Sino-Indian War Research Articles

Анализ отношения к Китаю в разных типах сообщений Российских СМИ.

As a world power, Russia is China's largest neighbor and plays a special role in strengthening my country's international communication capabilities. Russia's reports related to China have both positive and negative content, but the viewing angle is more practical and objective. China's image is rarely distorted, belittled, and vilified by political bias and ideological divisions. The overall image of China and China in the international arena The role is positive. Media reports are mainly political and economic news, with a particular focus on information on political and economic and trade exchanges between China and Russia. What are the tendencies in the attitude of the Russian media towards China? How does society and theory view the situation in the trilateral relations between Russia, China and the United States? Are there any new trends in the perception of China's image by political elites and ordinary people? What has been causing concern about China in the Russian media lately? What direction are the media and think tanks showing on the burning issues of the Sino-Indian border conflict? These problems reflect Russians' perception of China's image, are related to the effectiveness of my country's "telling Chinese stories" and external communications, and also reflect the development of Sino-Russian relations and the level of my country's influence in the international arena.

Sino–Indian Conflict: Foreign Policy Options for the Smaller South Asian States

The relationship between China and India is characterised by competition intertwined with issues over sovereignty, territorial integrity and prestige. Since the war in 1962, they have engaged in several small skirmishes. The increasing tension and frequency of clashes have led the smaller South Asian countries being caught in the middle. What impacts do the changing dynamics have on smaller South Asian countries? What options do these smaller countries have in navigating the relationship amid increasing border tensions? This article attempts to examine the aforementioned research questions.

Fatherland or Livelihood: Value Orientations Among Tibetan Soldiers in the Indian Army

The recruitment to military in modern nation states, by and large, is voluntary. Although it is commonly assumed that a soldiers’ job in the army is to fight against the enemies of their motherland, the Indian Army has a regiment of Tibetan soldiers who are not Indians as per the law of the land. Known as Special Frontier Force (SFF), this regiment was until recently a secret wing of the Indian Army. Joining the Indian Army during the heydays of their diasporic dispersal due to the Chinese territorial aggrandizement and Sino-Indian war of 1962, with a hope of direct encounter with their enemies, Tibetans continue to be voluntarily recruited to the now non-secret SFF. As part of the Indian Army, they should be ready to fight the enemies of their host country. In fact, over the decades, they have been requested by India to take part in several military exercises. In the changed international geopolitics, Tibetans in exile may not get another opportunity to fight against their own enemies. The trajectory of the value orientations of the Tibetan soldiers in the Indian Army constitutes the axial concern of this article.

PAKISTAN’S MAGNITUDE FOR CHINA: A NARRATIVE OF GEO-STRATEGIC BARGAIN

This paper attempts to analyse the geo-strategic magnitude of Pakistan for China. Including other factors, the geographical position of Pakistan plays an important role in the formulation of their mutual ties. Sino-Indian conflict further enhanced Pak-China relationship mainly reflecting their reciprocal interests. In addition to geo-political ties, economic benefits attracted Chinese attention to maintain a friendly relationship with Pakistan by signing bilateral trade agreement during early 1960s. Similarly, Pakistan provided a naval base to China, which decreased the influence of USA and India in the Arabian Sea, Indian Ocean and Central Asian States. However, due to the world third deepest seaport (Gwadar Port), Pakistan became more valuable to China. Moreover, launching of China- Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in 2014 has greatly enhanced the geographical importance of Pakistan for the whole region including China. The scope of present study provides a realization to the fact that significance of Pakistan for Chinese interest is beyond the common thinking. This article tries to pin point the current scenario with increasing significance of Pakistan for China.

