China And The United States Research Articles

Dual Cultural Influence on the Architectural Style Evolution of San Francisco Chinatown: A Comprehensive Examination

Abstract The unique neighborhood style of San Francisco Chinatown is influenced by Chinese and American culture, history and social system. Through field investigation, Chinese and English literature collection, and spatial analysis, this paper interprets the motivation of its style evolution. In the process of research, the author tries to analyze the changes and driving forces of Chinatown in San Francisco from three dimensions: the city scale, the blocks scale, and the building scale. The results show that the formation process of Chinatown in San Francisco and the range of its blocks are deeply influenced by the world political pattern in the early 20th century, the Sino-American multi-party regulations and Sino-American relations. The architectural style of the block is influenced by the Eastern and Western cultures, which is a distinctive architectural feature. The traditional architecture is deeply influenced by the architectural style of southern Fujian, while the new architecture is mainly based on the modernist architectural style. Among the main factors affecting the evolution of Chinatown in San Francisco, gold rush, earthquake, traditional Chinese architectural style and immigration policy to China are the internal mechanisms of the formation of Chinatown’s spatial characteristics.

In the Interstices of Asymmetry: Two Centuries of U.S.-Latin American Relations

In the Interstices of Asymmetry: Two Centuries of U.S.-Latin American Relations

Slowbalization: Rising Trends for the Global Economy and Business

Abstract This paper investigates and analyzes the paradigm of slowbalization and the new direction of globalization and how they can expose business to more challenges. The research methodology mainly focused on literature review with a focus on a descriptive data analysis in the content of the paper. The results showed that factors such as economic decoupling that may transform to a real difficult reality for companies, the economic consequences of the geopolitical conflicts, the pandemic caused by Covid-19 divergence in US-China relations globally, political economic instability, rising inflation rates and other risks such as cyber-attacks have always posed a threat to economies, companies, businesses and markets. Slowbalization as a word does not exist in literature or language roots but it illustrates the recoil of globalization due to some of the previous stated factors. In conclusion, the end of globalization seems to be impossible since it appeared in the fourth industrial revolution that witnessed the appearance of digitalization, computer and internet. It is possible that a new phase of globalization is being reshaped or a new road towards its sustainable aspects. On the contrary, the introduction of a new international order is always a potential probability.

Democratic Ties That Bind? US–China Conflict and Foreign Policy Opinion in Japan and Korea

AbstractWhile the Biden administration has framed US–China relations as part of a broader contest between democracy and autocracy, the potential international repercussions of this stance remain unclear. How will other democracies and, in particular, the citizens of key democratic US allies respond to a world characterized by increasing rivalry between dictatorships and democracies? We seek to answer this question through survey experiments in Japan and South Korea. We randomly assign information to respondents, highlighting the differences in democracy and human rights practices in the US–China relationship. Despite prior research and recent US policy documents suggesting that increasing tension over democracy and human rights in US–China relations will lead to democratic US allies moving even closer to the United States, our findings diverge from this expectation. When provided with information about this tension, the level of support for more cooperation with Washington decreases in both Japan and Korea. Our findings point to the need to revisit an assumption in much of the academic literature: Given a choice between cooperation with authoritarian and democratic countries in conflict, democracies—and their publics—will gravitate toward the latter.

Comparing the effectiveness of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) and Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in South Africa: An application of Keynes' Macroeconomic Theory

This study applies Keynesian macroeconomic theory in the ARDL model to compare the growth effects of the US's AGOA and China's FOCAC multilateral trading systems in South Africa from the first quarter of 2001 to the fourth quarter of 2022. The study uses South Africa's net exports with the corresponding partner as a proxy for each multilateral trading system. This quantification stems from the fact that South Africa's trade with the US and China has significantly improved since the establishment of AGOA and FOCAC in 2000. Our findings show that none of the multilateral trading systems contribute significantly to South Africa's economic growth. Rather, they appear to be used as strategic initiatives to gain access to mineral resources and facilitate the movement of mining machinery and other inputs into South Africa. To some extent, they are used as market-seeking initiatives, particularly FOCAC. It is worth noting, however, that the mineral resource preferences of these systems vary: while China prioritizes mineral products, the US prioritizes precious metals. This suggests that China and the US scramble for natural resources in South Africa, and possibly Africa in general, is complementary rather than competitive.

