Situation In Chechnya Research Articles

Aspects of preserving cultural diversity in modern conditions

The paper addresses the issues of preserving cultural diversity on the example of the Chechen Republic. Cultural values play an important role in the development of education, science, cultural life of peoples and cooperation, so each state strives to preserve these values for future generations. Representatives of more than 190 peoples live in the Russian Federation; hence, preservation of cultural diversity is one of the priorities of the state cultural policy. In modern conditions, the cultural diversity of civil nations is increasing, and the peoples are seeking more and more means, including political and legal ones, to preserve and develop their integrity and cultural image. One of the main factors that indicates the state of the ethnopolitical situation and the nature of interethnic relations is the balance of ethnic forces. Owing to stabilization of the socio-political situation in Chechnya, the need for revival of multi-ethnicity as the most important factor and condition for the republic development is a priority. Chechen society includes more than 40 peoples and nationalities. There are 11 national cultural centers and 6 national cultural autonomies in the Chechen Republic. Members of these organizations are actively involved in the public life of the region, promoting traditions and culture of their ethnic group. Modern nations are culturally, religiously and politically more pluralistic than traditional communities that have maintained their unity through fundamental traditions in culture or religion. The ethnocultural policy pursued in the Chechen Republic provides the conditions for representatives of ethnic communities to satisfy their national and cultural needs, and to preserve their religious and national identities.

Особенности воплощения образа врага в игровом кино современной России

The article deals with the analysis of game films and TV series about local conflicts near the borders of Russia during the last 20 years, in the context of the transformation of the image of the enemy. If in the 2000s, due to the release of a large number of films about the situation in Chechnya, along with Chechen militants, the source of the threat were Islamists, leaders of international terrorism, in the last decade in Russian cinema, the tendency to show the action of the United States and NATO as aggressive, using the methods of information warfare. «Internal enemies», embodied in films about the Chechen conflict, in the 2010 are shown on screens less often, which indicates the desire to show the Russian society as a consolidated one. It is emphasized that the actions of the Russian leadership in the 1990s are opposed to the course adopted with the coming to power of the new President.

Bey-Bulat Taymiev as an outstanding military and political figure of Chechnya in the first quarter of the XIX century

This paper analyzes the political and military situation prevailing in Chechnya at the end of XVIII - the first quarter of the XIX century. The authors note that the crisis of the military-political situation in Chechnya occurred after a number of regions and countries of the Caucasus joined Russia in the early XIX century. The establishment of effective control over the unconquered mountain people converted from a purely border problem into a strategic task for the tsarism. This task was given to General A.P. Yermolov who paid all his attention to the left wing (which included Chechnya) of the Caucasian line and Chechnya became a priority of his policy. A.P. Yermolov immediately began to carry out a rigid policy towards the mountaineers, the aim of frequent punitive expeditions was to intimidate the Chechens. A.P. Yermolovs policy gradually led to the consolidation of different Chechen communities, primarily divided into clans and tribes. This rigid policy of the Caucasian Chechen governor in 1825 raised uprising. Bay-Bulat Taymiev headed this movement. In this connection the paper also explores the uprising of Bay-Bulat Taymiev in 1825-1826, the causes and nature of the movement of mountaineers, analyzes the causes of the defeat and the result of the uprising. The authors assess the role and significance of Bay-Bulat Taymiev in the history of Chechnya.

SPECIFICS OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL-ECONOMIC ADVANCEMENT OF THE CHECHEN - INGUSH ASSR FROM 1985 to 1991

The paper considered the issues associated with drastic changes in the political and social-economic domains of the Chechen-Ingush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Repub-lic in 1985 to 1991. The study examined the factors giving rise to informal public and political movement groups. A comparative analysis of the social and political situation in Chechnya at the beginning and to the end of the XX century. The author substantiated her position on impact of the economic crisis on deterioration of the social component at CHIASSR during the Perestroyka period.

Rebels with a Cause: A Survey of Terrorism in Chechnya and Important Lessons the Chechen Crisis Presents for the United States

Chechnya, a republic of the Russian Federation located in the volatile North Caucus, has a history of committing acts of terrorism in its attempt to secede from Russia and become an independent and sovereign nation. Russia has responded to the situation militarily and currently has control over Chechnya, but the country has committed a series of acts violating international humanitarian law in doing so. This paper begins by examining the history of Chechnya, including how it came to be a republic of Russia, and discussing the First and Second Chechen Wars. This paper next addresses why the situation in Chechnya is pertinent to the United States. This paper then explains how terrorism is defined under United States laws, which terrorist groups are active in Chechnya, and then moves on to the acts of terrorism these groups have committed in Russia. This paper finally discusses what the United States can learn from the Chechen crisis, focusing on the similarities and differences between terrorism in the United States and in Russia, suggesting what Russia did well in handling the Chechen conflict, and ways Russia dealt with the situation that are potentially problematic. Although there are many different areas of law that apply to the Chechen situation, this paper suggests what the United States can take away from the conflict and thus analyzes the Chechen conflict under United States and international humanitarian law, while noting several instances in which Russia violated its own Constitution. This paper thus examines Russia’s response to terrorism in Chechnya, analyzing Russia’s reactions under international and United States law, and suggests what the United States can learn from how the Russians handled the situation in Chechnya.