Tibet as a Factor in Sino-Indian Conflict

The article investigates modern day Sino-India relations, taking into account the Tibet factor. Using a postcolonial lens, it looks into how Tibet remains the key issue affecting India-China ties, which is not accounted for by both postcolonial nation states. However, the territorial disputes between both countries are directly linked to the status of Tibet as these disputed borders historically were the Indo-Tibetan border and not the Sino-Indian border. The entry of British imperialism in Asia changed the prevailing political systems, with British (western) ideas of statehood and sovereignty enforced as raison d etre. Under this, the newly established People’s Republic of China (PRC) invaded and occupied Tibet, as the region was comprehended by the communists in terms of a ‘security dilemma’ for PRC. The military takeover of Tibet ended the traditional government headed by the Dalai Lamas, a line of reincarnated monks who had ruled Tibet since the 17th century. After the invasion of Tibet, the XIV Dalai Lama along with thousands of Tibetans escaped to India, which provided asylum and allowed the growth of a government of exile by the Tibetans. Thus, Tibet and Tibetans have emerged as the central factor in Sino-Indian conflict.

History of India-China Ties Between 1950 and 1991

Up until the mid-20th century India-China contacts were mostly limited to pilgrimage and local trade. Nevertheless, having established diplomatic ties in 1950, the two states went through several stages of interaction with each other: from friendly dialogue to hostility culminating in the Sino-Indian war of 1962; from waging the conflict to building partnership in the 1980–1990s. The author calls them “seasons” since all the phases of dialogue between Delhi and Beijing succeeded each other in an akin way: summer turned autumn, the latter ended up in a protracted winter, which began to gradually transform into spring towards the end of the last century. Four decades, albeit a short period for countries with a long history, have left a deep imprint on their perception of each other and still have a profound impact on all areas of cooperation between them, which determines the relevance of the study. Yet India-China bilateral interaction both at the present stage and in the past is still poorly covered in domestic science. Hence, the article is intended to fill the gap in Russian historiography covering the period 1950–1991 and to present a holistic perspective on the evolution of India’s China policy from Jawaharlal Nehru to Rajiv Gandhi. The author concludes that India-China ties during bipolar period revealed the fundamental controversies between the two states, which trace their roots back to the colonialist times and remain one of the most negative factors affecting mutual relations until present.

Politics of Water: Strategic Damming of Rivers and Subsequent Results Through the Lens of Sino-Indian Conflict of 2020

Politics of Water: Strategic Damming of Rivers and Subsequent Results Through the Lens of Sino-Indian Conflict of 2020

Reporting Sino-Indian Border Conflict Through Peace Journalism Approach

The study attempts to analyze the coverage of recent Sino-Indian border conflict through peace and war journalism along with understanding how peace journalism ideals can be translated into conflict reporting. The descriptive analysis of news stories published from May 5, 2020, to October 5, 2020, in the mainstream contemporary English press of China (China Daily and Global Times) and India (Times of India and The Hindu) is carried out through content analysis. The period is significant because of the recent border conflict between China and India at Ladakh. The approach of peace and war journalism is explored through in-depth interviews of Indian and Chinese journalists. The study concluded that both Indian and Chinese press employed war framing more dominantly than peace framing while reporting on-going border conflict. A higher instance of peace journalism was recorded in the Chinese press in comparison to the Indian press. The ideals of peace journalism can be achieved by refraining from becoming part of the propaganda paradigm.

The Effect of Sino-Indian War, 1962 on Ethnic Communities of Arunachal Pradesh

The study is an attempt to analyse the socio-economic consequences of Sino-Indian war of 1962 on the ethnic communities of North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA), the present state of Arunachal Pradesh, geospatially located in North-East India. A careful analysis of the pre-independent history of the region suggests that both Ahoms and British rulers followed a policy of non-interference in the region as it was predominantly a tribal area. After independence, the Indian Government also followed the policy of minimal governance. The vital issues of infrastructure were also not given much emphasis until the war of 1962. As the Government realised the strategic importance of the state, a significant change in government policy can be witnessed. Apart from initiating development in infrastructure of the state, efforts were also made to nationalise the frontier. The present research aims to document the socio-economic changes brought by the war, using a critical analysis of a wide range of sources.

