Shoe Store Research Articles

Responding to Parental Concerns After a Prenatal Diagnosis of Trisomy 21

Jane and Luke were excited after hearing that Jane was pregnant. They had been married for 10 years and had a healthy 6-year-old daughter. Because Jane was age 36 years old, she and Luke chose to have a genetic amniocentesis at 16 weeks of gestation. The fetus was discovered through standard karyotyping to have trisomy 21. The couple described their marriage as strong. Luke managed a small shoe store, and Jane was an elementary school teacher. The growth and development of their daughter had been uncomplicated; she adapted to kindergarten very well. Social support, both family and friends, was an important part of family life. Jane had a younger sister with a significant learning disability who was always in special education. When told the genetic diagnosis of trisomy 21 and presented with the options of either continuing the pregnancy or elective termination, the parents asked, What is it like to raise a child who is not normal, especially a child with Down syndrome? How will the child do in school? How will our 6-year-old daughter respond to her? Can we still keep our jobs and raise such a child?

Seeing it through

The strange, slightly loopy grip that x rays exert on the modern imagination goes beyond the medical realm. American shoe stores in the '50s used x ray machines to measure customers' feet. Beauty parlours used them to remove women's facial hair. They were a staple of comic books and bad science fiction films; Superman had x ray vision. Schizophrenics have delusions about x rays, often involving aliens or the CIA. The ability to see through surfaces with x rays is mysterious and eerily intriguing, yet radiography has now been around long enough to seem almost old fashioned. The …

Shared Pleasures: A History of Movie Presentation in the United States by Douglas Gomery

TECHNOLOGY AND CULTURE Book Reviews 199 this kind of imagery, and such examples of pictorial (as opposed to photographic) journalism are needed to show the special contribution photography offered. Robert Taft’s Photography and the American Scene: A Social History, 1839—1889, first published in 1938 (New York) and still available in a Dover reprint edition, remains the classic study of the subject. Despite its subtitle, Taft’s book contains more technical information, correctly rendered, than the present work. Carlebach does not understand the photomechanical processes, and he confuses their names and charac­ teristics from the introduction all the way through to the glossary. His final chapter, “Dryplates and Halftones,” which should be the culmi­ nation of his argument, is the weakest in the book. By contrast, Taft’s chapter “Photography and the Pictorial Press” gives a brief history of the most important illustrated papers, plus a detailed and accurate description of the development of the halftone. This book offers a number of important illustrations from great moments in American history, and the author has gone to much trouble to locate and pair images from photo and print media, but he has not answered the fundamental question implied in his title: Where do pictures fit in the larger story of newsmaking, and how did photography influence and change journalism? Helena E. Wright Ms. Wright is curator of graphic arts at the National Museum of American History. Her specialty is the history of American pictorial printing. Shared Pleasures: A History of Movie Presentation in the United States. By Douglas Gomery. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1992. Pp. xxii +381; illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. $40.00 (cloth); $15.95 (paper). Shared Pleasures is an economic history of the exhibition end of the film industry in the United States. Douglas Gomery’s perspective emphasizes the impact of social, economic, and technological variables on industry revenue. The movie itself is relegated to a secondary level of importance. Movie exhibition is broadly defined, encompassing early nickelodeons, movie palaces, neighborhood theaters, multi­ plexes, late-show television, and home video. Because this is first and foremost a business history, the interaction of exhibition with techno­ logical and social change is analyzed in terms of rising and falling profits. Gomery has structured his book in three parts. The first describes the growth of movie theaters from an Edison kinetoscope parlor in a converted shoe store to today’s mall multiplex of twenty auditoriums. In the late years of the 19th century, both urban and rural audiences were introduced to the movies through traveling exhibitions and 200 Book Reviews TECHNOLOGY AND CULTURE short films shown at vaudeville houses. However, it was the nickelodeon era that transformed movie exhibition into a big business. The explosive growth of the nickelodeon resulted in a national marketing strategy based on the successful model of national chain and department stores. Powerful regional chains of theaters arose, the largest of these being Balaban and Katz ofChicago and Loew’s ofNew York City, whose lasting monuments were the glorious urban movie palaces of the 1920s. Ultimately these regional businesses coalesced into national chains dominated by the five major Hollywood production companies. Movie attendance was influenced by external events such as depres­ sion, war, suburbanization, and cold war ideology, and Gomery argues that these kinds of social and political factors were far more important in determining revenue than the draw of individual films. Exhibitors faced each challenge through innovation, often with technological incentives such as air conditioning and sound, or entrepreneurial ones, as with the introduction of popcorn and giveaways. Postwar baby-boom families spent their money on durable goods and housing rather than movies, and Gomery asserts that it was this trend toward a family- and child-centered suburban lifestyle that caused the postwar decline in moviegoing, rather than the more commonly perceived threat of television. Suburbanization resulted in the growth of drive-ins, mall cinemas, and the current rise of “postmodern Xanadus of pleasure,” multiplexes with concession stands the size of basketball arenas (p. 113). Part 2 of Shared Pleasures explores alternative types of specialized theaters such as the art cinema and theaters that cater to specific ethnic groups. The most compelling chapter in this...

