Shanghai Cooperation Organization Research Articles

CHINA IN THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION: HISTORY OF INVOLVEMENT AND INTERESTS

Recent developments on the global arena, such as the deterioration of the relations between the United States (US) from one side, and Russia and China from the other, Russian-Chinese rapprochement after the Ukrainian crisis, open up a new discussion on the international organizations in Eurasia. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) was established with the aim to fight against “three evils”: terrorism, separatism, and extremism. Throughout the years it has shown its efficacy but lacked significant development in terms of evolution. Economic cooperation was stalled by the Russian stance, that was against the Chinese dominance in the Central Asian region. This led to the establishment of new economic entities such as Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the Belt and Road Initiative. The issue of horizontal expansion was banned until the mid-2010s when Russia and China agreed to grant membership simultaneously to India and Pakistan. The aim of this article is to analyse Chinese foreign policy in the SCO and to find its interests and motive forces and the current relation to the organization.

Mutual trust without a strong collective identity? Examining the Shanghai cooperation organization as a nascent security community

ABSTRACT It has long been assumed that security communities form in the international system based on at least two criteria, having a strong collective identity and mutual trust among their members. Security is gleaned through mutual trust, while community coalesces around a strong collective identity and shared values. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization exhibits traits of a security community, where its structure is designed to institutionalize mutual trust, but the organization lacks a cohesive collective identity, especially since the inclusion of India and Pakistan into the organization, which has caused a weakening in the Russia-China driven identity within the intergovernmental organization. This paper examines how the SCO can function as a security community, arguing that a strong collective identity is only a sufficient condition for the establishment of a security community, mutual trust being the only ingredient necessary for a security community to form.

Существующие механизмы Шанхайской организации сотрудничества и проблемы борьбы с нетрадиционными вызовами безопасности

Central Asia is extremely important for the security of Russia, China and the Eurasian region, both historically and at present. Unconventional security challenges, led by terrorism, extremism and separatism, which in the official Chinese rhetoric and official documents of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) are designated as the ‘three forces of evil,’ pose a serious challenge to the security of China, Russia, the countries of Central Asia and Eurasia in general. Over the 20 years of the SCO’s history, proceeding from their ‘Shanghai spirit,’ the participating countries have created unique legislative and organizational mechanisms for a joint strike against the ‘three forces of evil,’ as well as mechanisms for bilateral and multilateral antiterrorist exercises. The most important of these is the Peace Mission joint exercise, which has been regularly held since 2005. These mechanisms of cooperation within the SCO embody the spirit of solidarity, mutual trust and cooperation, reflect the ability of the members of the organization to jointly counter the ‘three forces of evil’ and respond to related problems, and also symbolize the SCO’s determination to protect stability in the region and peace in the world. The organization has made a significant contribution to ensuring security in the region. Nevertheless, in the face of existing problems and new challenges such as potential competition and disagreements within the organization, problems with new members after the expansion of the membership, and also the ineffective functioning of some of the SCO’s security instruments, all SCO members need to strengthen their cooperation and open new ways for organizing the SCO to fulfil well its unique role to ensure security in the territory of SCO states and in Eurasia as a whole. The new model of relations—‘Russian-Chinese relations of comprehensive partnership and strategic interaction entering a new era’—that underlies the SCO gives the organization greater stability. The SCO is a unique organization on the territory of Eurasia and has both implemented an important innovation in the theory and practice of international relations and opened a new model of regional cooperation. Therefore, it can be stated with a high degree of confidence that multilateral cooperation in the field of security will gradually deepen.

Barriers for Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) to Pave Road to Supranationalism

Considering that the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) successfully brings forth intensive cooperation and prompts great intimacy among its members, many states perceive SCO as a promising regional organization for bridging their interests and shouldering their burden. Consequently, participation within SCO has expanded with the arrival of several new members and participants. Having in mind that its notoriety grown by leaps and bounds, can SCO increase its capability and competence as a regional organization by becoming a supranational one? Can SCO input supranationalism norms and values into its mechanism? This study argues that it is futile for us to expect that SCO possesses supranational capacity. The argument derives from the fact that SCO is the agent designed to safeguard its member’s sovereignty, and it consists of stubborn hegemonic power with bold nationalism. This study generated the aforementioned assessment by addressing the idea of supranationalism and implementing qualitative research and library research method.