China-Myanmar Bilateral Relations: An Analytical Study of Some Geostrategic and Economic Issues

Myanmar's geopolitical and geostrategic position is very important for China and India, the two regional powers in East Asia and South Asia. Myanmar is the main connecting hub for South Asia, East Asia, and Southeast Asia, and it is also connected with the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean. Myanmar is connected with the two corridors of China's ambitious projects, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and Bangladesh, China, India, Myanmar Economic Corridor (BCIM). Chinese ships have to navigate at the Malacca Strait, especially in the case of fuel oil imports and exports to global markets, which are, both times consuming and strategically risky. But, using the Rakhine state's Kyaukpyu port will reduce China's dependence on the Malacca Strait and expand trade. Due to the US presence in the Indian Ocean, the recent Sino-Indian conflict, and Myanmar's geostrategic position, Sino-Myanmar relations are now one of the topics of study. This article will analyze the geostrategic and economic issues of Sino-Myanmar relations. The study has found that both China and Myanmar have greatly been benefitted through the establishment of strong bilateral relationship based on trade and investment, connectivity, constructions of ports and special economic zones. The main objective of this study is to find a diplomatic way to improve the Bangladesh-Myanmar relations based on the results of the strong relationship of China and Myanmar. This study is a major contribution to the field of China–Myanmar bilateral relations in the context of some geostrategic and geo-economic issues. The study has been carried out based on secondary data with some primary data of border survey and focus group discussions. At the conclusion of this study, there has been provided with some policy recommendations to improve the geostrategic and economic relations between the two neighboring countries.

“Cartographic Aggression”: Media Politics, Propaganda, and the Sino-Indian Border Dispute

The middle of the twentieth century witnessed a serious border dispute between China and India. This article explores how these countries used multiple media (e.g., historical documents and film) to support their respective territorial claims. The two countries pursued similar authoritarian approaches by expanding their archival holdings, banning books, and selectively redrawing maps. They regarded dissenting views not only as incorrect but as national security threats. China and India policed domestic media to legitimize government policies and to present their cases to the international community. The British government, for its part, demonstrated its support for India. Because British leaders sympathized with their former colony and because the borders of India were a product of the British Empire, leaders in the United Kingdom endorsed Indian propaganda. Nevertheless, democracy in India and the United Kingdom rendered complete control of the media difficult. The Sino-Indian conflict therefore represented a war over information as well as territory.

China and India in the Beginning of the 21st Century: Between Rivalry and Cooperation

The relationship between such Asia-Pacific powers, as India and China, has recently become a significant factor of how regional security is being maintained and how efficient the regional multilateral cooperation can be. The two states are close neighbours, possessing a long border, and both are presented in high-profile international institutions, e. g. the BRICS. At the same time, they are involved in a long-term border controversy, which sometimes pushes the relations to the verge of war. In addition, India and China are diverged by contradictions in other areas, primarily in economic aspects, and their competition for influence at the international level and in various regions of the Global South.
 The aim of this paper is to trace, how the Sino-Indian conflict, on the one hand, and their cooperation, on the other hand, developed throughout the recent 20 years, and try to answer the question, how it all shaped their status for each other, namely, the one of a partner, a rival or an enemy. The author consequently studies the landmark events in border conflict since the beginning of the 21st century, the political exchanges between China and India meanwhile, and the basic trends of economic and military cooperation and competition between the two countries. In conclusion, the results of the research are presented, and the possible impact of Sino-Indian ambivalent relationship on Russian policy towards them and on the work of international institutions involving both countries, is discussed.

CONTEMPORARY PERSPECTIVES ON ETHNICALLY TARGETED INTERNMENTS: A STUDY ON THE CHINESE INDIAN AND THE JAPANESE CANADIAN WARTIME EXPERIENCES

