Situation In Syria Research Articles

:Heritage in Conflict: Proceedings of Two Meetings: “Marburg, Germany, 24–25 July Heritage in Conflict: A Review of the Situation in Syria and Iraq,” Workshop Held at the 63rd Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale 2017, and “Syria: Ancient History - Modern Conflict” Symposi

:<i>Heritage in Conflict: Proceedings of Two Meetings: “Marburg, Germany, 24–25 July Heritage in Conflict: A Review of the Situation in Syria and Iraq,” Workshop Held at the 63rd Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale 2017, and “Syria: Ancient History - Modern Conflict” Symposi</i>

Подход Австрии к урегулированию конфликта в Сирии

Since the early 1990s, the Republic of Austria has consistently expanded the geographical and instrumental scope of its military-political agenda. One of the key directions of this course has been the country’s participation in the resolution of the crisis in the Syrian Arab Republic during the 2010s. This article examines the evolution of Austria’s approach to stabilizing the situation in Syria from 2011 to the early 2020s. The author highlights the crucial determinants that influenced the country’s support for measures against the legitimate government of Bashar al-Assad between 2011 and 2014. The main reasons for the shift in this policy in the mid-2010s are reflected, with particular emphasis on the factor of the intensification of international terrorism and the role of the Russian Federation in combating it. The article presents Austria’s diplomatic efforts to navigate its position and that of the European Union as a whole, aiming to prevent their marginalization in the Syrian resolution process by the end of the 2010s.

Twenty - day Border Conflict in the No Man's Land

Due to the civil war in Syria, many Syrians have fled conflict areas in search of safety in other countries, resulting in a severe migratory problem. The situation in Syria grew increasingly complicated post-civil war due to the involvement of global powers and radical Islamist factions. In a significant incident, forces of the Assad regime launched an attack on Turkish soldiers in Idlib, resulting in the death of nine Turkish military personnel on February 27, 2020. The following day, Turkey announced its decision to open its borders to refugees heading to Europe, reversing its previous policy of border closure since 2016. This move is interpreted as Turkey's strategy to increase pressure on NATO and the European Union regarding the situation in Iblid and the demand for a no-fly zone. This paper focuses on analyzing the repercussions of the EU-Turkey Joint Action Plan and its implementation, the escalation of tensions leading to the opening of the Turkish border, and the potential use of Syrian refugees as pawns in a political standoff.

Факторы, влияющие на образовательную миграцию сирийской молодежи

This article is a study of the factors influencing the educational migration of Syrian youth. Given the difficult socio-political situation in Syria, young people face a variety of challenges that affect their decision to explore educational opportunities outside the country. Key factors such as political instability, economic difficulties, quality of education, access to educational resources, societal and cultural aspects are analyzed. The results of the study will help to better understand the dynamics of educational migration among Syrian youth, and provide a basis for developing strategies and support programs to ensure access to quality education in the context of migration and integration into new educational environments. The authors provide forecasts and recommenda-tions based on the results of the study in order to better understand the dynamics of educational migration among Syrian youth and develop support strategies aimed at ensuring access to quality education in conditions of migration and successful integration into new educational environments.

The american factor in the activities of the modern syrian political opposition

The difficult situation in Syria creates conditions for maintaining the activity of the political opposition, whose activities are considered in the context of its coordination by the leading states (Russia, the United States, Turkey and Qatar), ensuring their own national interests. As the participants of the Syrian political process come to a compromise, the opposition forces under their control will reduce their activity and political influence. Washington's national interests preclude reaching agreements with other interested states, primarily on the issue of the political status of territories uncontrolled by Damascus. It is predicted that with the loss of the protectorate of the patron states, the current main Syrian opposition movements will direct the vector of cooperation towards the United States or cease to exist.