Russia and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization: a question of the commitment capacity

ABSTRACT Russia is one of the founding members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and, next to China, one of its leaders. While being an active and engaging member of the organization, Russia’s strategy towards SCO remains puzzling. Initially, it sought a pragmatic cooperation with China on solving numerous security issues that plagued post-Soviet Central Asia. However, Russia gradually developed alternative regional bodies (viz. Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), and Eurasian Economic Union (EEU)) where it is a supreme leader, and which became its preferred tools for interacting with other states in the post-Soviet space. This impacted the place and role of the SCO in Russia’s regional and global strategies. Moreover, Russia’s growing power asymmetry vis-à-vis China added an additional dimension to its consideration of SCO. Hence, Moscow promoted several policies, especially the enlargement, which seemed to undercut SCO’s development. This paper relies on a theoretical framework of the so-called theory of cooperative hegemony, especially the application of one of its main analytical variables – the commitment capacity – to examine Russia’s policy towards SCO. Apart from considerable secondary sources, the article draws upon six semi-structured expert interviews, and a number of primary documents including but not limited to foreign policy concepts, declarations, and charters.

India's multi-alignment management and the Russia–India–China (RIC) triangle

Abstract In its Eurasian diplomacy toward Russia and China, India has preferred to engage these states bilaterally and through the Brazil–Russia–India–China–South Africa (BRICS) and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) multilateral alignments. By contrast, India views the Russia–India–China (RIC) triangle as a less effective mechanism. However, despite its ongoing militarized crisis with China in the spring/summer of 2020, India surprisingly agreed to participate in a meeting of RIC foreign ministers and initiate RIC defence ministers' engagements. India also initiated the revival of RIC summits in 2018. This article analyzes the drivers for India's recent shift toward enhancing RIC. Drawing upon Indian policy statements and alignment documents, the article firstly argues that India generates policy agenda overlaps across RIC, BRICS and SCO, which facilitate forum-shopping. Introducing the case-study of Indian counterterrorism diplomacy across the three alignments, the article secondly argues that Indian dissatisfaction with its progress in advancing a security policy agenda within one grouping leads it to refocus on building this agenda in alternative alignments. This article contributes to conceptualizing multi-alignment management, while providing new insights into Indian relations with Russia and China within multilateral institutions and diplomacy in the era of regime complexity.

Expansion of Tourism Interaction of Uzbekistan with Countries Participating in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization

In order to effectively address national, regional and global problems, Uzbekistan is actively developing multi-vector relations with all interested countries and international organizations, and the highest level of cooperation in the process of regional cooperation is with almost all Central Asian countries, within the framework of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). The article examines the main documents signed at the main summits of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, as well as meetings of SCO leaders. The development of tourism among the participating countries is analyzed as a priority area of cooperation.

An Empirical Study on the Exchange Rate Volatility of Shanghai Cooperation Organization Countries Based on Computer Software Analysis

With the rapid development of our economy, the market of economic exchange rates between our country and other countries has also fluctuated. This paper analyzes the volatility of exchange rates among members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The result shows that the economic volatility and exchange rate volatility among its members have strengthened gradually, and the courseware Shanghai Cooperation Organization has been developing steadily.

Post-Soviet Central Asia in the Focus of Interests of Major Asian States (2019-2020)

The study aims at identifying some areas of international political interaction between post-Soviet Central Asian states and the major economic powers of Asia -China, India and Japan. The task is to determine their interests in the Central Asian region with an emphasis on the political component. The current state of political cooperation between China, India, Japan and the countries of Central Asia is considered. Their joint efforts to solve the problems and threats facing the sustainable development of the region are characterized, while overcoming those problems occurs within the framework of the formation of both bilateral and multilateral relations. The dynamics of political and military interaction between China and its Central Asian partners is revealed. It is shown that the regional security sphere is directly linked by China with the problem of protecting its own economic interests in the countries undergoing its Belt and Road program, aimed at changing the economic landscape not only in Central Asia, but throughout Asia. India and Japan, whose positions have come closer against the background of rising China, has defined their own strategies for Central Asia. Politics of major Asian powers in post-Soviet Central Asia are analyzed through the prism of the emergence of a polycentric world in Asia. Its distinctive features are: the emergence of new regional “centers of power”; their confrontation along the line of Sino-Pakistani, Sino-Indian rivalries; involvement of external players (the U.S.) in regional processes. In this regard, attention is drawn to the activities of such a multilateral international structure as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), as well as to the development of alternative infrastructure projects and concepts - QUAD, Indo-Pacific, Blue Dot Network. The results of the study are formulated in the following conclusion: the countries of Central Asia and the major regional economic powers in Asia base their relations on the foundation of mutually beneficial interests and equal partnership of independent states.

