands, activism and understanding of relevant issues to audiences within and outside their communities, it attempts to recover the principles of mediation employed therein and identifies the following as central to and consistent throughout its seven-issue print run: (1) a focus on strengthening communal knowledge production and ties between ‘Asian’ women; (2) prioritizing polyphony and reflexivity so as to enter in dialogue with other ‘black’ feminists in Britain; and (3) participating in a transnational feminist network. Through these, it presents a counters the idea of the magazine as a failed venture and presents a case for re-evaluating the standards according to which the success and effectiveness of print cultures of marginalized communities are measured.

Black Women Filmmakers: Professional Journey, Personal Reflection

From enslavement to the contemporary moment, Black women cultural artists cast long shadows. Ideas of agency, self-determination, and empowerment are rendered tangible and achievable. Vivid examples of these principles necessary for social and political activism---the essence of Black feminism---are eloquently present in the work of Black women filmmakers.

The critical role of civil society in driving institutional accountability for sexual violence in Australian universities

ABSTRACT Sustained civil society activism has played a critical role over the last decade in demanding institutional accountability around how the Australian university sector and Australian governments respond to, and seek to prevent, sexual assault and sexual harassment in university settings. Drawing on social movement theory, this article analyses the multi-pronged strategies and campaigning tactics adopted by student representative bodies, survivor advocates and activist organisations, alongside strategic media interventions, to demonstrate the critical importance of these interventions in heightening awareness, challenging institutional and government inertia and driving substantive institutional and regulatory action in responding to sexual violence in university settings. The discussion will consider the role of these civil society interventions in shifting key institutional actors from episodic management of incidents and inconsistent and ritualistic responses to sexual violence in university settings towards more substantive, systemic approaches—more effectively promoting rights and holding universities, residential colleges and governments to account.

Refugee Precarity and Collective Transformation: Ongoing Struggles for a Liberatory Praxis in Urban South Africa

South Africa is a significant destination for forced migrants fleeing conflict and seeking better futures. Although South Africa is a signatory on international refugee conventions and protocols, in practice, asylum seekers face bureaucratic delays, uncertainty, and obstacles in obtaining refugee status or residency permits, which creates challenges in accessing employment, accommodation, and other forms of social inclusion. In response, many forced migrants network with kin and neighbours, self‐organise, and connect to various migrant associations, faith‐based groups, and supportive social spaces. Within these spaces of migrant solidarity, this article focuses on the transformative potential of refugee‐led collective organisation, political action, alliance building, refugee research, and everyday forms of welcome within forced migrant communities. Through a review of literature alongside examples from our research in Cape Town, the article explores some of the opportunities and obstacles to building solidarity in refugee collective worlds. We refer to this potential for a liberatory praxis as an ongoing struggle. On the one hand, forced migrant precarity, mistrust, and trauma create obstacles to their participation in community organising or engaged academic research. However, while forced migrants experience waiting and exclusion, they also create possibilities of hope through what Gramsci (1971) referred to as “renovating and making critical already existing activities” of their lived experiences. Overall, the article concludes with reflections on how theorising and building deeper alliances with academic and community spaces may generate a more liberatory praxis <em>with</em> and <em>for</em> forced migrants in urban South Africa.