The Problem of the “Shiʻa Crescent” in the Middle East: A Quantitative Analysis

The relevance of this research is due to the unabated interest of the international community in the struggle for regional leadership between Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), which has unfolded in the Middle East for a number of years. The growing concerns of the KSA and its geopolitical allies, the United States and the small Arabian monarchies, related to the increasing influence of Iran on the military-political situation in Syria and Iraq, have raised in international discourse the question of the reality or impossibility of creating the so-called “Shiʻa crescent” under the auspices of Tehran. The idea is to unite the states of the Middle East, in which Shiʻa Muslims constitute the vast majority or a significant minority of the population, which would ensure Iran’s decisive victory in the race for dominance in the region. However, until now, the question of a quantitative assessment of the real resources of the states included in the “Shiʻa crescent” has so far remained out of researchers’ sight. In this regard, the aim of this article is to prove the absence of economic and military-political prerequisites for the formation of the “Shiʻa crescent” by using the method of quantitative indicators from databases, rankings and indices and a network analysis of conventional arms supplies within the “Sunni” and “Shiʻa” blocs. The databases of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Doing Business, Human Capital, Global Firepower, Global Terrorism, and Global Peace rankings, as well as World Bank statistical reports served as an empirical basis for the research. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was constructive realism, which takes into account both quantitative indicators and the ideological and value attitudes of the state in the analysis of international relations. The study showed that the “Shiʻa crescent” is a purely propaganda construct, and cannot become a real interstate association.

Socio-Political Factors of the Military Conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic

The article "Socio-political factors of the military conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic" examines the main factors influencing the conflict in Syria. The study is based on the analysis of statistical data and the results of a survey conducted in Syria. The article shows that the military conflict in Syria is caused by political instability, economic problems and disagreements between various political groups. In addition, ethical and religious differences and the influence of external forces on the situation in the country are also important factors in the conflict. The findings of the study emphasize the need to continue work to resolve the conflict in Syria through political dialogue and peaceful negotiations between the parties, as well as creating conditions for political stability, justice and economic well-being for all segments of the population. The military conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic has many causes and factors that interact with each other and strengthen the situation in the country. Political instability and divisions between different political groups, the presence of economic problems and injustices, ethical and religious differences and the influence of external forces on the situation in the country - all these factors contribute to the aggravation of the conflict. However, despite the complexity of the situation in Syria, there are chances to resolve the conflict through political dialogue and peaceful negotiations between the parties. To do this, it is necessary to eliminate the roots of the conflict, to ensure political stability, justice and economic well-being for all segments of the population. Thus, it is important to continue research on the socio-political factors of the military conflict in Syria and work on creating conditions for a peaceful resolution of the conflict, which will ensure the security and well-being of the inhabitants of this country.

Mental distress links with physical activities, sedentary lifestyle, social support, and sleep problems: A Syrian population cross-sectional study.

Mental diseases are very widespread and difficult to treat, affecting around 12% of the global population in 2019. Since social interaction is crucial to human existence and loneliness has been proven to be a significant predictor of depressive symptoms, it stands to reason that social connection problems would also contribute to depression. Physical inactivity seems to weaken and aggravate insulin tolerance alterations, glucose homeostasis, and plasma triglyceride levels, thereby influencing one's mood and happiness. This suggests that physical inactivity may be a significant risk factor for mental illness. This research contributes to our understanding of the mental health situation in Syria by exploring associations between a set of measurable characteristics that may be adjusted. An online quantitative cross-sectional study was conducted between March and April 2022 in Syria, using a structured questionnaire that assesses data on behaviors of health, health in general, wellbeing, and adult population quality of life. Among 1,224 respondents (371 men and 853 women), women have shown higher levels of mental distress, sleep issues, low engagement in structured activities, and a difficult work environment than men. Women experiencing mental anguish have reported being more sedentary, participating in less scheduled activities, and receiving less social support. There are observable connections between high sedentary time and women experiencing mental distress. The mental health of Syrian women in distress was associated with a lack of participation in both organized activities and physical exercise in their free time. Furthermore, sleep issues and financial troubles were seen in persons with mental diseases of both males and females.

