Shia Research Articles

The Phenomenology of Iranian Near-Death Experiences

Article describing the findings regarding thematic analysis of seventeen near-death experience accounts provided by Iranian Shia Muslims to determine how these experiences overlap or diverge from accounts given by experiencers from Western cultures.

Sunni and Shiite Political Thought of Islam State Relationship: A Comparison between Abdurrahman Wahid of Indonesia and Ayatollah Khomeini of Iran

This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini’s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.

Performing Islamic Rituals in Non-Muslim Countries: Wedding Ceremony among Indonesian Muslims in The Netherlands

This paper discusses how the Indonesian Sunni Muslim leader Abdurrahman Wahid and the Iranian Shiite Muslim leader Ayatollah Khomeini responded to the debate about the relationship between Islam and the state. Their responses impacted on the struggle of Indonesian and Iranian Muslims in considering the ideological basis of Indonesian and Iranian states. On the one hand, Wahid with his educational and social background and Indonesian political context rejected the concept of an Islamic state. He did not agree with the formalization of Islamic sharia. To implement his idea, he promoted the idea of Pribumisasi Islam. For Wahid, islamization was not arabization. Khomeini, on the other hand, believed that Islam is a religion that has complete laws and way of life including social rules. According to Khomeini, to effectively implement these rules, Muslims need to have executive power. In Khomeini’s view, when the Quran calls for Muslims to obey Allah, the messenger, and ulil amri, this means that Allah instructs Muslims to create an Islamic state. To realise his views, Khomeini proposed the doctrine of Velayat-e al Faqeeh. Thus, different religious-political contexts of these two leaders contributed to their different responses to the relationship between Islam and the state.

STIGMATISASI DAN PROPAGANDA ANTI-SYIAH: SOROTAN DESKRIPTIF GERAKAN ANNAS

<p>The term anti-Shi'a is prejudice or hatred towards Shiite Muslims based on their religion and heritage. Anti-Shi'a efforts portray Shia as dangerous teachings by linking the Iraq and Syria conflicts, thus forcing some religious groups and the Indonesian Ulema Council (MUI) to issue heretical fatwas for Shi'ite teachings. How does anti-Shi'a propaganda manifest in describing Shi'ism? This paper describes the plot and context of anti-Shi'a in Indonesia. The anti-Shi'a container known as the National Anti-Shi'a Alliance (ANNAS) has become a new medium in campaigning for Shiite heresy. The sentiment of this movement adds a new list of Islamic boxes by giving birth to exclusive Islam. The participation of extremist, Salafi and conservative groups in the Shia stigmatization resulted in sentiments and propaganda towards Shia teachings.</p>

KONFLIK SUNNI-SYIAH DI TIMUR TENGAH PERSPEKTIF GEOPOLITIK DAN DAMPAKNYA TERHADAP HUBUNGAN SUNNI-SYIAH DI INDONESIA

<p>Since the Iranian Islamic Revolution in 1979, Sunni sentiments with Shia have been redistributed everywhere. Even though the Sunni-Shia sentiment is not the main source of conflict but political geography, which is related to borders and natural resources. Because, the Middle East is located in a strategic area so that it becomes a very important region in the global political map. Conflicts that are inseparable from Sunni-Shia sentiments in the Middle East include: Shiite Sunni conflict in the Gulf War, attacks on the commemoration of Ashura (Karbala Massacre), Shiite Sunni conflicts in Syria and Lebanon, and Shia Sunni conflicts in the Yemeni Civil War. This conflict has a huge impact on Shia Sunni relations in Indonesia. The impact of the conflict was the occurrence of Sunni Shia conflict in Indonesia, which included: the attack on the Shia Islamic Boarding School, the dissolution of the commemoration of the Ashura tradition, the dissolution of the anniversary of Fatimah Az-Zahra, the ban on the Rausyan Fikr Foundation in Yogyakarta, and the attack on the Shia community in Madura. This paper attempts to examine the impact of the Shia Sunni conflict from a Geopolitical perspective and the impact of the conflict on Sunni- Shia relations in Indonesia.</p>

Yafa Shanneik, Chris Heinhold, Zahra Ali (eds.), “Mapping Shia Muslim Communities in Europe. Local and Tra

Yafa Shanneik, Chris Heinhold, Zahra Ali (eds.), “Mapping Shia Muslim Communities in Europe. Local and Tra

