So-called Islamic State Research Articles

Long-lasting effects of post-traumatic stress disorder in Yazidi women living in Northern Iraqi camps

The severity of post-traumatic stress disorder and its long-lasting effects among the Yazidi population has not yet been investigated. ObjectivesThis study evaluated the impact of PTSD severity and chronicity on physiological and anthropometric parameters in women survivors of the genocide-related events after the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) attack in 2014. MethodsThe diagnosis PTSD was assessed using PTSD Checklist for DSM-5 (PCL-5). Participants were divided into: External control (healthy individuals living outside the camps), Internal control (healthy individuals living in the camps), and PTSD group (individuals diagnosed with PTSD). The PTSD group was subdivided according to chronicity <2 years, 2–5 years, and >5 years and subdivided according to PTSD severity into “Moderate”, “Severe” and “Extreme”. Systolic blood pressure (SBP), diastolic blood pressure (DBP), blood oxygen saturation (SPO2) and heart rate (HR) were evaluated. Weight, height and waist circumference were measured. Body mass index (BMI) and waist-to-height ratio (WHtR) were calculated. ResultsThe PTSD group showed significant increases in SBP, DBP, heart rate, BMI, WC, weight, and WHtR compared to the control groups. SPO2 values decreased in the PTSD group. As the disease progressed, there were further increases in SBP, DBP, heart rate, BMI, WC, WHtR, and weight. Similar increases were observed with the severity of the disease. ConclusionOur data indicates that a long-term impact on physiological and anthropometric parameters is present in women diagnosed with PTSD which might be aggravated by the severity and chronicity of the disease.

Activist subtitling narrates liminoid experiences countering ISIS post-Arab Spring—Daya alTaseh and The Bigh daddy Show

This paper examines activist subtitling practices in light of the two sociological concepts of narrativity and liminality. With particular focus on online contemporary activist communities that counter extremism, subtitling is studied as part of the cultural liminoid practices that produce and disseminate alternative narratives challenging the rigid frames of global jihadism. Launched as reactions to the repercussions of the Arab Spring and the establishment of the so-called Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, ضايعة الطاسة Daya alTaseh and ذا بيج دادي شوو The Bigh daddy Show are two activist online media initiatives that spread counter-jihadist narratives in Arabic subtitled in English. The study attempts to investigate the narratives mediated in the subtitles and their reflections of liminality. The subtitling in both initiatives is scrutinised and compared using a two-fold theoretical framework combining the socio-narrative theory in translation studies and theories on activist translation. Guided by this framework, the paper applies a descriptive qualitative analysis to data collected from observations and interviews. The data analysis reveals the distinct liminoid stories of Daya alTasehand The Bigh daddy Show as narrated in the English subtitles, pinpointing the similarities and differences between them. User interaction with both initiatives is also highlighted as a contributor to the development of the subtitling process.

The importance of cultural understanding and practical solutions during the handover of a psychotherapy and psychotraumatology program in Northern Iraq into local hands.

In post war regions, especially in low-income countries, the health care systems often require immediate support. For example, after the terror of the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in 2014, many internally displaced persons took refuge in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI). Those displaced by war have had to face the reality that psychotherapy did not exist as a service in the Kurdish health system. Many projects and Non-Government-Organizations (NGOs) that work in post-conflict regions focus on short term and quick response and/or basic psychological services. The implementation of the "Institute for Psychotherapy and Psychotraumatology" (IPP) at the University of Dohuk, follows a long-term approach. The 3-year-program teaches students to become professional psychotherapists, with respect to evidence-based and culturally adapted methods of psychotherapy. To achieve sustainability, the project is working towards handing over the teaching and organizational responsibilities into local hands. This article highlights the chances and challenges during this transition, as well as the importance of cultural understanding and realistic, practical solutions. An honest reflection on existing cultural challenges, e.g. inflexible hierarchical structures or an "old-fashioned" religious view of homosexuality, can then lead to practical solutions. These include winning over local authorities by including them in the process, culturally adapting to customs with the help of educated locals, demonstrating non-authoritarian forms of leadership, and explicitly promoting newly graduated young lecturers into positions of authority.

