art of minority government is engineering defeat on the most favourable (1) Canada's politics, consistent with Britain's history under the same plurality electoral system (known as first-past-the-post, or FPP), considers majority governments to be the norm. The largest party in the House of Commons usually has more than half the members of Parliament (MPs). Through the quarter-century between 1980 and 2004, Canadians elected six consecutive majorities. Since Canada's voters reduced Liberal Prime Minister Paul Martin to a minority position in 2004, and then replaced him in 2006 with a minority under a right-wing Calgary economist, Conservative Stephen Harper, Canadians once again have had to deal with minority situations. (2) The seven post--Second World War minorities before Harper's lasted less than two years on average; they took up barely twelve years of the six postwar decades. In Canada's majority-oriented plurality electoral system, the parties, the public, and the media perceive minorities, and expect them to operate, as fragile constructs, capable of providing a short bridge between majorities but otherwise untrustworthy as governing instruments. (3) This self-fulfilling prophecy should not surprise us. The influence of electoral systems on party systems, electoral outcomes, governing styles, and political cultures is well attested in the literature on Western democracies. (4) Indeed, most European and other countries with proportional electoral systems regard at least one minority or coalition government model as normal. In this article, I do the following: * Assess and attempt to explain how and why Canadians operate under minorities, using Harper as the current case study. * Review proportional systems' performance, especially given that some Canadian provinces are considering a shift to New Zealand--style mixed-member proportional elections. * Consider Ontario's unusual two-party in its 1985-1987 FPP minority government. * Identify and weigh the strengths and weaknesses of the Canadian approach to minority government. * Argue that Prime Minister Harper, although he evidently covets a majority and wishes to trigger an election as soon as he thinks he can secure one, derives advantages from his minority position, and from the plurality electoral system itself. Harper might further his cause better in his FPP minority than with a majority or in a different electoral system; moreover, the circumstances of his minority afford him an opportunity, which he has been exploiting, to effect far-reaching changes to Ottawa's domestic and foreign policies. Minority and Coalition Politics under Proportional Representation Minority and coalition governments are common and often enduring outside plurality electoral systems. Under proportional representation (PR), large parties and one or more small parties negotiate coalition and support pacts. As European political scientists observe, they sometimes maintain long-term formal nexuses. According to Michael Gallagher et al., small European parties eagerly negotiate agreements with large parties in return for policy concessions. The smaller parties effectively exist for this very purpose. They harbor no ambitions or illusions that would make them aspire to lead the government themselves or to maneuver to attain that position. (5) Jorg Steiner and Markus Crepaz use the term contract parliamentarism for the post-election inter-party bargaining that regulates governing and support parties' roles and functions. (6) Under parliamentarism, a country's parties employ their understood decision rules, or rules of the game, to secure coalition or minority agreements that often survive for a full parliamentary term. (7) Gallagher et al. point out that the small parties in coalition or minority pacts usually do not repudiate such an agreement, potentially forcing an early election, so long as the government honors the agreement's terms. …
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Dec 31, 2011
Alfred C Aman, Jr 
Open Access