The Responses Of Antakya (Antioch) Churches To Cultural Shifts

Antakya (Antioch), located in the southern region of Turkey, is one of the oldest settlements in the country. Its history dates back to the prehistoric times. It has been through countless invasions throughout its history. It has been dominated by various civilizations and has been the center of many religions. The city, which was founded by Alexander the Great in the Roman period, has many routes to nearly all directions as a result of its geographical location. Due to its context, this makes the city the point of convergence of cultures. After the Roman period, Byzantine and Arab-dominated city (AC 395 — AC 963), were exposed to constant war between the Christian and Muslim communities for the domination right to the city. Today in Antakya, although the majority of the population is Muslim and Christian, the Sunni Arabs, Sunni Turks, Shia Arabs, Assyrians, Catholics, Orthodox Christians, Protestant Arabs, Arabs, Armenians, Jewish people and other minority groups all live together in harmony, thus forming the dynamics of multicultural city structure. The name “Christian” was first coined in this historic city. Antakya also hosts the Church of Saint Peter, which is believed to be one of the earliest Christian houses of worship, making it extremely valuable for Christianism. Indigenous inhabitants of Antakya have lived in the same land since the foundation of Christianity. Today, 90 percent of the Christians are Orthodox, 10 percent are Protestants and other believers, where the population of Christians are decreasing. Bearing in mind the aforementioned history and context, a research was conducted on the Orthodox Church, Antakya Protestant Church and Vakıflı Armenian Church which all still exist to this day in the city. Purpose of the research is to evaluate the structure of the churches in regards to the following parameters;- The responses of the churches to the indigenous inhabitants- Cultural shifts in the ever-changing sociocultural values of the society- The city image they present.The reason behind choosing these three structures for the study is the fact that all three structures boast Christian symbolism and imagery.

Beyond Sectarian Identity Politics in the Middle East: The Case of Iran-Saudi Arabia’s Rivalry

Iran – Saudi Arabia’s rivalry has been behind conflicts and instabilities in the region. However, the political nature of this rivalry is often over-simplified by mainstream media outlets. Similarly, a major part of literature on identity politics in Iran – Saudi Arabia’s rivalry has mainly provided a comprehensive and descriptive account of their history as well as current conditions with ethnic and sectarian identities as roots and origins of regional instabilities; or focused mainly on the politicization and manipulation of Sunni and Shia Islam by actors in their struggles for power. Synthesizing the theories on identity politics already in existence, namely Primordialism, instrumentalism, and social constructivism, this research constructed an integrated theoretical model. In this model, sectarian identity - one essence intrinsic to Middle Eastern societies and constructed alongside regional history – is not only measured by its tremendous influences on political processes; but also compared in the usage of political actors of all levels in political practices.

Introduction

Introduction

Impact of Sectarian Violence on Pakistan's Security and Politics

The sectarian violence got the moment during Zia's reign when the Deobandi sect created violent militant groups as Sipah-e- Sahaba and Lashkar-e-Jhangvi. In contrast, the Shia sect created Sipah-i-Mohammad Pakistan under the banner of the Afghan Jihad. Both Deobandi and Shia sects had ignited the violent clashes, which led to many innocent people's massacre. This moment of violent clashes was continued during the reigns of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, wherein the governments had ignored the violent activities of both religious factions. However, the incident of 9/11 had changed the dynamics of this violent conflict when the Musharraf government banned all militant groups for overcoming the extremism. This paper explores the polarization among the Deobandi and the Shias and their influence on Pakistan's national security. This paper suggests that the government should scrutinize all madrassas' curricula by removing hatred materials from the scheme of madrassas' study.

Shiite Patterns of Post-Migration in Europe

ABSTRACTThis brief reflection treats the reactive relation between the dispersions of (post-)migration and the integralism of religion in selected cases of European Shiism. It reconsiders reports on Twelver Shiism and Shiite Muslims in Europe in order to discern the main institutional and demographic tendencies in Shiites’ European settlement history in Britain, France and Germany, and to explore such settlement in light of mega-theorizations of European Islam that juxtapose ‘integration’ and ‘separation’. The presentation focuses on Iranians in Britain and argues for the centrality of two complicating variations on the pattern: Integration-Retention (as in the case of blood donation practice) and Separation-Appropriation (as in the case of reformist Islamism in the Ettehādiye Society). Each type stems from heightened Self–Other reflection, triggered by migration and defined more precisely in terms of boundary setting. Such thought is double-scaled for differentiation (d) and reciprocation (r), contrasting jurisprudential treatments ‘there’ (+d/-r) and organizational engagement ‘here’ (-d/+r). Identity formation in European Shiism often involves the rebalancing of these elements.

Assessment of Temporary Medical Clinics During the Arbaeenia Mass Gathering at Al-Karkh, Baghdad, Iraq, in 2014: Cross-Sectional Study.