Paratexts as gatekeepers in online global jihadist translation – The narrative of a blog-based Arabic translation of Dabiq

Translation has played a pivotal role in disseminating global jihadist propaganda online from the declaration of global jihad in the late 1990s to its recent manifestation in 2014 with the emergence of the so-called Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS). This paper contends that paratextual frames have a significant role in mediating the ideologically charged messages of global jihadist to diverse communities and when contexts change. The article investigates the gatekeeping function of paratexts within a blog-based Arabic translation of ISIS’s English magazine Dabiq (AZIZ8178 2016a). Drawing upon narrativity (Somers &amp; Gibson 1993; Bruner 1991; Baker 2006a), the translations published in a blog, AZIZ8178, are scrutinized to explore the paratextual interventions that frame translated narratives. The results pinpoint a deliberate selection of articles for translation that aligns with the shifting circumstances faced by ISIS on the ground. Moreover, AZIZ8178’s Arabic version of Dabiq is shown to construct a narrative centered on identity, emphasizing internal conflicts and divisions within contemporary Arab communities. It is posited that AZIZ8178’s paratexts familiarize ISIS radical doctrines within the socio-political fabric, potentially inciting fanaticism among the targeted Arabic-speaking audience. The visibility and autonomy of the translator become evident in the paratextual elements of signatures and footnotes, eliciting his jihadist stance.

Criminalizing reprisals against the natural environment

AbstractThroughout history, armed conflicts have frequently seen serious harm committed against the natural environment. From the early 1960s to 1971, the United States used Agent Orange to defoliate large tracts of Vietnamese forests. In the 1990s, Saddam Hussein vengefully ordered the burning of Kuwaiti oil wells, resulting in massive pollution to the air, land and surrounding seas. More recently, ecocentric harm has been documented in the Colombian civil war, by the so-called Islamic State group, and in the Ukraine conflict, among others. Whilst international humanitarian law (IHL) contains several prohibitions against environmental harm, the most striking is Article 55(2) of Additional Protocol I, whereby “[a]ttacks against the natural environment by way of reprisals are prohibited”. Although this provision appears absolute and unconditional, critical questions persist regarding its status under customary international law and its applicability in non-international armed conflicts. Moreover, its criminalization has not been explored in the jurisprudence of international courts or in the relevant scholarly literature, despite the fact that penal sanctions against individuals are an important factor for enforcement of environmental protections.To fill the lacuna, the following analysis examines the prohibition and criminalization of reprisals against the natural environment. It reviews conventional and customary international law to determine the current status of a putative criminal prohibition and its potential as lex ferenda. Importantly, it also assesses the relevance of reprisals against the natural environment for prosecutions under existing war crimes, such as attacks on civilian objects and destruction of enemy property. It generates novel insights for the application of international law to ecocentric harm, including that (1) reprisals against the natural environment are not criminal per se, but (2) conceptualizing the environment as a civilian object opens up clear paths for prosecuting attacks, including reprisals, against it; (3) the inherently intentional nature of reprisals has far-reaching implications for their prosecution; (4) reprisals can significantly impact the pivotal test of military necessity which arises in criminal prohibitions such as that found in Article 8(2)(b)(iv) of the Rome Statute; and (5) situations of reprisals could impact the application of the proposed definition of ecocide.Traversing IHL and international criminal law (ICL), the article identifies ways in which these traditionally anthropocentric bodies of law can be reoriented to accommodate ecocentric values. This reconceptualization is significant, as the prospect of criminal sanctions is critical for deterring potential perpetrators and potentially adds a basis for reparations designed to remediate damage to the environment. The assessment redresses the fact that the natural environment has been seen as a peripheral matter under both IHL and ICL and has remained under-explored despite the ongoing destruction wrought on nature including during armed conflict. It seeks to elevate the environment to a core protected value under these legal regimes, as a reflection of our increasing awareness that the natural environment is critical for the well-being of current and future generations and our growing appreciation of the intrinsic importance of protecting nature.

Do guided mosque tours alleviate the prejudice of non-Muslims against Islam and Muslims? Evidence from a quasi-experimental panel study from Germany

BackgroundAnti-Muslim and anti-Islam attitudes are widespread in contemporary western societies. A grassroots movement of mosques tries to reduce prejudice by organizing guided mosque tours for non-Muslims. While this is an opportunity for intergroup contact in a social psychological sense, contact occurs under sometimes difficult conditions. As yet, its effects have not been investigated empirically.ObjectiveWe examine (a) whether visits have an immediate and medium-term effect on prejudice toward Islam and (b) how they change the visitors’ subjective images of Muslims.Methods(a) We survey N = 324 secondary school students in a three-wave panel study in 6 guided mosque tours in different parts of Germany, including a control sample. The tour programme was in line with common practice in the mosques. Standardized measurements were taken immediately before and after the tour and again several months later. (b) We asked about subjective images of Muslims and had subjects report their spontaneous associations with the term Muslim.Results(a) Most, but not all, mosque visits significantly alleviate anti-Islam prejudice in the short term. The effects fall off after several months. (b) After the visit, the image of Muslims possessed more concrete religious content, while negative and menacing associations, such as oppression of women, threat, or so-called Islamic State have decreased.ConclusionsOutgroup contact in a mosque works as predicted by the intergroup contact research, even under less than optimal conditions. However, there is potential for improvement of the setup of tours in the interest of a more sustainable impact.