Purpose of the study: The purpose of the study is to provide a new theoretical interpretation of how nation-States have exercised control over targeted ethnic communities through the repressive act of camp internment. It uses two major global historical events as the frame of reference: the internment of the Chinese ethnic community in India during the 1962 Sino-Indian conflict, and internment of the Japanese ethnic population in Canada during World War II.
 Methodology: This study draws on Michel Foucault’s theories on “biopolitics” to analyze the States’ mechanisms of control during wartime periods. The Foucauldian framework of “biopolitics” is used as a theoretical tool to develop a concurrent study on the internment experiences of the two ethnic groups, and provide a new understanding of the conceptualization of this regulatory decision enforced by the government.
 Main Findings: The findings show the internment as an expression of State-regulated biopolitical control, in which groups of people come under the administration of a power whose sole function is to subjugate their lives and bodies by detaining them in camps. It concludes that a mass internment decisions, usually taken under the pretext of “national security,” undermines the democratic set-up of a nation.
 Applications of this study: Taken together, findings of this study contribute to scholarly discussions in the field of social sciences and humanities. It will be of particular interest to those engaged in a contemporary interpretation of discriminatory actions against minority communities in the larger global context. It, however, carries a relevance beyond scholarly discourses – it warns us against replication of such unwarranted episodes in the future.
 Novelty/Originality of this study: Unlike most biopolitical studies regarding authoritarian regimes, this one develops the arguments through internment cases that occurred in the world's two leading democracies. Though Japanese Canadian internment has been studied widely, Chinese Indian study is still nascent. Analyzing these episodes together under theoretical paradigms throws new insights on the State's exertion of power upon a targeted population in a modern democratic system.Japanese Canadian Internment

Dependency among Kautilya’s Three Major Ideas: Upaya, Sadgunya, and Prakrti

Since the rediscovery of Kautilya’s Arthasastra, it is considered as one of the oldest books on statecrafts and political realism in the world. In the book Arthasastra, Kautilya has described many ideas of statecraft, and they are still in the use of state polity. Until now some of his ideas remained unextractable. Many scholars in South Asia and the West are practicing the ideas formulated by Kautilya. Yet, as a native South Asian political fractional and international relations theorist, Kautilya remained under-exposed. Nevertheless, this current study is an attempt to find the dependency among the three significant concepts by Kautilya from his Arthasastra. In the study, the researcher has attempted to show how shifts in one of the three major concepts can change the other two. They are entirely dependent on each other. The researcher has made an effort to create a ‘measurement scale’ to measure the dependence among the ‘Upaya, Sadgunya, and Prakrti.’ On the other hand, since these concepts can also be found in the modern-day state system, the study has analyzed the ‘1962 Sino-Indian War’ concerning those three concepts. This current research is an explorative investigation.