The logic of China–US rivalry

Behind the struggle and game between China and the United States are four sets of overlapping and mutually causal logics, namely the growth and decline of the two countries’ strength, ideological differences, changes in the international environment, and domestic political influence. Sino–US relations will not be able to return to the depth of exchanges and level of cooperation at the beginning of the twenty-first century for a long time. However, the long-term interests and strategic considerations of the two countries determine that the two countries must avoid war with each other and maintain a certain degree of economic cooperation and social exchanges. The biggest uncertainty in Sino–US relations in 2024 is the chaos that may be caused by domestic political struggles in the United States. However, the official and non-governmental contacts between China and the United States since 2023 have made the upper limit of the development of bilateral relations and the bottom line of conflict clearer. Sino–US relations are difficult to improve, but they are expected to be basically stable.

The impacts of the China–US trade war on China’s trade and greenfield investment

We assess the impacts of the China–US trade war on the bidirectional trade and investment flows of China. We find that China’s exports and imports both dropped sharply after the trade war began. In terms of investment flows, we find that China’s greenfield investment in the US faltered in the face of the increasing trade friction, but the impact of the trade war on the US’s greenfield investment in China is ambiguous. In addition, the trade friction only impeded the export volumes of China and had an insignificant impact on the export prices. In contrast, both the import volumes and prices for China decreased.

THE TAIWAN PROBLEM IN CHINA-USA RELATIONS

The China - Taiwan conflict is one of the most relevant and sensitive topics in China-US relations. Territorial conflict with Taiwan is one of the few issues that can potentially lead to escalation of tension between the United States and China. This article analyzes the China - Taiwan conflict in contemporary Chinese and American foreign policy. The historical conflicts between China and Taiwan from World War II to the present day are examined, showing the role of the United States in escalating the issue. The evolution of Sino-American relations in Northeast Asia in the 21st century and its impact on Taiwan is also explored.

A Study of the Prospects and Opportunities for India's Development in a Competitive Environment between the US and China

The contemporary international environment is characterised by a particularly high-profile rivalry between China and the United States, which has expanded from the economic, technological and military spheres to the global strategic level. At the heart of this rivalry lies the global influence of both countries and their visions for the international order. The United States, as a long-time global hegemon, is facing a China with a growing economy, breakthroughs in science and technology innovation, and a significantly stronger military. The U.S. will increasingly feel the risk of being overtaken and replaced by China, and will inevitably take containment measures against China while it still has the upper hand. But at the same time in its competitive environment also for the development of India's trade brings a certain wind and opportunity, such as bringing investment or trade opportunities. Overall, the general environment of Sino-US competition is complex and volatile, and the interaction between the two countries not only affects the two countries themselves, but also has a far-reaching impact on the stability and development of the global economy and trade. Against this backdrop, India needs to pay close attention to the dynamics of the US-China relationship and the competitive dynamics between the two countries in various fields around the globe, while at the same time strengthening its own strengths and enhancing its competitiveness in order to cope with the opportunities and challenges it presents.

Political risk and firm exit: evidence from the US–China Trade War

When do political risks lead to divestment from a profitable market? Existing theories argue both that foreign investors may be sensitive to political tensions, but that they may only be sensitive to violent conflict. Using the crucial case of the US–China Trade War, we outline how political risks increased rates of exit among foreign firms while firm entrenchment mitigated these risks. Using a new dataset on all foreign-invested enterprises registered in China between 2017 and 2019, we implement triple interaction models to isolate the impact of increased political risks, investor national origin, and entrenchment on firm exit. Our findings show that heightened political risks during the trade war did increase firm exits by 34% – 3% points over the pre-conflict baseline. Tariffs, the targeted effect of the trade war, increase US firm exits by 1% point. Firm exit is determined by the balance of heightened political risks against the availability of firm-level resources to mitigate these risks. These findings reconcile the conflicting expectations of the ‘business as usual’ and ‘follow the flag’ literatures about how firms respond to political risk, highlighting the tremendous collateral damage tariffs can cause in an age of global value chains.

Deterrence lessons from Ukraine

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine confirmed that revived great-power competition has heightened the prospect of global conflict, while restoring the concept of deterrence to centre stage. The stakes in a conflict in East Asia, however, would be even higher than those in Ukraine. A war over Taiwan could bring the United States and China, the world’s two greatest powers, into a direct military conflict which would represent a contest for regional or global leadership and would be likely to draw other powers into the fight. Such a war – in which the nuclear question would be ever-present – can currently be described as ‘possible, avoidable, but potentially catastrophic’. In this Adelphi book, Bill Emmott evaluates the diplomatic and deterrence strategies that countries in and outside the Indo-Pacific region are using to try to reduce the risk of that conflict occurring. This book examines these strategies in the light of the lessons of the Ukraine war and identifies yardsticks with which to gauge their potential effectiveness and sustainability. Our goal, Emmott argues, must be for all sides to regard such a US–China conflict as ‘inevitably catastrophic and therefore inconceivable’.