BackgroundDuring mass gatherings, public health services and other medical services should be planned to protect attendees and people living around the venue to minimize the risk of disease transmission. These services are essential components of adequate planning for mass gatherings. The Arbaeenia mass gathering signifies the remembrance of the death of Imam Hussain, celebrated by Shiite Muslims, and takes place in Karbala, which is a city in southern Iraq. This annual mass gathering is attended by millions of people from within and outside Iraq.ObjectiveThis study aimed to map the availability of medical supplies, equipment, and instruments and the health workforce at the temporary clinics located in Al-Karkh, Baghdad, Iraq, in 2014.MethodsThis assessment was conducted on the temporary clinics that served the masses walking from Baghdad to Karbala. These clinics were set up by governmental and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and some faith-based civil society organizations, locally known as mawakib. We developed a checklist to collect information on clinic location, affiliation, availability of safe water and electricity, health personnel, availability of basic medical equipment and instruments, drugs and other supplies, and average daily number of patients seen by the clinic.ResultsA total of 30 temporary clinics were assessed: 18 clinics were set up by the Ministry of Health of Iraq and 12 by other governmental organizations and NGOs. The clinics were staffed by a total of 44 health care workers. The health workers served 16,205 persons per day, an average of 540 persons per clinic, and 368 persons per health care worker per day. The majority of clinics (63% [19/30]-100% [30/30]) had basic medical diagnostic equipment. Almost all clinics had symptom relief medications (87% [26/30]-100% [30/30]). Drugs for diabetes and hypertension were available in almost half of the clinics. The majority of clinics had personal hygiene supplies and environmental sanitation detergents (78%-90%), and approximately half of the clinics had medical waste disposal supplies. Instruments for cleansing and dressing wounds and injuries were available in almost all clinics (97%), but only 4 clinics had surgical sterilization instruments.ConclusionsAlthough temporary clinics were relatively equipped with basic medical supplies, equipment, and instruments for personal medical services, the health workforce was insufficient, given the number of individuals seeking care, and only limited public health service, personal infection control, and supplies were available at the clinics.

Forty Years After the Islamic Revolution of Iran: An Indonesian Perspective

Following 40 years of Khomeini’s Islamic Revolution in Iran, how does Indonesia view Iran then and now? Is the exportation of the Revolution now relevant amid the contemporary political constellation in the Middle East and the world? Does Shia Islam remain to pose a sociopolitical problem today in the largest Muslim nation? In view of the current political standoff with the United States of America, will the system, based on Velayat-e Fagheh (Guardianship of the Jurist), remain strong against all odds? This article explores these questions based on personal reflections, experiential learning and continuous engagement in and with Iran.

Quando a sua ocultação chegar ao fim: o messianismo islâmico xiita nos fundamentos de uma identidade religiosa

O presente artigo objetiva analisar como a ideia messiânica se apresenta e se fundamenta em uma das religiões que mais cresce no mundo, o Islã, a partir da análise de uma de suas vertentes responsável por uma das maiores revoluções políticas (Revolução Iraniana, 1979), a vertente xiita. Para tanto, o trabalho se fundamentará nos seguintes passos: 1) breve apresentação da ideia messiânica nas três religiões monoteístas, atendo-se ao messianismo islâmico dentro da vertente xiita duodecimana; 2) busca pelos elementos revolucionários presentes no Islã xiita e verificação de como esses elementos alimentam a ideia de messianismo nesse grupo; 3) análise da ideia messiânica como formadora de identidade, entre os xiitas, e suas implicações na vivência sócio-religiosa-política dessa comunidade na atualidade. Sem a pretensão de esgotar o assunto, o trabalho que se segue surge como um sucinto, mas grande esforço (jihad) na busca pela compreensão de um elemento complexo, a saber, o messianismo no pensamento islâmico. A justificativa para tal meta encontra-se no desejo de apresentar um caminho de conhecimento sobre esse a fim de suscitar novas discussões.

Religious Coping and Challenges Among Displaced Muslim Female Refugees

With millions of women experiencing forced displacement, attention is needed toward migrant women’s lived experiences. Religion is an understudied but central component of coping for many migrant women. Through the use of qualitative and quantitative methods, an exploratory study was conducted with 36 forced migrant Shia Muslim women residing in a predominantly Sunni Muslim country of first asylum. Using the brief Multidimensional Measure of Religiousness/Spirituality and drawing from feminist theory, intersectionality, and the ecological framework, we describe women’s experience with religion and spirituality across a variety of domains. Open-ended semistructured interviews were analyzed using a thematic analysis approach. Participants were highly religious across all domains measured. Key themes emerged related to how religion helps women manage stress, including: (1) trusting God to solve problems and (2) relying on prayer and other religious practices to cope. Despite these strengths, women also described major challenges to religious practice, where the third identified theme emphasized that fear and persecution limit religious practice. This article builds understanding of forced migrant women’s experiences, with implications for social work practice and immigration policy. Service organizations can recognize and support religious coping, particularly among religious minority refugee women. Additionally, practitioners and policy makers can promote religious tolerance and understanding within diverse host communities.