A Hope for the Future? Prosecuting Crimes Against Humanity in Russia's Courts

AbstractThe abuses of Chechen civilians by Russian federal forces and pro-Kremlin Chechen security forces have once again attracted international attention. This article discusses some of the legal and social difficulties that make the prosecution of disappearances and other abuses against Chechen civilians virtually impossible under the rubric of crimes against humanity in Russian domestic courts. Such prosecutions are imperative, however, if the goal is to truly "normalize" the situation in Chechnya and to prevent the spread of terrorist activity within and outside of the Chechen borders.

Democracy and Pluralism in Muslim Eurasia by Yaacov Ro'i Vladimir Putin and Central Asia by Lena s> Jonson (review)

582 SEER, 84, 3, JULY 2006 Issues of modernization are also significant in the authors' attempts to understand the situation in Chechnya. Tishkov posits that Chechnya is in a processof de-modernizationwhich has resultedin 'chaoticchanges in which the very concept of societyis sweptaway' (p. I70). Sakwa(pp.6-7) and Gakaev (p. 23) acknowledge that Chechnya has been and continues to be impeded by the lack of a native Chechen intelligentsiaand technocracy.These factors, plus economic and social destruction, may greatly hamper post-conflict reconstruction. In addition to examining the sources of conflict, the book also addresses aspects of political communication, the peace process and negotiations. For Mikhailov,the abilityto negotiate properlywith the centre enabled Tatarstan to extract greater political concessions in the post-Soviet political order than their fellow Muslims in Chechnya. This has benefited the former. Both Pain and Baev note thatvariousdisconnectionsexist between the politicaland militaryestablishment.Russell, Hughes andJudd are all highly criticalof the Putinadministration'slackof willingnessto negotiate, and suggestthat thishas sustainedviolence in the region. Although the volume is enriched by its authors' diversity, it lacks one importantset of perspectives- women's. This is indeed significantas one of Russia's leading agents of civil society, the Soldiers' Mothers Committee emerged in response to the Chechen war. Additionally, both Russian and Chechen women have made considerable sacrifices during the war. They have been the victims of war crimes as well as the perpetratorsof terrorism. The inclusion of the Khasavyurt Agreement and the Russian-Chechen Peace Treaty is indeed valuable for studentsand researchersalike. However, given the diverseviewpoints and subjectmatter the volume would have been much more user-friendlywith an index. School ofPolitical andSocialInquiry P. LENTINI MonashUniversip Ro'i, Yaacov (ed.). Democragy andPluralism in MuslimEurasia.The Cummings Center Series, I9. FrankCass,London and New York,2004. xiv + 403 pp. Glossary.Tables. Notes. Index. ?65.00. Jonson, Lena. Vladimir PutinandCentralAsia. Cultureand Societyin Westernand CentralAsia, i. I. B Tauris, London and New York, 2004. xii + 256 pp. Maps. Notes. Selected bibliography.Index. ?45.00. THE correlationof Islam and democracy has been a topic of debate amongst academics since the disintegration of the USSR, and even more so since the beginning of the 'war on terror'.This volume focuses on the evolution of democracy amongst the Muslim populations of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The firstpart of the volume looks at the history of the areasin concern, and theirIslamicand democraticcharacteristics.The second part of the volume assessesthe impact of internaland externalinfluencesafter independence. Although the issuesand topics tackledin thisvolume generally give a clear analysisof the state of democracy and Islam in the areas studied, REVIEWS 583 some chapters could be further researched. Richard Pomfret in 'Aid and Ideas: The Impact of Western Economic Support on the Muslim Successor States', deals with assistanceprimarilyfrom the InternationalMonetary Fund and the World Bank. Although these two internationalfinancial institutions are under strong American influence, they do not fully expose American economic influences in the region, which are profound enough to deserve some mention in this chapter.America'seconomic relationshipwith the CentralAsian countriesis also intertwinedwith politicaland securityrelatedissues, which is also essentialin the studyof the impactof Westerneconomic support, especially in regard to Central Asia. In this era of competing influences, Western economic support needs to be better defined. The author makes a bold statement that Kazakhstan's economic orientations are so much connected with Russiathat it has become suspectto the West. It is trueto say that Russia has profound influence over Kazakhstan,but in regardto energy and the world of petro-politics,Russia faces profound competition. Kazakhstan's participation in the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline has further proved this point. This chapter also insufficiently stresses American-Uzbek relations. Much more could have been said on American economic and consequently political influences in Uzbekistan. The author talks about Russia's power in the region waning after I995; in fact the opposite can be argued. Russia did not attempt to regain its lost influences in the region until the late Kozyrev period. By 1995, Russia had re-orientatedits attention to Central Asia, and had already become involved in the Tajik civil war, which it helped to end. Part three of this volume examines the political developments of the Muslim successor states. Vladimir Babak...