Creating prop boxes to stimulate dramatic play and literacy development

The sign says “OPEN” and five excited preschoolers are at play in a thematically based dramatic center. Their teacher has transformed a corner of the room into a shoe store, complete with materials designed to support the children's early literacy development.

The quantum shoe store and electron structure

The quantum shoe store and electron structure

Improving Sales Performance in a Family-Owned Business

Feedback and goal-setting may be one approach to increasing productivity in small, family-owned businesses. Theory and previous research relating the difficulty and accuracy of goals to performance level were used to develop a conceptual framework and research hypotheses. A sample of retail sales employees in a small chain of family owned shoe stores was used to study the relationship between daily versus weekly performance feedback and the difficulty and accuracy of self-set goals. Individual sales performance feedback was posted several times a day in one group of stores, while in a second group performance information was posted only once per week. Increased frequency of feedback resulted in more difficult and accurate goals being set by individual sales personnel. Difficulty and accuracy of self-set goals, as well as a relatively high store sales volume, were found to be good predictors of increased individual sales performance. A greater number of nonsales duties and low store sales volume were inversely related to performance.

Jobs, Qualifications, and Preferences

Previous articleNext article No AccessJobs, Qualifications, and PreferencesAlan WertheimerAlan Wertheimer Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Ethics Volume 94, Number 1Oct., 1983 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/292512 Views: 23Total views on this site Citations: 17Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1983 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:James Christensen, Tom Parr, David V. Axelsen Justice for Millionaires?, Economics and Philosophy 38, no.33 (Jul 2021): 333–353.https://doi.org/10.1017/S0266267121000183Andrew Mason, Francesca Minerva Should the Equality Act 2010 Be Extended to Prohibit Appearance Discrimination?, Political Studies 70, no.22 (Nov 2020): 425–442.https://doi.org/10.1177/0032321720966480Gideon Elford FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND SOCIAL COERCION, Legal Theory 27, no.22 (Aug 2021): 149–175.https://doi.org/10.1017/S1352325221000124Urs Lindner Von der Chancengleichheit zur gleichen Teilhabe, Zeitschrift für Politische Theorie 9, no.2-20182-2018 (Jan 2020): 269–290.https://doi.org/10.3224/zpth.v9i2.09Karolina Hansen Accent Beliefs Scale (ABS): Scale Development and Validation, Journal of Language and Social Psychology 39, no.11 (Nov 2019): 148–171.https://doi.org/10.1177/0261927X19883903Re’em Segev Affirmative Action: Well‐Being, Justice, and Qualifications, Ratio Juris 32, no.22 (May 2019): 138–156.https://doi.org/10.1111/raju.12240Xavier Landes, Morten Ebbe Juul Nielsen Racial dodging in the porn industry: a case with no silver bullet, Porn Studies 5, no.22 (Mar 2018): 115–130.https://doi.org/10.1080/23268743.2018.1435302Thomas Søbirk Petersen Some Ethical Considerations on the use of Criminal Records in the Labor Market: in Defense of a New Practice, Journal of Business Ethics 139, no.33 (Apr 2015): 443–453.https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-015-2650-0Leandro Martins Zanitelli, DISCRIMINAÇÃO PRIVADA E O SEGUNDO PRINCÍPIO DA JUSTIÇA DE RAWLS, Kriterion: Revista de Filosofia 56, no.132132 (Dec 2015): 393–411.https://doi.org/10.1590/0100-512X2015n13205lmzFrej Klem Thomsen Stealing Bread and Sleeping Beneath Bridges – Indirect Discrimination as Disadvantageous Equal Treatment, Moral Philosophy and Politics 2, no.22 (Jun 2015): 299–327.https://doi.org/10.1515/mopp-2014-0027Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen Discrimination, (Feb 2013).https://doi.org/10.1002/9781444367072.wbiee420Geert Demuijnck Non-Discrimination in Human Resources Management as a Moral Obligation, Journal of Business Ethics 88, no.11 (Aug 2009): 83–101.https://doi.org/10.1007/s10551-009-0100-6KASPER Lippert-rasmussen The badness of discrimination, Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 9, no.22 (May 2006): 167–185.https://doi.org/10.1007/s10677-006-9014-x by Andrew Mason Equality of Opportunity, Old and New Mason, Ethics 111, no.44 (Jul 2015): 760–781.https://doi.org/10.1086/233572David Miller Two Cheers for Meritocracy*, Journal of Political Philosophy 4, no.44 (Mar 2006): 277–301.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9760.1996.tb00053.xChristopher Herrera Racial discrimination is distinct, if not ?special?, The Journal of Value Inquiry 27, no.22 (Apr 1993): 239–242.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01207382Vincent T Maphai Affirmative action in South Africa ‐a genuine option?, Social Dynamics 15, no.22 (Dec 1989): 1–24.https://doi.org/10.1080/02533958908458471