Creating a Diasporic Public Sphere in Britain: Twelver Shia Networks in London

ABSTRACTSince the 1980s, the Borough of Brent, in north-west London, has been a major global hub of transnational Twelver Shiism. With the influx of Iraqi refugees, many clerical leaders of Twelver Shia Islam established their European headquarters in Brent, and, in addition to Damascus and Tehran, London became a major centre of Iraqi diaspora politics during Saddam Hussein’s regime. The transnational networks and organizations based in Brent engage in an Islamic ‘transnational public space’, which Bowen defines as a globally operating discursive ‘field of Islamic reference and debate’. Based on ethnographic research in London, the article provides novel insights into the Twelver Shia Muslim organizational field in Britain and its engagement in ‘an alternative diasporic public sphere’ that articulates issues and contestations specific to Shia Muslims living in Britain: what does displacement and migration mean for Shia Muslims who have often escaped oppression, war and civil conflict; how do Shia Muslims in Britain define their relationship to Sunnis in the context of rising sectarianism in the post-Arab Spring Middle East; how do Shia Muslims position themselves towards Iran and its aspiration to be the political leader of global Shiism?

Political Shiisms

Among the many scholarly and popular discourses that proliferated with the advent of the third millennium and which took on new intensity, particularly since 2012, on the confessional polarization of the Arab world and intensification of transnational conflict between Sunni and Shia Islam, a certain geohistorical narrative appears to be emerging at the regional and particularly Middle Eastern level which would symmetrically oppose the fragmentation of Sunni Islam to the rise of a unified Shii...

Edge of Enlightenment: The Akbar tradition and ‘universal toleration’ in British Bengal

Abstract‘Toleration’ is a notoriously slippery concept, and yet, as recent scholarship on the historical roots of Indian secularism has implied, it was a guiderail for East India Company decision-making in Bengal in the late eighteenth century. What, then, was the outcome when Europeans encountered what they were quick to regard as South Asian patterns of ‘toleration’? This article argues, first, that a medley of competing policy visions emerged from this interaction and, second, that where these visions overlapped was in perceiving political gain to ensue from facilitating existing South Asian devotional practices. A corollary consequence of this still-emergent policy framework was that most East India Company personnel were loath to intervene in any way but a reactive one when conflicts between devotees of Durga on parade and observers of the Shia Muslim holy day ashura escalated into reprisals and street violence in Calcutta in September 1789.

Men’s dominance over Women according to the Quran's explanation (with emphasize on the ideology of “Human Interests" in Shiite Islam)

خداوند در آیه 34 سوره نساء(الرجال قوامون علی النساء...) قوامیت مردان بر زنان را مطرح کرده است. تا کنون دیدگاه های گوناگونی از سوی مفسران جهت تبیین قوامیت در آیه مورد بحث ارائه شده است. از آنجا که خانواده اولین نهاد در حیات انسانی و نقطه شروعی است که در کل مراحل زندگی اثر می‏ گذارد، ضرورت دارد تفسیر قوامیت مردان در این آیه با عنایت به مصالح خانواده لحاظ گردد. از این رو، پژوهش حاضر با این سؤال روبروست که«قوامیت مردان بر زنان در آیه 34 سوره نساء با نظرداشت مصلحت در فقه شیعه چگونه تبیین می‏ شود؟» بر این اساس، تشریع قوامیت را باید با نظرداشت سنجه‏ های مصلحت در فقه شیعه مانند موافقت مصلحت با فطرت و طبیعت انسان و نیز مصلحت عام تحکیم خانواده مورد توجه قرارداد و بر این پایه تفاوت‏ های جنسیتی را در تبیین حقوق و وظایف زوجین لحاظ کرد.

Between Secrecy and Transparency: Conversions to Protestantism Among Iranian Refugees in Germany

Present-day scholarship on religious conversions diverts from classic Protestant paradigms of sudden conversions and instant transformations of the self. Instead, it stresses that converts make active choices that are influenced by specific contexts and historical changes. This becomes evident in an ethnographic study of one controversial aspect of the recent refugee influx in Germany: the so-called mass conversions of Iranian refugees from Shia Islam to Christianity, which have been highly publicized and criticized since the height of immigration in 2015. The analysis draws on interview data with Iranian refugee converts and their pastors in Protestant churches in North Rhine-Westphalia between October 2017 and January 2018. The study reveals the need to theorize the symbiotic connection between religious contacts, forced migration, and conversion to Christianity. It applies Rambo’s (1993) stage model of conversion and the analytical concept of secrecy (Jones 2014, Manderson et al. 2015, Simmel 1906) to demonstrate that the Iranian refugees’ conversions are shaped by contexts, crises, encounters, quests, interactions, commitments, and consequences (Rambo 1993) as they negotiate the forces of secrecy, risk, transparency, and the benefits of being a Christian. The goal of this paper is to find thematic patterns in their narratives that can be systematized and can build a foundation for further study.