The Integration between Building Information Modelling and Scrumban. Case Study: FD3 Commercial Building in Damascus

Construction Project Management is one of the most significant processes that require meticulous organization and coordination to ensure the successful project implementation, meeting various criteria. Currently, the need for using modern technologies and methodologies became of utter necessity, in particular with the sophisticated advancements in technology and the emergence of the contemporary project management methodologies. This should be done to achieve the best results when implementing such projects Existing literature underscores the importance of Agile project management in projects. This is due to its effectiveness in achieving the project deliverables. Agile project management proved to reduce rework and provide assistance in dealing with possible changes that might have an influence on the project progress in the future. This is particularly evident in the current situation in Syria, where a company would take responsibility of the rework costs due to various unexpected uncertainties or risks, resulting in stopping the work on ongoing projects. Rework is considered of the most noticeable problems in the construction industry in Syria, and as a result, the industry is losing efficiency and effectiveness. All such hardships urged the need for more sophisticated methodologies and technologies, such as Building Information Modelling (BIM), where BIM proved to be time-, quality-, and cost-effective. This study sheds the light on the application of the Scrumban methodology, the most recent Agile project management methodology, and its integration with the BIM environment in the execution phase in construction projects. This research was based on the experimental research methodology, in addition to exploring the existing literature to provide final results supported by previous experience and the application section to reach optimal recommendations to apply Scrumban in BIM-Based construction projects in Syria in the light of the current practices.

Demographic Aspects of Syria&amp;apos;s Socio-economic Recovery

The demographic aspects of countries and regions today is an important factor in their not only social, but also economic development and position in the world. Demographic trends are especially important for a state in whose territory, as in the Syrian People&amp;apos;s Republic (SAR), a military conflict continues, largely related to external intervention. Until 2011, i.e. before the outbreak of the military conflict, Syria remained one of the most economically developed countries in the West Asia region. But the result of the military conflict was numerous and serious demographic and socio-economic losses. Therefore, the author substantiates the point of view that among the most important tasks of the state remains the speedy restoration of not only the socio-economic sphere, but also positive demographic processes. The purpose of the article is to analyze the demographic situation in Syria in the XXI century, to identify the factors that influenced its formation and new trends and processes, their interrelation and interdependence. The research was carried out on the basis of statistical data provided by international organizations, primarily UNCTAD, for the period from 2000 to 2021, as well as on the basis of the analysis of available domestic and foreign scientific literature on the subject under consideration. The study showed that along with the growth of the share of the population of the SAR in regional indicators, the country retains significant specifics. The author notes, first of all, the preservation of relatively high birth rates of the population, a relatively low level of urbanization.

The state and prospects of Russian-Israeli relations

Relations between our country and Israel have generally developed in a positive way throughout the modern history of Russia: both parties got used to take into consideration each other's positions, observe so-called “red lines” and the interests of the partner. Today, against the background of the events in the Ukraine and the anti-Russian campaign launched by the West, to which the Israeli leaders have partly joined, the Russian-Israeli relations have entered a period of crisis, which threatens the future of multi-format bilateral cooperation. Several factors aff ect the state of the Russian-Israeli relations: the Iranian nuclear program and the situation in Syria, the Middle East settlement, as well as issues of Russian property in Israel, above all the status of the Alexander Compound. Washington's desire to draw Israel into the confrontation with Russia by all means including the problems that have arisen due to the events in the Ukraine, has become a catalyst for the process of degradation of bilateral relations. This situation can be reversed if Israel shows greater political fl exibility and will in resisting the pressure by American administration, which is interested in undermining the established ties between Tel Aviv and Moscow, and trust between the leaders of the countries. The Israeli establishment should make a revision of the current policy towards Russia, work out in advance all the consequences of the deterioration of bilateral relations, as it will cause a negative effect for the whole Middle East considering the weight of Russia in the region as also in a global dimension. If maintained, the current course of the Israeli authorities will inevitably lead to a complication of the internal political situation in Israel itself in view of almost 2 million of so-called "Russian Israelis" referred to immigrants from our country and other former Soviet republics, who appreciate the decisive role of the USSR and the Red Army in the Victory over Nazism as well as the common memory of the Holocaust tragedy.