Assessment of the goals of the Russian Federation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization given by French researchers

The subject of this research is the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the goals of the Russian Federation therein. This article aims to fill the gap in French historiography and analyze the goals of the Russian Federation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization through the prism of French researchers. An overview is given to the assessment given by French authors to Russia’s goals in this organization at the stage of its foundation, establishment and development, as well as the overall goals of the Russian foreign policy in post-Soviet space and Central Asia. Special attention is given to the security and energy issues, as well as the growing influence of China and the United States in Central Asia. The relevance of this work is substantiated by the analysis of French research dedicated to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the goals of the Russian Federation therein, which is carried out for the first time. For article leans on the monographs and articles by the French historians, political scientists, and experts in the area of international relations dedicated to foreign policy of the Russian Federation in the early 1990s – late 2000s and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The conclusion is made that according to the majority of French researchers, the Russian Federation uses the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to strengthen its positions in Central Asia, as well as on the international arena.

ŞANGAY İŞBİRLİĞİ ÖRGÜTÜ VE TÜRKİYE’NİN OLASI İLİŞKİLERİ

With the dissolution of the USSR, the world entered a unipolar period after the cold war. In this period, the US wants to influence the region by establishing warm relations during the independence and establishment processes in the former Soviet regions with the claims of world domination. China and Russia, dissatisfied with these expansionist policies of the USA and western countries. China and Russia took the border problems between them for many years against the threats in the region and established the Shanghai 5th organization in 1996 to establish security and commercial cooperation and to remove the USA from the region. With the participation of Uzbekistan in 2001, the name of the organization was changed to Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). when Turkey started to be hesitated from EU membership process in recent years, Turkey's foreign policy orientation of Eurasia and as an alternative to membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization has started to be discussed. In 2012, Turkey was accepted as a dialogue country in the SCO that could not yet enter the full membership process. In this study, primarily the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and mentioning about the structure of the aforementioned organization, within the framework of the advantages and disadvantages of being the SCO member for Turkey and its possible relations were examined.

Chinese Grand Strategies in Central Asia: The Role of Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Belt and Road Initiative

Central Asia has long emerged as a hotspot for both the regional and extra-regional powers for two main reasons: its geopolitical location in the middle of Eurasia between Europe, South Asia, the Middle East, Russia and China, and their abundant and mostly unexplored natural resources. Sitting on huge untapped hydrocarbon potentials the Central Asian geographical entity in recent years has offered enormous opportunity and appeal for global countries and emerged as a grand chessboard for regional and extra-regional players. China is one such new pole in the new great game without which any geopolitical and geo-economic debate on Central Asia would be incomplete. With this prelude, this article attempts to analyse China's rise in Central Asia and its strategies to strengthen its position in the heartland region by discarding the much-hyped great game thesis and argues that China’s rise is unparallel and unmatched as testified by the recent Belt and Road Initiative of Beijing

Multilateralism in Foreign Policy of Belarus: European and Euarasian Dimension

The article builds on the author’ comparative analysis of advantages and disadvantages of regional dimensions (both towards the European Union and the CIS region) of Belarusian foreign policy in framework of multilateralism. The lack of political cooperation since 1997 didn’t affect a lot the dynamic of economic bilateral cooperation between the EU countries and Belarus (since 1995 the EU is the second trade partner for Belarus after Russian Federation). Contrary, it is growing tendency in the CIS region in certain shift from bilateralism to multilateralism in pursuing national security, political and economic interests. Multilateral regional structures, from the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) between Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russian Federation (with membership of post-soviet countries) to Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) with membership of Russia and China and observer status of India, Pakistan, Iran and Mongolia and status of dialogue partner for Belarus, Turkey and Shri-Lanka are gaining the power as the essential modes of regional governance, though being still different in integration priorities of member states and fragile in institutions. Existing difficulties should not overshadow gains within those organizations, nor regional dynamism in general by assuming that regional approach towards multilateral cooperation are thought to be more efficient when dealing with local, subregional and regional challenges and problems.