Muslim Minority and Jihad: The Cases of Rohingyas and Uyghurs

The minority Uyghurs in Xinjiang province, China, and Rohingyas in Rakhine State, Myanmar are facing civil and violent persecution by authoritarian governments. These minority ethnic groups are also Muslims. As the world watches in condemnation, there is curiously little traction by Islamic jihadist groups in these countries. That is not to say that their influence is absent in the regions: al-Qaeda in South Asia is taking advantage of the Rohingya refugee crisis and the so-called Islamic State was able to attract Uyghurs to their doomed caliphate. Nevertheless, this paper seeks to understand why jihadists failed to make much inroad in these places. It is important that we understand this phenomenon in order to undermine the influence of jihadists in other parts of the world. Using the framework of ethnic minorities living in Dar al-‘Ahd, this paper argues that the governments in China and Myanmar are oppressing a selective group of Muslims and thus making it difficult to build the case that they are at war with Muslims in general. This argument is based on the classical understanding of jihadism, which is to fight against foreign intrusion in Muslim territories, whereas the call to jihad against one’s government is a much recent and controversial innovation. Therefore, despite different types of persecution by the Chinese and Burmese governments, and the different response by the locals, there is a comparable relative absence of jihadist movements explained by the limited repression of specific Muslim minorities.

THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN THE RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM: CASE STUDY OF THE ISLAMIC STATE

In 2014, the unstable political environment in the Middle East provided the opportunity for an extremist jihadist group to establish its own state on the territory of Iraq and Syria – the so-called Islamic State with its society based on the ideology of Islamic extremism. This ideology also clearly defined gender roles for men and women. This paper examines the phenomenon of women’s roles in religious extremism with the aim to analyse gender roles within Islamic extremism by using a case study of the Islamic State and its society and its roles. The analyse of the case study is based on and informed by the definitions of Islamic and religious extremism. The paper concludes that in the early days of the Islamic State, women only had the supportive roles of wives and mothers to raise the next generation of fighters, but in the final phase of the Islamic State, women could take active roles in its defence and become fighters or suicide bombers.

Victims of Transnational Terrorist Organizations Crimes

The publication of a book containing statistics on the victims of terrorism is essential for not only the study and analysis of terrorism and strategies to respond to it, but also for the support of victims of terrorism. One of the goals of initiating such a publication in the West («White and Black Book of Terrorism in Europe») is precisely to propel forward the adoption of a special European law on assistance to victims of terrorism. The paper supports the publication of a similar book in Russia, which itself has been a target for transnational terrorist organizations for many years, primarily the so-called Islamic State (hereinafter referred to as IS, ISIS), banned on the territory of the Russian Federation. The paper contains a description of the victims of the ISIS crimes, and the victims of not only its terrorist attacks, but also other crimes, among which the crime of genocide should be especially noted. The adoption and implementation of programs of psychological and other assistance to victims of terrorism in the states of Western Europe makes it relevant to take support measures in relation to these persons also in Russia. Among such measures is the development and adoption of a federal law on support for victims of terrorism.

No longer the “forgotten victims of armed conflict”: Operational and legal considerations for accountability mechanisms regarding crimes affecting persons with disabilities

AbstractDespite the fact that persons with disabilities comprise, according to current statistics, a significant portion of conflict-affected communities and are disproportionately affected by armed conflict, the lack of inclusion in accountability mechanisms for acts amounting to crimes under international law is notable. The Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) provides a framework for mainstreaming inclusive investigation practices and promoting greater accountability, through application of the principles of autonomy, non-discrimination and accessibility. This article makes suggestions for the operationalization of this CRPD framework through specific recommendations for accountability mechanisms, alongside legal opportunities for recognition of crimes affecting persons with disabilities and crimes resulting in disability. A case study of the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant and persons with disabilities in Iraq is used to illustrate the application of recommendations to ensure that persons with disabilities are no longer the “forgotten victims of armed conflict”.