Features of Armed Conflict Resolution in Asia and Africa from the Late 2010s through the Early 2020s.

Against the backdrop of the development of the modern cold wars, the problem of resolving regional armed conflicts remains highly topical. The authors of this article aim to identify patterns in the development of outbreaks of organized violence and counteracting them in modern conditions using the example of the situation in northern Africa and the Middle East. Methodologically, this publication is an attempt to update a number of theoretical provisions of conflictology with account for newly emerging realities. Particular attention is paid to the trend of nationalizing conflict resolution, that is, its management by the authorities and security forces of the country of origin of the conflict. This process, with the identification of common and distinctive patterns, is analyzed by the example of the situation in Syria, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Afghanistan. The question is raised about the practical relationship between the development of armed conflicts and confrontations with the participation of the Euro-Atlantic community and Russia and the United States, a group of its partner states, and China. Conclusions are formulated about possible ways to overcome outbreaks of organized violence, including with the participation of external forces, in the realities of the newly emerging world order.

Inter-Arab Relations and Perspective of the Syrian Reconciliation: Historical and Political Dimensions

The article studies main developments in Inter-Arab relations and its eventual implications on the Syrian crisis. The author pays special attention to the historical preconditions of Arab’s interaction in the 20th century, focusing on its actual political, ethnic, ideological, regional dimensions that formed security and political environment for the Syrian Reconciliation. The author studies current situation in Syria in view of abilities to peacefully resolve the conflict by political instruments rather than military options. Main attention is paid to Arab’s politics towards Syrian conflict and its ability to emerge Damascus from political isolation and support Syrian reconciliation processes. Political steps and tendencies of major regional and international players in the Syrian crisis are analyzed with regards of some differences among Arab states. The author supposes and demonstrates that the further developments depend on the way Arab states interact with Russia, Turkey, and Iran in the field of Syrian crisis to provide transformation of their previous agreements on the security system in Syria. The author believes that despite all the complexity of this crisis and specific of Inter-Arab relations peace in Syria is quite possible. A lot depends on political will and the readiness for mutual compromises between key internal and external actors in the Syrian crisis.

The Brazilian Position in the United Nations on the Situation in Syria (2011)

This article aims to analyze the Brazilian position in the United Nations (UN) in the discussions on the situation in Syria in 2011 (year in which the Syrian conflict erupted, and Brazil occupied a non-permanent seat on the Security Council) in light of Dilma Rousseff’s foreign policy. Looking forward to understanding positions that may initially seem incoherent, we seek to answer the following question: How do Brazil’s votes at the UN on the Syrian situation relate to Rousseff’s foreign policy? In order to do so, we first analyze the main guidelines of Dilma Rousseff government’s foreign policy, and then Brazil’s votes in the UN concerning Syria throughout 2011, finally attempting to demonstrate how these to axes connect.