Purchasing Infant Shoes: Attitudes of Parents, Pediatricians, and Store Managers

Questionnaires designed to collect data about the purchase of shoes for normal infants were completed by 104 parents in a university ambulatory unit, 127 practicing pediatricians, and 36 shoe store managers. Infants received their first pair of walking shoes at an average age of 8.1 months (range: 4 to 12 months) and at an average cost of $14.56 (range: $2 to $43). Most of these shoes had laces (95%), high tops (87%), hard soles (74%), and special arch supports (50%). Of the 104 children, 73 had shoes before they were walking (average cost: $13.21) and 35 wore walking shoes before they were even standing (average cost: $12.68). Parents obtained much more information about shoes from friends and relatives than from physicians. Those parents who obtained most of their information from salespersons spent the most for shoes. The average cost of shoes recommended by store managers was $18.74. Although 77% of pediatricians felt that inexpensive canvas sneakers are adequate, only 28% of the salespersons and 37% of the parents believed that wearing sneakers is healthy.

The Distribution of Occupational Asset Risk

A mean variance model, when applied to portfolios of securities such as on the New York Stock Exchange, provides a strong prescription for diversification. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the applicability of this framework to the labor market. An occupation can be viewed as an income producing activity involving the use of certain assets. For example, the of a farmer would include, land, machinery, and the farmer's human capital. Whether or not an individual should hold an equity in his own has been an important political issue, as evidenced by the notoriety of such concepts as industrial democracy, profit sharing, and worker's cooperatives. One way that an individual can adjust the amount of exposure from his occupation is by changing the associated with assets used in this activity. Ownership can be viewed as a tenure category which involves acceptance of the entire residual return of an asset. Other tenure categories involve varying degrees of residual receipt. For example, in a fixed rental agreement on physical capital assets, labor return and from short term fluctuations in the productivity of the rented assets are born by the individual. Also, the individual avoids associated with changes in the market value of the rented asset. In a share rental agreement, more of the asset can be shifted away from the individual. In a fixed real wage contract, the individual reduces from physical capital as well as to his human capital for the life of the agreement. The typical form of tenure varies widely across occupations. Within an occupational group also, individuals often choose to expose themselves to differing amounts of occupational asset risk. A shifting of away from the employee to his employer, through a change in tenure category, shall henceforth be referred to as risk sharing. An alternative to risk sharing is diversification, where the individual parcels his assets including his human wealth into more than one occupation. For example, a part-time farmer who runs a shoe store can be said to have engaged in job diversification. There are many factors which potentially affect the distribution of occupational uncertainty. For example, it can be argued that the relatively wealthier employer is less averse than his employees. Thus, ceteris paribus, the distribution of should be a function of the

Epidemiological survey of foot problems in the continental United States: 1978-1979.

Questionnaire cards were sent to 45,000 family shoe store customers; 15,000 cards were completed and returned, thereby permitting a broad statistical base in respect to the incidence and types of foot problems encountered in the United States. The incidence of corns, calluses, warts, ingrown toenails, bunions, hallux rigidus, hammer toes, cavus, and pes planus were correlated with age, sex, race, and demographic background, along with the incidence of surgery, conservative treatment, or no treatment. The extrapolated data indicated that 40% of the population have foot problems, of which 12% had surgery and 7% have been untreated.