Chemical Weapon Attacks Amongst the Yezidi Community of the Kurdistan Region of Iraq: Awareness, Knowledge and Resilience

This study explores present-day knowledge of chemical weapon attacks amongst the Yezidi population of the Kurdistan region of Iraq, which remains at risk of attack. The scope of the research covers the Anfal campaigns, the use of chemical weapons during the Syrian civil war, and chemical attacks launched by so-called Islamic State (IS). The authors conducted a series of qualitative interviews (10) and surveys (20), across a wide social sample (gender, age, education, profession) – speaking to victims of chemical weapon attacks as well as those with no experience of them. Information was gathered on public awareness and current security concerns, particularly considering the role of memory. This research may be utilised to enhance access to information, education, and emergency response – in order to increase resilience and preparedness amongst the vulnerable Yezidi community. The authors hope to contribute to the conference objectives to enrich dialogues, improve curricula, and work toward establishing an Early Warning Centre.

Marketing Against Extremism: Identifying and Responding to Moral Disengagement Cues in Islamic State Terrorist Propaganda

This study presents selective moral disengagement as a paradigm for analyzing extremist marketing messages and developing effective countermessages. Selective moral disengagement explicates eight mechanisms common to extremist media content that can influence seemingly ordinary people to support and commit atrocities. Through a qualitative content analysis, the author investigates the use of moral disengagement mechanisms in an online propaganda magazine ( Rumiyah) of the so-called Islamic State (IS) terrorist organization. This article demonstrates the extensive use of the eight moral disengagement mechanisms throughout a variety of genres of IS propaganda articles. In addition, a ninth moral disengagement strategy—humanization of perpetrators—emerged. The analysis reveals internal inconsistencies in IS’s approach to moral disengagement. The author argues that careful consideration of the use of these mechanisms in IS propaganda clarifies the understanding of IS’s marketing strategy and informs countermessaging efforts. Specific countermessaging approaches are proposed for combatting IS given these findings. Further, a roadmap is given for extending the selective moral disengagement analysis paradigm into other extremist marketing contexts, including U.S. domestic terrorism.

Precarious multiplicity: France, ‘foreign fighters’ and the containment of difference

This article investigates the portrayal by French policy-makers of the so-called Islamic State ‘foreign fighters’. I provide an in-depth analysis of the discursive construction of these ‘foreign fighters’ as different and detached from the (French) Self. I do so through a questioning of the notion of multiplicity, revealing how it exists precariously and the consequences this precariousness has on the notion itself. First, multiplicity emerges in ‘strange’ places as identities are being remodelled through new combinations. Second, the coexistence implied by multiplicity needs to be complexified to account for the way it helps preserve but also sometimes erase difference (and thus multiplicity itself). Finally, because of the precariousness of multiplicity, unexpected outcomes can be produced by the encounter with difference (such as the policy of non-repatriation of the ‘foreign fighters’). Overall, multiplicity can be usefully questioned by looking at these instances of instability and doubt. As such, this article shares the concerns expressed by critical scholars that multiplicity recreates problematic distinctions between inside and outside. As a response, my analysis contributes to an understanding of multiplicity as always in the making, revealing how various discursive strategies are used to temporarily and imperfectly stabilise boundaries.

How to Survive as an Armed Non-state Actor? An Assessment of the Syrian Democratic Union Party

This article examines the case of the Syrian Democratic Union Party (Partiya Yekîtiya Demokrat or PYD) to explain the survival strategies of the non-state armed actor (NSAA). Although the Middle Eastern State System remarkably remained stable after the end of Mandates, the legitimacy of states has been eroded by a combination of colonial legacy, neo-patrimonialism, and authoritarianism, laying the seeds for the rise of non-state challengers to states. At the beginning of the Syrian uprising, the PYD did not fight against the Syrian regime but established its autonomy in northern Syria by taking advantage of the chaos. Using the process-tracing method, the article explains the survival of the PYD until the territorial defeat of the so-called Islamic State and offers parameters of the territorial logic, its organizational structuring, and relations with the states to explain the survival strategies of the PYD. Finally, the study concludes that while the territorial and organizational structuring logics of the NSAA shape its strategies, its complex relationship with states determines its survival.