Chechnya: From Past to Future by Richard s> Sakwa (review)

REVIEWS 58I a welcome window onto the complex dynamicsof electoralpoliticsin Albania and Macedonia. Department of Government SARAH BIRCH University ofEssex Sakwa, Richard (ed.). Chechnya: FromPast to Future.Anthem Russian and Slavonic Studies. Anthem Press, London, 2005. XViii + 300 PP. Maps. Notes. Appendices. Furtherreading. ?I2.99: $25.00 (paperback). RIcHARDSAKwA's edited collection is the first to contain Chechen, Russian and Western-based scholars', diplomats' and journalists'perspectives on the origins, conduct and significanceof the wars in Chechnya, and their impact on contemporaryRussianand Chechen politicsand society. It includescontributions from individualswho actively conduct fieldworkin the area (Robert Bruce Ware, Thomas de Waal), have participated in government decisionmaking and the peace-making processes (Valery Tishkov, Emil Pain, Lord Frank Judd), human-rights activism (Alexander Cherkasov and Dmitry Grushkin of Memorial), and are members of the Chechen intelligentsia (Dzhabrail Gakaev), as well as outstanding scholars from their disciplines. From Sakwa'smasterful'Introduction'fusing internationalrelations,international law, history and politics to LordJudd's rather pessimistic 'Afterword', this is an outstanding, engaging contributionto our knowledge of Chechnya and the Chechen conflict. This multi-faced study of the Chechen conflict deservesto be readwidely. Chechnya: From PasttoFuture complementsTishkov's Chechnya: Lifeina War-Torn Societ,(reviewedin SEER,83, 2005, 3, pp. 54647). Some of the book's key themes are worth highlighting.Severalcontributors view the conflict as an exercise in political opportunism,on both the Russian and Chechen sides. This stems from attempts to usurp the post-August I99I coup power vacuum in Chechnya and intra-elitepower strugglesin the first war (Gakaev),a 'failureof the proxy insurgency'that the El'tsinadministration experienced in late 1994 (de Waal, p. i68), a means 'to enhance the political standingof the federalexecutiveauthorities'(Cherkasovand Grushkin,p. I32), and Islamists and criminals taking advantage of the Maskhadov regime's inabilities and reluctance to establishorder during I997-99 (Ware).The authorsalso addressthe thornyissueof how to classifythe conflict.Gakaevviews it as 'a strugglebetween mafia-politicalclans' (p. 26). Mike Bowkerexamines how Western governments have insisted that Russia has acted to defend its territorialintegrity,while the media posit that the Chechens were exercising their rights for national sovereignty.Ware's contributionradicallychallenges the Western media's interpretation, by pointing out that in both wars Chechnya was at least a de facto independent state. Chechens, therefore,did not need to fight for independence. Shearman and Sussex discussthe conflict within the context of the 'new wars' paradigm. Their conclusion is that this approach is not applicablein the Chechen circumstances.The war, its actors and potential solutionsare concerned with issuesof power and purpose, all of which represent 'the modern', not the 'post-modern'. 582 SEER, 84, 3, JULY 2006 Issues of modernization are also significant in the authors' attempts to understand the situation in Chechnya. Tishkov posits that Chechnya is in a processof de-modernizationwhich has resultedin 'chaoticchanges in which the very concept of societyis sweptaway' (p. I70). Sakwa(pp.6-7) and Gakaev (p. 23) acknowledge that Chechnya has been and continues to be impeded by the lack of a native Chechen intelligentsiaand technocracy.These factors, plus economic and social destruction, may greatly hamper post-conflict reconstruction. In addition to examining the sources of conflict, the book also addresses aspects of political communication, the peace process and negotiations. For Mikhailov,the abilityto negotiate properlywith the centre enabled Tatarstan to extract greater political concessions in the post-Soviet political order than their fellow Muslims in Chechnya. This has benefited the former. Both Pain and Baev note thatvariousdisconnectionsexist between the politicaland militaryestablishment.Russell, Hughes andJudd are all highly criticalof the Putinadministration'slackof willingnessto negotiate, and suggestthat thishas sustainedviolence in the region. Although the volume is enriched by its authors' diversity, it lacks one importantset of perspectives- women's. This is indeed significantas one of Russia's leading agents of civil society, the Soldiers' Mothers Committee emerged in response to the Chechen war. Additionally, both Russian and Chechen women have made considerable sacrifices during the war. They have been the victims of war crimes as well as the perpetratorsof terrorism. The inclusion of the Khasavyurt Agreement and the Russian-Chechen Peace Treaty is indeed valuable for studentsand researchersalike. However, given the diverseviewpoints and subjectmatter the volume would have been much more user-friendlywith an index...