Financial Institutions and Black Entrepreneurship

The history of black business in the United States goes back to the pre-Revolutionary War years, with the earliest known black enterprise being the catering service, later an ale and oyster house, established by Emanuel Bernoon in Providence, Rhode Island, in 1736 (this historical introduction relies very heavily on information contained in Burrell and Seder, 1971). Between the Revolutionary and Civil Wars, several black businesses flourished; examples include Paul Cuffe's shipbuilding and shipping enterprise established in Massachusetts in 1780; Richard Allen's boot and shoe store established in Philadelphia about 1800; James Forten's sail manufacturing enterprise established also in Philadelphia a few years later; Henry Boyd's bedstead and furniture-making factories in Cincinnati; William Alexander Leidesdorff's export-import and ranching operations in California: and

What's in Alaska?

Carl got off work at three. He left the station and drove to a shoe store near his apartment. He put his foot up on the stool and let the clerk unlace his boot. Something comfortable, Carl said. For casual wear. I have something, the clerk said. He brought out three pairs of shoes and Carl said he would take the third pair, soft, beige-colored shoes that made his feet feel Ught and springy. He paid the clerk and put the box with his boots under his arm. He looked down at his new shoes as he walked. Driving home, his feet moved Ughtly and freely from accelerator pedal to brake to clutch. bought some new shoes, Mary said. Let me see. Do you like them? Carl said. I don't like the color, but ??1 bet they're comfortable. You needed new shoes. He looked at the shoes again. I've got to take a bath, he said. We'U have an early dinner, she said. Helen and Jack asked us over tonight. She got him a water pipe for his birthday and they're anxious to try it out. They're funny. She looked at him. Is it aU right with you? What time?

Investment Opportunities in the Shoe Industry

CONSUMER SPENDING for shoes was $6.1 billion in 1966, 1.3% of total personal consumption expenditures. Total shoe spending in 1966 was divided between shoe stores with $2.8 billion sales, leased shoe departments with about $650 million sales, and other types of retailers with $2.6 billion sales. In 1966, the wholesale value of shipments by U. S. manufacturers was $2.75 billion, and shoe imports were $173 million.

The Inertia Effect in Measuring Threshold Populations

The Inertia Effect in Measuring Threshold Populations Stanley D. Brunn * INTRODUCTION. The purpose of this study is to examine the effect of inertia on the entry values for goods and services in two contrasting socioeconomic areas. This is a phenomenon which has only been hinted at in the literature. (1) The conditions accounting for the variety and number of goods and services and for different threshold populations in a central place system will vary over time and space. The differences will be related to such determinants as economic productivity, residential and employment patterns, and shopping habits. The question posed is: in the process of growth in an area, does the population lag behind the number of services, or in an area of decreasing population, does the rate of decline for services lag behind that of the population? This paper focuses on the inertia problem and attempts to ferret out its effect on threshold population values. (2) The problem is examined in a total of 64 randomly selected central places of less than 5000 population in two areas: a poverty-stricken area of Appalachia (southeast Ohio) and a productive Middle Western agricultural area (northwest Ohio). Rural southeast Ohio, the depressed economic area lying within the Columbus-Wheeling-Ashland triangle, has social and economic characteristics similar to parts of Kentucky, West Virginia, and Pennsylvania. The northwest area is similar to parts of Illinois, Indiana, and Iowa that are acquiring a more urban and rural nonfarm character than an agricultural one. This study area is included within the Toledo-Lima-Ft. Wayne industrial complex. At present, the two rural areas of Ohio are experiencing different demographic trends and have contrasting levels of economic vitality. These contrasts exist today to approximately the same extent as in 1940. At that time, the northwest was the most productive agricultural section of the state and the southeast the poorest. This is still true. On top of the substandard agricultural and industrial base for southeast Ohio, the strip mining interests have added further impetus to the economic decline. In the past 25 years, the population of northwest Ohio has increased 15 per cent, while the southeast has increased only one per cent. During this same period, the southeast lost over two-thirds of its rural farm population, a condition that clearly affected the number and variety of services rendered by agricultural trade centers. The populations of all southeastern Ohio small urban centers have declined since 1940 except for the county seats and a few industrial suburbs. This decline also occurred in the townships. In contrast to this rapid outmigration , most of the townships with urban centers in northwest Ohio increased their populations during the 1940-64 period. Almost all the selected central places in both study areas lost functional units between 1940 and 1964. In general, the larger the population, the greater the absolute decline in functional units. The largest losses in numbers were for general stores, restaurants, food stores, and auto repair •Dr. Brunn is assistant professor of geography at the University of Florida, Gainesville. The paper was accepted for publication in December 1967. Vol. VII, 19677 shops. In addition to a decline in necessity services, there was a decrease in the number and variety of such luxury establishments as bakeries, shoe stores, and meat markets. A few services were found only in 1940, viz., blacksmiths and harness shops. Several others, such as frozen food lockers and sporting goods stores, appeared only in 1964. (3) HYPOTHESES. It is hypothesized, on the basis of the economic, social, and demographic conditions of the study areas today and the changes they have undergone, that lower threshold population values will appear for most goods and services in the northwest rather than in the southeast. This condition is expected in 1940 and 1964. In the main, it is argued that a smaller population base is needed for a given good to appear in small urban centers in northwest Ohio. Here the advantages of higher incomes, a higher population density, an increasing urban population, a growing industrial base, and excellent transportation links should contribute to the ease of starting and duplicating economic activities. Opposite conditions exist in the southeastern part of the state...