Zoom Interview with Shivendra Singh, October 20, 2020

Zoom Interview with Shivendra Singh, October 20, 2020 Victoria Duckett (bio) and Shivendra Singh victoria duckett (vd): First, thank you for agreeing to talk with me. When I asked Jay [Weissberg, director of the Pordenone Silent Film Festival] whom I should contact for an interview about archives in the time of COVID, he mentioned you right away. I am so thankful. I've been looking at your Film Heritage Foundation1 online, and I know it's going to be interesting for me to have this possibility to learn more about it from you, its founder. I'd like to begin, however, by first asking what it is currently like to live in Mumbai. In Melbourne, we have been in lockdown since March; I have only recently been allowed outside for more than two hours per day. But I've got a sense that you have a very different experience in India in terms of COVID-19. Click for larger view View full resolution Figure 1. Shivendra Singh Dungarpur. shivendra singh (ss): In India, what was very interesting was that we started getting a few COVID cases in January and February. We are not [geographically] very far from China, and we have a very close love-and-hate relationship with the Chinese. I mean, we had a war with China in 1962 [Sino-Indian War, October 20–November 21, 1962]. We are still having problems on sharing our border. And a lot of our online apps and businesses are funded by the Chinese. When we heard about the virus spreading in China, there was a rising concern about the spread of the virus to India and especially in a city like Mumbai with a population of close to twenty million people living in highly congested conditions. [End Page 235] Things were getting bad in March [with COVID-19]. What was shocking for us is that because we have a very strong rightwing government—the prime minister, Narendra Modi, is a right-wing leader very much along the lines of the Brazilian president [Jair Bolsonaro] or [U.S. president] Trump. We had a very sudden lockdown. In fact, just before the lockdown came in, Trump visited India; Modi was not bothered with the COVID-19 situation or the riots in Delhi; he was bothered with welcoming Trump [on the February 24 and 25 "Namaste Trump" visit]. But then, a complete lockdown [on March 24] was suddenly announced at 8:00 Pm with just four hours' notice. He forgot about our hundreds and hundreds of [millions] of migrant labor. India's cities function on migrant labor from the villages, many of whom survive on daily wages. This is similar to what Modi did with the Indian currency [when Modi, on November 8, 2016, made the surprise announcement about demonetization that Indians had a matter of weeks to exchange or deposit their large rupee bills]. So, without thinking about the consequences of this, without realizing the concept and understanding what it meant, without thinking of the poor people in India, he did so. Consequently, there was utmost chaos. The migrants were distressed. They were walking for miles and miles [to return home]. So many died, so many went hungry. People were dying in the trains [they were traveling home on]. Trains were taking three days, four days, to reach destinations. People were traveling without food and water. People died of dehydration. And we—myself and Teesha, my wife—started working in the kitchen. We dedicated ourselves to providing food to not-for-profits and volunteer groups who were distributing food to the urban poor and homeless and to the migrant labor. We were making food, from our own home, and trying to get this to as many people in need as possible. I think after Partition, which happened in 1947 [British India was officially divided into India and Pakistan on August 15, 1947, causing the displacement of ten to twelve million people], this was the largest mass migration of people from the cities to the villages. I was not born during Partition. For me, the COVID-19 migration was something like the Partition. It was the biggest catastrophe imaginable, with hundreds of people...

India-China Political and Military Cooperation in the Shadow of Distrust

New Delhi and Beijing demonstrate incredible achievements in the economic and military-political spheres, shift the center of global politics to Asia, and have every opportunity to change the balance of power and world order in the medium or long term. Meanwhile, researchers pay little attention to the bilateral interaction of the two Asian giants, focusing more on the confrontation between the China and the US, or consider regional rivalry between India and China, in view of the rapidly developing geopolitical projects of both countries. The military-political relations of the two states, as a rule, are not reflected in the studies, as they are limited due to mutual distrust arising from the Sino-Indian War of 1962. This article is designed to evaluate the current balance of forces, analyze the qualitative components of their military capabilities on land and at sea as well as to identify interaction mechanisms that contribute to leveling the negative perception of each other. The author concludes that in the medium-term China will remain a stronger player in the international arena than India, which seeks to bridge the gap, but does not have the same economic opportunities, and therefore, its position is strengthened mainly at the expense of large allies, such as the USA, Russia, and Japan. At the same time, military doctrines, confidence-building measures as well as awareness of the severe consequences a potential conflict could result in contribute to the strengthening of military-political cooperation between India and China, despite the constant factor of distrust between the two.

When art was political: Historicising decolonisation and the Cold War in Southeast Asia through curatorial practice

In Asia, and in Southeast Asia in particular, the Cold War was far from cold, witnessing the most deadly conflicts and political massacres of the second half of the twentieth century. Also, the clash of ideologies there did not follow a binary logic but included a third force, nationalism, which was rooted in the anticolonialist movements of the interwar years and played a significant role even in countries that decolonised peacefully after the end of the Second World War. The Cold War thus overlapped with the twin process of decolonisation and nation-building, which had its founding moment at the Asian-African Conference at Bandung in 1955, where the non-aligned camp, which advocated a neutral position vis-à-vis the two rival blocs, coalesced (one year ealier, the anticommunist Southeast Asia Treaty Organization had been established). Postcolonial aspirations to national progress that tied socioeconomic development to the civic and cultural elevation of the citizenry were widely shared among newly decolonised countries. By the mid-1960s, however, the utopian ‘Bandung Spirit’ had lost ground to Cold War realpolitik; intra-Asian and communal conflicts fomented by Cold War enmities (the Sino–Indian War of 1962, the Indo–Pakistani War of 1965, Indonesia's anticommunist purges of 1965–66) along with the escalation of the Vietnam War and the consequent exacerbation of regional divisions, belied governments’ earlier commitment to human rights, Third World solidarity and world peace. The authoritarian involution of several Asian countries that were often American allies, redoubled by the opening of their economies to multinational corporations, led many artists and intellectuals to embrace political activism. The conception of art as a revolutionary instrument in the service of the masses had been famously articulated by Mao Zedong at the Yan'an Forum in 1942. In China, Mao's prescriptions on art were sidelined, though never officially repudiated, only in the early 1990s, following the end of the Cold War and the adoption of a socialist market economy, by acknowledging the necessity ‘to respect and guarantee the creativity of individuals’.