Nostalgic for Cold War realism

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine confirmed that revived great-power competition has heightened the prospect of global conflict, while restoring the concept of deterrence to centre stage. The stakes in a conflict in East Asia, however, would be even higher than those in Ukraine. A war over Taiwan could bring the United States and China, the world’s two greatest powers, into a direct military conflict which would represent a contest for regional or global leadership and would be likely to draw other powers into the fight. Such a war – in which the nuclear question would be ever-present – can currently be described as ‘possible, avoidable, but potentially catastrophic’. In this Adelphi book, Bill Emmott evaluates the diplomatic and deterrence strategies that countries in and outside the Indo-Pacific region are using to try to reduce the risk of that conflict occurring. This book examines these strategies in the light of the lessons of the Ukraine war and identifies yardsticks with which to gauge their potential effectiveness and sustainability. Our goal, Emmott argues, must be for all sides to regard such a US–China conflict as ‘inevitably catastrophic and therefore inconceivable’.

Yardsticks for deterrence

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine confirmed that revived great-power competition has heightened the prospect of global conflict, while restoring the concept of deterrence to centre stage. The stakes in a conflict in East Asia, however, would be even higher than those in Ukraine. A war over Taiwan could bring the United States and China, the world’s two greatest powers, into a direct military conflict which would represent a contest for regional or global leadership and would be likely to draw other powers into the fight. Such a war – in which the nuclear question would be ever-present – can currently be described as ‘possible, avoidable, but potentially catastrophic’. In this Adelphi book, Bill Emmott evaluates the diplomatic and deterrence strategies that countries in and outside the Indo-Pacific region are using to try to reduce the risk of that conflict occurring. This book examines these strategies in the light of the lessons of the Ukraine war and identifies yardsticks with which to gauge their potential effectiveness and sustainability. Our goal, Emmott argues, must be for all sides to regard such a US–China conflict as ‘inevitably catastrophic and therefore inconceivable’.

Allies and partners: the role of Japan

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine confirmed that revived great-power competition has heightened the prospect of global conflict, while restoring the concept of deterrence to centre stage. The stakes in a conflict in East Asia, however, would be even higher than those in Ukraine. A war over Taiwan could bring the United States and China, the world’s two greatest powers, into a direct military conflict which would represent a contest for regional or global leadership and would be likely to draw other powers into the fight. Such a war – in which the nuclear question would be ever-present – can currently be described as ‘possible, avoidable, but potentially catastrophic’. In this Adelphi book, Bill Emmott evaluates the diplomatic and deterrence strategies that countries in and outside the Indo-Pacific region are using to try to reduce the risk of that conflict occurring. This book examines these strategies in the light of the lessons of the Ukraine war and identifies yardsticks with which to gauge their potential effectiveness and sustainability. Our goal, Emmott argues, must be for all sides to regard such a US–China conflict as ‘inevitably catastrophic and therefore inconceivable’.

Why Indo-Pacific deterrence matters

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine confirmed that revived great-power competition has heightened the prospect of global conflict, while restoring the concept of deterrence to centre stage. The stakes in a conflict in East Asia, however, would be even higher than those in Ukraine. A war over Taiwan could bring the United States and China, the world’s two greatest powers, into a direct military conflict which would represent a contest for regional or global leadership and would be likely to draw other powers into the fight. Such a war – in which the nuclear question would be ever-present – can currently be described as ‘possible, avoidable, but potentially catastrophic’. In this Adelphi book, Bill Emmott evaluates the diplomatic and deterrence strategies that countries in and outside the Indo-Pacific region are using to try to reduce the risk of that conflict occurring. This book examines these strategies in the light of the lessons of the Ukraine war and identifies yardsticks with which to gauge their potential effectiveness and sustainability. Our goal, Emmott argues, must be for all sides to regard such a US–China conflict as ‘inevitably catastrophic and therefore inconceivable’.