The Hospitaller Background of the Teutonic Order

This article examines the foundation in 1190/1191 of a German field hospital outside the walls of Acre during its siege by the Christians studied against a background of Hospitaller affairs in Jerusalem before its loss in 1187. The article relies on contemporary texts rather than the myths which rapidly appeared, while documents issued by the papal chancery suggest misunderstandings of the situation in Syria. The field hospital was the creation of Germans arriving at Acre by sea and overland but its later development inside the walls was, at least partly, conditioned by the long-term mistrust and strife between Romance-speaking and Germanic parties in Jerusalem where the Germans established, at some distance from the main Hospitaller compound, a separate church and hospital dedicated to Santa Maria Alamannorum. In 1143 the pope adjudicated that the Germans were to be subject to the Hospital but were to be administered by Germans speaking German to those for whom they cared. By 1187 there were Hospitaller brethren and possessions in German lands but Santa Maria Alamannorum seems not to have had its own members or properties there. Those Germans at Acre in 1190/1191 would have known about their Jerusalem hospital but would not have sought an institutional link with it because that would have recognized Hospitaller claims to control them. In 1187 the Hospitaller Master and many brethren were killed and their Jerusalem headquarters was lost; no new Master was elected for some time and control passed to a succession of evidently disoriented senior officers. A new Master Garnier de Nablus reached Acre in June 1191 but by then the Hospitallers' rift with the Germans had hardened. and the Teutonic foundation in Acre successfully maintained its independence. How far the Hospitallers’ mismanagement of the situation eventually limited or impoverished their own order's future in German lands remains incalculable.

РОССИЙСКО-ТУРЕЦКОЕ ВОЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОЕ СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВО В СОВРЕМЕННУЮ ЭПОХУ

Russian-Turkish military-political cooperation is expressed in the provision of military assistance to the Middle East from Russia and Turkey. Joint military cooperation between the two powers in resolving the situation in Syria also took place. The purchase by Turkey of the Russian S-400 Triumph anti-aircraft missile system contributed to the discontent of the leadership of NATO and the NATO countries, including over the purchase by Turkey of the S-400 air defense system. Opinions of Western and Russian experts on the deployment of the Russian military S-400 system in Turkey differ. The imposition of US sanctions against the Republic of Turkey demonstrates NATO's commitment to double standards. The acquisition of the S-400 anti-aircraft missile system is associated with the need to protect the airspace of Turkey from terrorist attacks, as well as with Turkey's desire to create its own national military missile system. The sharp reaction of the United States and NATO to Turkey's purchase of an anti-aircraft missile system from China ended with a ban on the import of fifth-generation F-35 fighters into Turkey. All this contributes to strengthening the military power of the Turkish army in the fight against terrorism, since the effectiveness of the S-400 missile system in the modern world is known. The steps taken by Turkey in the geopolitical world, including the beginning of close military cooperation between Russia and Turkey in the Middle East, speaks of the disagreement between Turkey and Russia with the unipolarity of the world. The attempts at rapprochement between Russia and Turkey since the times of the Russian and Ottoman empires and the attempt at rapprochement between the two powers in the 20th century speaks of the independent foreign policy of Russia and Turkey.

THE NATURE OF THE ENGAGEMENT OF THE UNITED STATES IN THE SYRIAN CRISIS: A THEMATIC ANALYSIS

The complications of the Syrian crisis that has extended over six years are overseen on three distinct levels which are national, topographical, and global. A closer look at the situation in Syria in 2010/2011 will help explain why the regime has survived, the complexities of the situation in Syria, and what makes the search for a stable political settlement so difficult. The purpose of the present study is to highlight the nature of US engagement in the Syrian crisis which involves maintaining the US military presence for regional stability, ensuring the enduring defeat of ISIS, countering the future expansion of the Iranian influence and political settlement to the conflict, containing the Assad’s regime in the interim. By outlining various threats, issues, assessing the Syrian conflict and its key actors, this paper seeks to explain the US response to the Syrian crisis on basis of thematic analysis. In conclusion, the United States' foreign policy has continued in a region vital to its national security interests due to available oil, its impetus to protect Israel, to support security by retaining military bases, to preserve the position of the protectorate of client states, and friendly regimes, and to resist Islamic movements and terrorism.