Wendell R. Smith

preceded by another decade of part-time and full-time employment in retailing. During high-school and college days Wendell Smith learned retailing at the grassroots level by selling in the family shoe store in Shenandoah, Iowa. Upon graduation from the State University of Iowa in 1932, the 21-year-old Smith worked in the family business for another two years, except for a brief interlude as a trainee with the Florsheim Shoe Company in Chicago. A graduate assistantship at his alma mater facilitated Smith's return to the academic world in 1934. Later he was appointed an Instructor in the College of Commerce and WENDELL worked toward his Ph.D. degree, which was conferred in 1941. With time out for employment with the Office of Price Administration during World War II, Dr. Smith progressed through the

Twenty years of coping with ionizing radiation at the local health department level.

THE DISCOVERY of ionizing radiation in the electromagnetic spectrum occurred just before the turn of our century. In a very short period it was found that these radiations could damage man's health and shorten his life. By the midnineteen thirties, the clear, bold outlines of the injuries and the approximate quantity of radiation required to cause them were well delineated. Most of this picture, except the genetic aspect so ably filled in by Nobel Prize winner Muller, was sketched from workers exposed to ionizing radiation whose maimed bodies and shortened life spans provided the master model. All too often it has been the lot of the world's workers to serve in this capacity whenever a new chemical or physical stress has been introduced into man's environment. The Bureau of Industrial Hygiene of the Detroit Department of Health was established in 1936. Before the year had ended, it was investigating possibilities of radiation sickness among workers repairing watch dials lettered with luminous paint containing radium. Already, instrumentation and standards for permissible exposure were available which permitted the inauguration of environmental control measures good enough to minimize the health hazard from this occupation. The year 1939 marked the introduction of industrial radiography into Detroit. Some installations used radium sources but most used high-voltage x-ray equipment. By 1943, all such exposures were brought under adequate control by the Health Department, with the utmost cooperation on the part of management. Many of the larger such work places also employed diagnostic x-ray equipment in their medical departments. Industrial hygiene studies made of exposures of workers operating this equipment clearly demonstrated needless absorption of x-ray energy. But inasmuch as this equipment was being operated in a manner long established in the healing professions, it proved extremely difficult to reduce exposure by altering equipment and revising work operations. Similar difficulties were encountered when a few hospital installations were studied. We were obviously too far ahead of our times in this industry to get profitable results for the expended staff time. In 1945, we turned our attention to x-ray fluoroscopic shoe-fitting machines, of which there were some 350 in Detroit shoe stores. Even if one granted that there was a health reason for using these devices, it was obvious that most of them exposed employees and the public to