Raqqa, Syria in the Summer of 2017: A Cultural Heritage Site and US-led Coalition Airstrikes

ABSTRACT Throughout the Syrian conflict, Raqqa has suffered untold losses, especially after being claimed as the capital of the so-called Islamic State. Damage to Raqqa's built cultural heritage, a component of the human right to identity and culture, is one small aspect of the city's humanitarian crisis. Raqqa's Abbasid-era wall encircling the city's historic core, a UNESCO tentative world heritage site, was the frontline in the battle for the city in the summer of 2017. This paper seeks to establish the extent of visible United States (US)-led Coalition airstrike damage to Raqqa's historic city wall through a time-series analysis of commercially available high-resolution satellite imagery. Much has been published on damage to cultural heritage in Syria, yet little has focused on damage specifically caused by US-led Coalition airstrikes. When compared with other parts of Raqqa, this paper assesses that the city wall did not suffer the same degree of airstrike damage as did its surroundings, suggesting that effort was made by the US-led Coalition to minimize damage to this heritage site. This paper considers international treaty obligations under the 1954 Hague Convention and recent US policy shifts in light of the results of this assessment.

Ein Ensemble ungewöhnlicher Reliefs im Militärpalast von Ninive

Abstract Out of the looting tunnels on Tell Nebi Yunus at Nineveh, which were dug into the ruins of the Late Assyrian military palace by henchmen of the so-called Islamic State, there came, amongst other objects, relief panels featuring anthropomorphic representations. These figures, shown in frontal view, are unusual when compared to the wider repertoire of Assyrian images known from the royal palaces on Kuyunjik. The decoration and context of these stone slabs raise questions regarding their function.

Jihadi Audiovisuality and Its Entanglements: Meanings, Aesthetics, Appropriations

Jihadi Audiovisuality and Its Entanglements: Meanings, Aesthetics, Appropriations

Securitization across borders – commonalities and contradictions in European and Arab counterterrorism discourses

ABSTRACT As securitization often involves transnational issues, we need a better understanding of how such securitization processes mutually reinforce or contradict each other. Differences in political systems and political cultures increase the risk that audience reactions as well as routinizations run counter the interests informing the initial securitizing move. In the case of relations between European and Arab countries, the overlap and tensions associated with different political calculi behind such transnational processes are particularly relevant in terms of the fallout, which the securitization of the so-called Islamic State’s terrorism produces for political reform in the Arab world as well as for political discourses on Islam and Islamism in Europe.

Political mobilization and its impact on voter turnout: A survey experiment in Iraq

This article clarifies how political mobilization affects voter turnout in a post-conflict society by analyzing the Iraqi case using survey data. Voter turnout was high in post-war Iraq. However, the voter turnout in the fourth election, held in May 2018, declined by 20 percentage points from the previous one in 2014, mainly because of widespread political distrust due to corruption among political elites and their embezzlement of public funds, neglect of the people, and the breakdown of social services after the intensive operation against the so-called Islamic State (IS). Political mobilization during electoral campaigns usually encourages voters to go to polling stations. Notwithstanding, amid widespread political distrust in a post-conflict society, how does political mobilization affect voters’ behavior in elections? To answer this research question, we conducted a survey experiment during the 2018 electoral campaign to scrutinize the effects of political mobilization on voters in Iraq. Through quantitative analysis of the survey data, we demonstrated that voters are more likely to refrain from visiting polling stations if they are mobilized by political parties during a campaign. Thus, political mobilization discourages voters from participating in elections when there is extensive political distrust.

The lock pickers, the gatekeepers, and the non-grievables: a case study of youth workers’ roles in preventing violent extremism

ABSTRACT In the prevention of violent extremism (PVE), various so-called soft interventions have been introduced, suggesting that teachers, social workers, and youth workers play key roles in detecting and responding to early signs of radicalization leading to violent extremism. Research has been conducted on how these interventions are being implemented and whether or not they may contribute to the securitization of welfare work. In this case study, eleven youth workers and their three managers were interviewed about their experiences of engaging in PVE work. They all worked in a neighbourhood in Gothenburg, Sweden, which was one of the earliest and most affected areas in Europe for recruitment to what was to become the so-called Islamic State (IS). The study focuses on their recollection of how they were informed about the on-going radicalization to violent extremism at the time, what actions they took, and how they were prepared for conducting PVE work. Some of the youth workers noticed signs of radicalization to violent extremism early in 2013, but they worked on short-term contracts and were not in a position to pass on the information to higher authorities. A better organized Gothenburg city could have started its PVE work two years earlier, rather than in 2015.