Şanghay İşbirliği Örgütü’ne Üye Ülkelere Göre Küresel Girişimcilik Endeksi Bileşenlerinin Önemlilik Analizi

Ülkelerin kendi bünyesindeki organizasyonların girişimcilik faaliyetleri konusunda bilgisi olması ve girişimcilik faaliyetlerini analiz yapması kapsamında girişimcilik değişkenlerinden hangilerine önem verildiğinin ve verilmesi gerektiğini tespit edilmesi ile ülkelerin diğer ülkelere kıyasla farklılaşmalarına, yenilik ve rekabet üstünlüğü sağlamalarına ve buna bağlı olarak diğer sosyal gelişimleri oluşturabilmelerini sağlayabilmektedir. Bu anlamda araştırmanın amacı, Şanghay İşbirliği Örgütü’ne üye ülkelere göre 2019 yılı için CRITIC, ENTROPİ ve SWARA teknikleri ile Küresel Girişimcilik Endeks değerlerini belirleyen 12 bileşenin önemlilik derecelerini ve bunların sıralamasını bütünleşik olarak tespit etmektir. Bulgular kapsamında CRITIC, ENTROPİ ile tespit edilen girişimcilik bileşenlerinin önemlilik dereceleri ve bu derecelerin sıralamasının bütünleşik analizini yapan SWARA yöntemine göre söz konusu ülkeler tarafından önemsenen ilk 3 bileşen risk alma (GTAD3), fırsat girişimi (GYAD1) ve ürün yenilikçiliği (GAAD1) olarak sıralanmıştır. Bunun yanında yine bulgulara göre 14 girişimcilik bileşenin oluşturduğu alt dizinler (faktörler) kapsamında girişimsel yetenekler alt dizininin önemlilik derecesi, girişimsel tutumlar ve amaçlar alt dizinlerine ait önemlilik derecelerinden fazla olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Bu kapsamda Şanghay İşbirliği Örgütü’ne üye ülkelere göre genel anlamda girişimcilik yeteneğini, girişimcilik tutumlarından ve amaçlarından daha fazla önemsediği sonucuna varılmıştır.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization Faces a Strategic Choice

In 2021, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) will celebrate its 20-year anniversary. Transformed from the “Shanghai Five” mechanism on settlement of border disputes and confidence-building between four ex-soviet republics Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and China, into the full-fledged organization in 2001, has been become one of the important players in Eurasian region. Since then SCO has made significant progress, especially, in combating the threats of international terrorism, extremism and separatism and ensuring regional security in general. However, the SCO could not advance in the economic field that is a key for an integration and convergence of the members states with different political and economic systems. Moreover, rising tensions between some members, namely India and China, as well as pandemic crisis and current geopolitical uncertainties in Eurasia may further exacerbate the situation within the Organization. What path can the SCO take in the future? Will its agenda have changes? Will there be institutional reforms in the organization? What will be the role of the SCO in shaping the new multipolar world order and in the region? These are the questions, which are now circulating around the SCO.

Pakistan’s Policy Postures towards Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO): An Analysis

In 2018 Pakistan as well as India participated for the first time as a full scale member of Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) that held at Qingdao city of China on June 9-10. Obviously, that provided a brilliant opportunity to show willingness and readiness to contribute to the effectiveness of the SCO. Pakistan’s inclusion into the organization has opened a timely opportunity to bid for regional peace and economic prosperity for its nation. There are multiple arrangements which help Pakistan to come in the streamline as well as allow the Muslim state to support ongoing priority interests of the organization. Due to Pakistan’s membership many changes are expected in the domestic legislation and international commitments generated out of organizational common interest. Moreover, it will have great impact (but positive) on Islamabad’s traditional behavior towards regional and international politics particularly on the front of its foreign policy. This article makes the point that among many opportunities that Pakistan’s inclusion into SCO brings, there are few challenges for the country as well. For example, inclusion of Pakistan in the SCO is not an isolated decision; India was also given the full membership to join the organization as a permanent member. Traditionally, both Pakistan and India have zero tolerance for each other when it comes to their national security dynamics. Other than United Nations and SAARC, SCO is the third organization where both countries will be sitting together, though UN is quite a different one. Likewise, SAARC, if both the countries maintain the same status-quo of bashing each other, the very purpose of SCO will go in vain. Also, this article proposes that Pakistan shall not be allowed to label itself as a negative factor in the SCO. Therefore, this research paper has shed light on Pakistan’s previous inability to benefit from regional organizations while suggesting a way forward for her engagement with the SCO. Believing on the great potential of Pakistan and SCO, this paper has adopted deductive methodology with that of ‘economics defines politics’ as a conceptual framework.