Conflict and Cooperation in an Actors' Network of Chechnya Based on Event Data

The conflict in Chechnya is characterized by a high degree of complexity. To capture this complexity, the authors produced an actors' network analysis drawing on one of the largest event databases today. The aim was to identify the main actors involved in the conflict, track down the most important conflictive and cooperative ties between actors, and compare the quality and intensity of interactions among actor groups. In total, 2,818 events reported between 2002 and 2005 were assigned forty-four actors categories. Measures of centrality and power and a combination of principal component and cluster analysis were used to produce graphs of the network. The authors found civilians to be the most important actors, closely followed by the Russian military, the Chechen fighters, and the Chechen government. The results are discussed in light of the current situation in Chechnya with reference to chances and limitations of the network approach with event data.

A Self-fulfilling Prophecy: The Seeds of Islamic Radicalisation in Chechnya

The Russian invasion was extremely cruel under the famous Russian General Ermolov, who destroyed village after village, massacred, expelled and tortured the population. His campaign of terror in fact fuelled the Chechens' hatred of the Russians, as well as their desire for freedom and their willingness to fight and die for it. The Russian invasion had completely disrupted the traditional way of life. The people were about to lose their independence as well as their identity to the Russian anti-Islamic policies. Moral decadence increased under influence of Russian habits. The ruling house of native Dagestani princes had compromised itself in the eyes of the population by choosing to hold on to their titles in return for their allegiance to the Russians. In short, the beginning of the 19th century in the North Caucasus was marked by social and political turmoil, which constituted a fertile ground for the ideas of the Naqshbandiya. The Naqshbandiya rose up again in the 1820s under Sheikh Efendi, which marked the start of the famous 'Caucasian wars' that would last until 1856. (Hertog, 2001, p. 29) With some changes to names and dates, this description of an episode of almost two centuries ago would be wholly applicable to the situation in Chechnya just before and during the first Russian invasion in 1994. The atrocities committed by the Russian army during the war are widely known by now and have been regularly condemned by human rights organisations: villages were levelled to the ground, people burned alive in their own houses, the inhabitants executed after surrender, hospitals attacked despite a white flag displayed, market-places bombed with fragmentation bombs and nail bombs, the now notorious filtration camps were set up in order to 'filter' fighters from ordinary people. The further away the expected easy, quick victory seemed, the more determined the Russian forces became not just to win the war, but also to break the entire Chechen population, which was sustaining its fighters with bases, food and support, through terror. The losses and horrors of the war radicalised the Chechen national identity, alienated the Chechen people even more from the Russians and strengthened their determination to resist. The radicalisation of Islam that took place

Human rights discourse and international relations: Le Monde's editorials on Russia

Editorials on Russia published by the French newspaper, Le Monde, during the first months of the second Chechen war (August 1999—March 2000) are analysed within the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis. A new linguistic model of analysis is proposed for the study of the various texts taken as an entity. Its application results in a three-dimensional synthesis of the editorials that brings to the fore their premises. It appears that Le Monde's discourse on human rights belongs to a discourse of French national identity whose roots can be found in the 18th century. Journalists from three Russian dailies ( Izvestija, Segodnja, Nezavisimaja Gazeta) seem to have perceived this discourse as a media war against their own national identity. The analysis explains how Le Monde's comments on the humanitarian situation in Chechnya could have resulted in such an intercultural impasse. The question of the role of human rights discourse in a `globalizing' world is raised.

Chechnya: In Search of Constructive Accommodation

The quest for a constructive solution to the situation in Chechnya is a challenge of the greatest importance. The prospects are examined against a review of the historical background of conflict and suffering. Solutions would have to be based on some form of autonomy within the Russian Federation, providing for extensive self-government in relation to education, culture, use of local languages, measures to protect the environment, local planning, economic development, local policing functions, and housing, health, and other social services. But there are other matters which must be shared with the central authorities. Optimal divisions of functions between autonomous Chechnya and the federal authorities will take time had has to proceed step by step. The role of international agencies in achieving and guaranteeing this result is examined.