The Philippines, Australia and other partners

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine confirmed that revived great-power competition has heightened the prospect of global conflict, while restoring the concept of deterrence to centre stage. The stakes in a conflict in East Asia, however, would be even higher than those in Ukraine. A war over Taiwan could bring the United States and China, the world’s two greatest powers, into a direct military conflict which would represent a contest for regional or global leadership and would be likely to draw other powers into the fight. Such a war – in which the nuclear question would be ever-present – can currently be described as ‘possible, avoidable, but potentially catastrophic’. In this Adelphi book, Bill Emmott evaluates the diplomatic and deterrence strategies that countries in and outside the Indo-Pacific region are using to try to reduce the risk of that conflict occurring. This book examines these strategies in the light of the lessons of the Ukraine war and identifies yardsticks with which to gauge their potential effectiveness and sustainability. Our goal, Emmott argues, must be for all sides to regard such a US–China conflict as ‘inevitably catastrophic and therefore inconceivable’.

Taiwan and its predicament

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine confirmed that revived great-power competition has heightened the prospect of global conflict, while restoring the concept of deterrence to centre stage. The stakes in a conflict in East Asia, however, would be even higher than those in Ukraine. A war over Taiwan could bring the United States and China, the world’s two greatest powers, into a direct military conflict which would represent a contest for regional or global leadership and would be likely to draw other powers into the fight. Such a war – in which the nuclear question would be ever-present – can currently be described as ‘possible, avoidable, but potentially catastrophic’. In this Adelphi book, Bill Emmott evaluates the diplomatic and deterrence strategies that countries in and outside the Indo-Pacific region are using to try to reduce the risk of that conflict occurring. This book examines these strategies in the light of the lessons of the Ukraine war and identifies yardsticks with which to gauge their potential effectiveness and sustainability. Our goal, Emmott argues, must be for all sides to regard such a US–China conflict as ‘inevitably catastrophic and therefore inconceivable’.

Danger, hiding in plain sight

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine confirmed that revived great-power competition has heightened the prospect of global conflict, while restoring the concept of deterrence to centre stage. The stakes in a conflict in East Asia, however, would be even higher than those in Ukraine. A war over Taiwan could bring the United States and China, the world’s two greatest powers, into a direct military conflict which would represent a contest for regional or global leadership and would be likely to draw other powers into the fight. Such a war – in which the nuclear question would be ever-present – can currently be described as ‘possible, avoidable, but potentially catastrophic’. In this Adelphi book, Bill Emmott evaluates the diplomatic and deterrence strategies that countries in and outside the Indo-Pacific region are using to try to reduce the risk of that conflict occurring. This book examines these strategies in the light of the lessons of the Ukraine war and identifies yardsticks with which to gauge their potential effectiveness and sustainability. Our goal, Emmott argues, must be for all sides to regard such a US–China conflict as ‘inevitably catastrophic and therefore inconceivable’.

Consistent America, inconstant America

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine confirmed that revived great-power competition has heightened the prospect of global conflict, while restoring the concept of deterrence to centre stage. The stakes in a conflict in East Asia, however, would be even higher than those in Ukraine. A war over Taiwan could bring the United States and China, the world’s two greatest powers, into a direct military conflict which would represent a contest for regional or global leadership and would be likely to draw other powers into the fight. Such a war – in which the nuclear question would be ever-present – can currently be described as ‘possible, avoidable, but potentially catastrophic’. In this Adelphi book, Bill Emmott evaluates the diplomatic and deterrence strategies that countries in and outside the Indo-Pacific region are using to try to reduce the risk of that conflict occurring. This book examines these strategies in the light of the lessons of the Ukraine war and identifies yardsticks with which to gauge their potential effectiveness and sustainability. Our goal, Emmott argues, must be for all sides to regard such a US–China conflict as ‘inevitably catastrophic and therefore inconceivable’.

How Important are Sino-Latin American Trade for Economic Growth? A Trade in Value-Added Perspective

Sino-Latin American trade have increased substantially for decades. However, the increasing trade imbalances between China and several Latin American countries have yielded growing trade frictions. In this paper, we re-calculate the bilateral trade balance using the value-added content in trade and measure the contribution of Sino-Latin American trade to economic growth. The results show that gross trade statistics seriously overestimate the real bilateral trade imbalance, and China’s trade surplus with Mexico decreased by over 50%. The composition of Sino-Latin American trade suggests that most Latin American economies are complementary with Chinese economy. The South-South trade has been increasingly important for both China’s and Latin America’s economic development. We foresee an optimistic future of relations and continuously increasing trade between China and Latin America. Meanwhile, more efforts should be made to settle trade frictions and intensify Sino-Latin American relations.