As historians shift their emphasis political to social and economic questions, they risk losing valuable information embedded in old-fashioned sources. In the case of France's July Monarchy, for example, historians working from below have given little time to parliamentary politics. And yet, the restricted franchise notwithstanding, the French deputies were responsible for much social and economic legislation that deserves attention. One example is the Loi des patentes of 1844. Careful study of that legislation, and of the circumstances surrounding it, discloses significant information about the political, social, and economic history of nineteenthcentury France. It adds to our knowledge of, and questions accepted assumptions about, the extent and nature of bourgeois control under the July Monarchy. It also reveals much about the growth of French industry, commerce, and professions, and about the attitudes of the French elite to modernization. Sherman Kent first called attention to this relatively obscure law over forty years ago. He argued that the tax structure of the constitutional monarchy of 1815-48 ensured that the landowners paid higher taxes than the businessman, whether one those taxes on capital invested or income, and thus dominated the electorate. Furthermore, according to Kent the conservative government that came to power in 1840 revised the patente four years later in a way that further reduced the number of voters the business class on the electoral rolls. opposition, he writes, estimated that the new law reduced the electorate by 2,085 voters in Paris alone.' The underlying assumption of this argument, an assump-