Excerpt: Naked Lunch

can feel the heat closing in, feel them out there making their moves, setting up their devil doll stool pigeons, crooning over my spoon and dropper throw away at Washington Square Station, vault a turnstile and two flights down the iron stairs, catch an uptown A train. ... Young, good looking, crew cut, Ivy League, advertising exec type fruit holds the door back for me. am evidently his idea of a character. You know the type comes on with bartenders and cab drivers, talking about right hooks and the Dodgers, call the counter man in Nedick's by his first name. A real asshole. right on time this narcotics dick in a white trench coat (imagine tailing somebody in a white trench coat. Trying to pass as a fag guess) hit the platform. can hear the way he would say it holding my outfit in his left hand, right hand on his piece: I think you dropped something, fella. But the subway is moving. long flatfoot! yell, giving the fruit his B production. look into the fruit's eyes, take in the white teeth, the Florida tan, the two hundred dollar sharkskin suit, the button down Brook's Brother shirt and carrying News as a prop. Only thing read is Little Abner. A square wants to come on hip.... Talks about pod and smoke it now and then, and keeps some around to offer the fast Hollywood types. Thanks, kid, say, I can see you're one of our own. His face lights up like a pinball machine, with stupid, pink effect. Grassed on me he did, said morosely. (Footnote: Grass is English thief slang for inform.) drew closer and laid my dirty junky fingers on his sharkskin sleeve. And us blood brothers in the same dirty needle. can tell you in confidence he is due for a hot shot. (Footnote: This is a cap of poison junk sold to addict for liquidation purposes. Often given to informers. Usually the hot shot is strychnine since it tastes and looks like junk.) Ever see a hot shot hit, kid? saw the Gimp catch one in Philly. We rigged his room with a one-way whorehouse mirror and charged a sawski to watch it. never got the needle out of his arm. They don't if the shot is right. That's the way they find them, dropper full of clotted blood hanging out of a blue arm. look in his eyes when it hit. Kid, it was tasty.... Recollect when am traveling with the Vigilante, best Shake Man in the industry. Out in Chi... We is working the fags in Lincoln Park. So one night the Vigilante turns up for work in cowboy boots and a black vest with a hunka tin on it and a lariat slung over his shoulder. says: `What's with you? You wig already?' He just looks at me and says: `Fill your hand stranger,' and hauls out an old rusty six shooter and take off across Lincoln Park, bullets cutting all around me. he hangs three fags before the fuzz nail him. mean the Vigilante earned his moniker.... Ever notice how many expressions carry over from queers to con men? Like 'raise', letting someone know you are in the same line? `Get her!' `Get the Paregoric Kid giving that mark the build up!' `Eager Beaver wooing him much too fast.' The Shoe Store Kid (he got that moniker shaking down fetishists in shoe stores) say: `Give it to a mark with K.Y. and he will come back moaning for more.' when the Kid spots a mark he begin to breathe heavy. His face swells and his lips turn purple like an Eskimo in heat. Then slow, slow he comes on the mark, feeling for him, palpating him with fingers of rotten ectoplasm. The Rube has a sincere little boy look burns through him like blue neon. That one stepped right off a Saturday Evening Post cover with a string of bullheads, and preserved himself in junk. His marks never beef and the Bunko people are really carrying a needle for the Rube. One day Little Boy Blue starts to slip, and what crawls out would make an ambulance attendant puke. Rube flips in the end, running through empty automats and subway stations, screaming: `Come back, kid! …

SHOE-FITTING FLUOROSCOPES

THE dangers of radiation have been recognized for many years. Even experienced physicians use x-ray equipment with extreme care and only when benefits from diagnosis and treatment can be expected to outweigh possible harm. It is not surprising, therefore, that roentgenologists and public health departments have become increasingly disturbed over the use of x-ray shoe-fitting machines in retail shoe stores. The New York State Department of Health and the New York City Department of Health have recently altered the Sanitary Code in order to regulate the use of fluoroscopes in shoe stores.

Radiation Exposures from the Use of Shoe-Fitting Fluoroscopes

IT IS now common practice in many shoe stores and shoe departments of department stores to supplement usual shoe-fitting methods by the use of fluoroscopes known as x-ray shoe fitters. Because this technic has spread rapidly throughout the United States, particularly in stores specializing in children's shoes, it is desirable to know precisely the exposures to irradiation received by customers, as well as by clerks and other persons in the area of x-ray shoe-fitting units.For this reason a series of studies was undertaken for the purpose of measuring foot dosage, leakage through the walls of the cabinet and scattering . . .

Potential Dangers in the Uncontrolled Use of Shoe-Fitting Fluoroscopes

THREE types of radiation injuries may result from the uncontrolled use of low-voltage x-ray machines in shoe stores in the manner described by Dr. Williams in the preceding article. The most likely...