Інтернаціоналізація громадянської війни в Сирії (регіональний вимір)

Syrian civil war that started in 2011 is characterized by an extremely high degree of internationalization. The country has become the focus for the different actors in the world and regional politics, as separate states and international governmental and nongovernmental organizations. In this sense neighboring (regional) countries, whose own security and stability directly depends on the situation in Syria, show the greatest interest and activity. The Syria’s civil war is seen as an internationalized intrastate conflict – an armed conflict between a government and a non-government party where the government side, the opposing side, or both sides, receive troop support from other governments that actively participate in the conflict. This article focuses on the interventions of regional actors in the conflict, especially the most powerful regional states (Iran, Turkey, Saudi Arabia). The intervention of regional powers in the Syria’s civil war can be explained by the combination of realist and constructivist approaches. In such an insecure region, all major states seek to maximize their power, famously creating a security dilemma, in which all end up less secure. Against this insecurity, all states “power balance”, in particular by forming alliances against shared threats. The inter-state rivalry for leadership of supra-state communities is endemic, expressed in recurring “cold wars”, in which stronger states deploy ideology and identity discourses to gain allies and subvert rival governments in the search for regional hegemony. Syria became a battleground in «proxy war», in which the warring parties actually serve the interests of their external patrons, who are fighting for regional leadership. Largely as a result of the internationalization of the conflict, Syria became a typical «fragile state» that will produce problems for a long time to come, even when the fighting finally stops: regional instability, refugees problem, criminal activities and extremism. Notwithstanding the Assad regime’s survival and clear victory in the civil war, the main regional interveners’ (Iran and Turkey) interference in Syria will continue, because threats to its national security and regional influence have not been completely eliminated.

Ближневосточные конфликты: вероятность обострения в контексте общей нестабильности в регионе в 2020-е годы

The article analyses Middle Eastern conflicts in the early 2020s. The main focus is on the situation in Syria, Libya, and Yemen, three Middle Eastern conflicts that are progressing, with no solution in sight. These conflicts motivated by social, economic and political reasons became a progression of those protests that have started in 2011 and have been called “The Arab Spring”. These “revolutions” have been promoted by Islamist movements and groups whose activity became one of key factors of perpetual tensions in the region. So far, attempts by conflict parties to find consensual solutions have remained rather unsuccessful. Positive resolution of actual and potential conflicts in the Greater Middle East to a significant extent still depends on external regional and non-regional actors, such as Russia, Turkey, Iran, and the United States. However, each actor involved in these conflicts and in conflict management pursues its own goals. These actors try to retain their positions and influence in these Middle Eastern countries and in the region as a whole. According to the forecast made in the article, more conflicts in the region may be foreseen (in Iraq, the Persian Gulf states etc.) that could form the next wave of the “Arab Spring”.

COVID-19 AND CIVIL WARS IN THE ARAB WORLD: THE CASES OF SYRIA, LIBYA AND YEMEN

The post-Arab Spring period witnessed the outbreak of devastating civil wars in Syria, Libya and Yemen. These wars had many disastrous impacts on these countries, which threatened their existence as political entities. The Covid-19 pandemic exacerbated the problems facing these countries, especially in light of the collapse of their infrastructure and health care systems. In spite of this, the pandemic and its consequences did not mitigate these civil wars. In this context, this article aims to answer the following question: Why do civil wars continue in the Arab world, despite the Covid-19 pandemic and its disastrous consequences? In other words, why didn't the pandemic create a new dynamic that pushes for the settlement of the civil wars in Syria, Libya and Yemen? The article provides five reasons to explain this phenomenon. First, the worsening situation in Syria, Libya, and Yemen before the emergence of the Covid-19 pandemic, due to civil wars in these countries turning into protracted conflicts. Second, the nature of the civil wars as proxy wars, due to the large number of regional and international actors that have been involved in each of them. Third, the expansion of war economies in these countries; this phenomenon feeds civil conflict and sustains it. Fourth, the disintegration of the nation state in Syria, Libya, and Yemen, due to the absence of a strong central government, and the multiplicity of actors that control the state's territory. Fifth, the inefficiency of the means to peacefully settle Arab civil wars, mainly through the political efforts of the United Nations.