The Chinese Factor in the Direction of the SCO Development in the Post-pandemic Period

The author notes that the coronavirus infection has brought serious threats to the further development of the member states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), firstly, the coronavirus infection slows down the economic growth of the SCO member states, and secondly, the effectiveness of containing the coronavirus infection depends more on authoritative and holistic methods of governments, their intention to take full responsibility for the situation and activate reserves, leadership, effectiveness officials. Moreover, COVID-19 has seriously impacted the regional security environment in the SCO member states. The governments of different countries do not have sufficient experience in dealing with the sudden spread of this disease. It is noted that the new Chinese initiative to create health community, development community, security community, humanistic community will have great positive impact on the restoration of the development of the social economy and the creation of public order in the member countries of the organization. At the end of the article, problems and solutions are considered in the course of the implementation of the creation of these four communities in the SCO space. The "SCO + N" regime offers a platform for member states with external actors to develop and strengthen cooperation in a bilateral format and helps to reduce the gap in the economic development of countries in the SCO space. Strengthening the status of the organization in terms of legitimacy and the search for common stakeholders in coordination and consultations between the Russian Federation, China, and India provide a favorable environment for the further development of the organization.

REGIONAL ECONOMIC INTERACTION WITHIN THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION: FORMATION OF LEGAL BASIS

This year marks the 20th anniversary of the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. From the first years of its existence, this international organization has set the sustainable development of the national economies of its members as one of its goals. Such development requires an appropriate legal basis. Economic interaction in the analyzed international organization covers such spheres as trade and investment, transport, energy, agriculture and many others. The subject of this study is the legal basis for economic interaction within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). The purpose of the study is to analyze the main components of the specified legal framework, the stages of the emergence and formation of the latter, as well as the problems and prospects of its development. Both general and specific scientific methods of cognition were used: formal logical, systemic, formal legal, historical legal and comparative legal methods. At the current stage, it should be noted that there is a relatively small volume of the legal basis for economic interaction within the SCO, with the prevalence of international “soft law” norms in its structure. This is primarily characteristic of the “economic constitution” of this organization, that is, for the provisions of the economic content of its three fundamental acts — the Declaration on the Establishment of SCO 2001, the Charter of SCO 2002, and the Treaty on Long-Term Good Neighbourliness, Friendship and Cooperation between the of SCO Member States 2007. In order to ensure security and sustainable development, the participating countries of the international organization under consideration should continue to build up economic interaction, expanding and improving the regulatory framework for this. An important area of work in this direction should be, in particular, the gradual convergence (unification, harmonization) of national law in the economic sphere of the SCO member states.

SCO 20 years: key achievements and the role of China

The article analyzes the process of development of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) in the historical aspect and its current state. SCO was created as a regional association to maintain stability and security. Today, China is stepping up its efforts to boost regional economic cooperation. Based on the analysis of UNCTAD statistics for 2001-2019, the authors justified the conclusion that the economic potential of the SCO has significantly increased. However, this growth is not related to the economic interaction in SCO, but with the expansion, and with the growth of the individual countries’ economies, primarily the PRC. The analysis confirms, that the share of bilateral trade and the volume of mutual (especially Chinese) investments in the SCO are growing. International cooperation in certain areas has little real support at the level of the Organization as a whole. At the same time, the existing successes of the SCO countries in the economic sphere, the attraction of significant foreign investment and modern technologies, the gradual diversification of national economies, as well as new initiatives of the People's Republic of China, determine the deepening of economic cooperation, the mechanisms of which are of scientific interest. The relevance of the study is determined by the need to study the peculiarities of the SCO evolution and the positions of individual countries in SCO. The study makes a significant contribution to the understanding of the nature and features of the processes of economic cooperation and development in the region and the positions of individual countries.

Business Cooperation between ASEAN And SCO: The Institutional Dimension

The paper assesses prospects for strengthening contacts between Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) under the auspices of their respective institutions of business cooperation. The specificity of dialogue between ASEAN and SCO is revealed, possibilities and limitations of fostering business ties within the frameworks of ASEAN Business Advisory Council (ASEAN BAC) and SCO Business Council (SCO BC) are analysed, the most likely scenario under which this cooperation can be energized is specified. According to the authors' position, this intensification of contacts is possible only in case ASEAN BAC and SCO BC are synergized with China's mega-strategy the Belt and Road Initiative. Under other scenarios, including the “business-as-usual” format of cooperation between ASEAN and SCO business communities in the framework of ASEAN BAC and SCO BC, progress is unlikely.