Fake News, Forgery, and Falsification: Western Responses to Soviet Disinformation in Cold War India

This paper examines Soviet Cold War disinformation activity in India. It recovers the importance of nonaligned nations in the story of Cold War covert propaganda. Over the course of a decade, that began with the outbreak of the Sino-Indian border war in 1962, and culminated in the Indo-Pakistan conflict of 1971, India disengaged from the West, and tilted towards the Eastern bloc. In the process, New Delhi struggled to control diplomatic fallout from a covert propaganda conflict waged on its territory between the Soviet Union and the United States that, at times, threatened to imperil a strategic reorientation in India’s foreign policy. This article privileges the significance of hitherto neglected actors in the history of a secret Cold War episode in the subcontinent. India evidenced a concerned, if not always productive response to political warfare operations conducted by foreign powers inside its borders. Disquiet over the damage that the dissemination of disinformation and, in particular, the publication of forged documents smearing national governments could do to its relationships with international partners, ensured that India was never a passive player in the propaganda Cold War.

Producing Monyul as Buffer: Spatial politics in a colonial frontier

AbstractThis article focuses on the Tawang and West Kameng districts of Arunachal Pradesh, northeast India, collectively known as Monyul. It was ruled by Tibet for three centuries before the 1914 McMahon Line boundary included it in India. Even after that, cross-border exchanges between Monyul and Tibet continued until the 1962 Sino-Indian war, following which border passages between the two were closed. Today, Monyul is a marginal region, geographically distant from centres of industry and education, and lacking in terms of infrastructure. This article traces Monyul's marginality not simply to the border war, but to spatial practices of the British colonial state, beginning with the mapping of the boundary in 1914. It shows how Monyul was constructed as a buffer, despite being within a delimited boundary, first, by excluding it from regular administration, and, secondly, by pushing back the older Tibetan administration, thereby, making it (what I call) a ‘zone of difference/indifference’. But the buffer project was subject to contestation, mostly from the Tibetan religious aristocracy, whose temporal hold over, and material interests in, Monyul were challenged by the latter's incorporation into colonial India.

Complexity to compatibility: Sino-Indian bilateralism concerning maritime security

ABSTRACTIn global politics, the relations between India and China have long been branded by the countries' customary rivalry. Bitterness and resentment between the two came to the fore with the exile of Dalai Lama to India in 1959. Subsequent to this episode, the Sino-Indian war of 1962 further exacerbated their already strained ties. The continued border dispute, much importantly added fuel to fire. Altercations in their relations, thus are yet not extinguished. In the twenty-first century, when these Asian giants are putting forward their soft power together with military muscle through economic persuasion, the waters of the Indian Ocean are sponsoring economic and geo-strategic conflicts between the two. “India's participation in the new alliance formed in the maritime domain whereas could cause increasing insecurities to Beijing, Beijing's unregulated assertiveness through monetary aids along with modernized naval tactics is also viewed to have escalated India's security concerns”. The global powers when examine such bilateral equation with probabilities of drawing complexities, cooperation between the two, in the form of an unprecedented “maritime dialogue”, demonstrate their unabated commitment to ensure maritime security while pursuing their geo-strategic ambitions in the region. Developments of this kind can help promote regional peace as well.