Sentence Completion Experiment Research Articles

Metaphor forces argument overtness

Abstract This paper uncovers how metaphor forces argument overtness – across languages and parts of speech. It addresses the relationship between semantically unsaturated terms, functors, and the argument terms that complete them. When the component terms’ default senses clash semantically, a metaphor arises. In such cases, the argument must be overt, in contrast to literal uses. It is possible to say Everyone was waiting at the hotel. Finally, Kim arrived. By contrast, people do not use arrived metaphorically without a goal argument: Everything had been pointing to that conclusion all along. *Finally, Kim arrived. What they say is Finally, Kim arrived at it. We illustrate the phenomenon with powerful and diverse evidence: three corpus studies (Indo-Aryan languages, British English, Vera’a) and a sentence-completion experiment with around 250 native speakers of English. Both the corpus studies and the experiment show no or almost no exceptions to metaphor-driven argument overtness. The strength of the effect contrasts with a complete lack of speaker awareness. We propose that metaphor-driven argument overtness – as well as the lack of speaker consciousness – is a universal phenomenon that can be accounted for in terms of human language processing.

The wrong horse was bet on: the effects of argument structure versus argument adjacency on the processing of idiomatic sentences.

Psycholinguistic research remains puzzled about the circumstances under which syntactically transformed idioms keep their figurative meaning. There is an abundance of linguistic and psycholinguistic studies that have examined which factors may determine why some idioms are more syntactically fixed than others, including transparency, compositionality, and syntactic frozenness; however, they have returned inconclusive, sometimes even conflicting, results. This is the first study to examine argument structure (i.e., the number of arguments a verb takes) and argument adjacency (i.e., the position of the critical arguments relative to the verb) and their effects on the processing of idiomatic and literal sentences in German. Our results suggest that neither the traditional models of idiom processing (according to which idioms are stored as fixed entries) nor more recent hybrid theories (which concede some compositional handling in addition to a fixed entry) adequately account for the effects of argument structure or argument adjacency. Therefore, this study challenges existing models of idiom processing. In two sentence-completion experiments, participants listened to idiomatic and literal sentences in both active and passive voice without the sentence-final verb. They indicated which of three visually-presented verbs best completed the sentence. We manipulated the factor argument structure within experiments and argument adjacency across experiments. In Experiment 1, passivized three-argument sentences had the critical argument adjacent to the verb while two-argument sentences had the critical argument non-adjacent to the verb, and vice versa in Experiment 2. In both experiments, voice interacted with argument structure. Active sentences-both literal and idiomatic-showed equivalent processing of two- and three-argument sentences. However, passive sentences returned contrasting effects. In Experiment 1, three-argument sentences were processed faster than two-argument sentences and vice versa in Experiment 2. This pattern corresponds to faster processing when critical arguments are adjacent than non-adjacent. The results point to the dominant role of argument adjacency over the number of arguments in the processing of syntactically transformed sentences. Regarding idiom processing, we conclude that the adjacency of the verb to its critical arguments determines whether passivized idioms keep their figurative meaning and present the implications of this finding for relevant models of idiom processing.

Strong semantic biases make demonstrative pronouns act like personal pronouns

Anaphoric demonstrative pronouns (d-pronouns), which are found in some languages in addition to the more common personal pronouns (p-pronouns), provide an interesting test case for theories of pronoun resolution. With regard to structural factors (e.g., syntactic function, linear position, topichood), d-pronouns have been found to stand in complementary relation to p-pronouns. Whereas the latter prefer structurally prominent antecedents, the former prefer structurally non-prominent antecedents. In contrast to structural factors, semantic factors (e.g., implicit causality and consequentiality) have been intensively explored for p-pronouns but not for d-pronouns. In particular, it is an open question whether semantic biases can override structural biases in the case of d-pronouns in the same way as it has been shown for p-pronouns. We have addressed this question in three sentence completion experiments and one acceptability experiment that investigated German p- and d-pronouns. Semantic bias was manipulated by including causal and consequential discourse markers in the interpretation experiments. The production experiments used questions to elicit continuations expressing causes and consequences. The results show that the semantic factor of coherence influences p- and d-pronouns in similar ways. Based on our experimental results, we show that the Bayesian Theory of Pronoun Resolution (Kehler et al. 2008), which captures the relationship between pronoun interpretation and pronoun production in a quantitative way, provides a good fit of observed and predicted values for both p- and d-pronouns.

Choice of nominative and topic markers in Korean discourse.

In two written sentence completion experiments, I tested whether the choice of nominative and topic markers is subserved by the same mechanisms as anaphor choice and referent choice in Korean. I found that morphological marker choice was sensitive to various factors including connective, grammatical role, and verb semantics, whereas anaphor choice was sensitive only to grammatical role. I also found that morphological marker choice did not systematically vary with verb semantics unlike referent choice. These findings reveal two important properties of referential form production. One is that morphological marker choice relies on different mechanisms than underlie anaphor choice and referent choice. Another is that connective plays a significant role in determining referential form. Despite its role in referent choice and pronoun comprehension, connective has received little attention in current models of referential form production. The current study is the first to systematically test the effect of connective on referential form choice and to demonstrate its effect on morphological marker choice. By revealing how morphological marker choice is related to anaphor choice and referent choice, and identifying the factors that influence morphological marker choice, the results of the study improve our theoretical understanding of morphological marker production and reference production.

Processing of discourse anaphors by L2 speakers of English


 
 
 This study examines the cognitive information processes that Turkish advanced non-native speakers of English employ in assigning the referents of this and that in reading and production. We predicted that these speakers would assign referents in relation to the linear distance between discourse-linked anaphors and their referents in the discourse (i.e., based on spatial-temporal features of this and that), which means they would prefer this for a referent mentioned in the proximal chunk of text and that for a referent mentioned in the distal chunk. We also predicted that readers would not assign referents based on the focusing features of this and that. We tested our predictions in two eye- tracking reading experiments and one sentence-completion experiment. Turkish L2 learners’ on- line reference resolution in reading experiments was different from that of English native speakers that were tested in a previous study. In the eye-tracking experiments, Turkish L2 learners did not show evidence of using a recency strategy to resolve referential ambiguity and did not use spatial- temporal or focusing features of this and that to assign referents. On the other hand, in the sentence- completion experiment, the effect of prominence of discourse structure in the use of this and that was qualitatively similar to that of English native speakers, but their indexing of the degree of focus of this and that was different. Our results suggest that the difference between Turkish L2 learners and English native speakers is due to L1 interference. 
 
 

Metaphorical expressions originating from human senses: Psycholinguistic and affective norms for German metaphors for internal state terms (MIST database)

Internal states, e.g., emotions, cognitive states, or desires, are often verbalized by figurative means, in particular by embodied metaphors involving human senses, such as touch, taste, and smell. The present paper presents a database for German metaphorical expressions conveying internal states with human senses as their source domains. 168 metaphorical expressions from the source domains of vision, hearing, smell, taste, touch, and temperature combined with literal equivalents were collected and rated by 643 adults. The agreement between the metaphor and an equivalent literal expression, as well as emotional valence, arousal, and familiarity values were assessed using a 7-point Likert scale. Between the metaphorical expressions and their equivalents, familiarity, but not valence or arousal differed significantly while agreement ratings indicated high similarity in meaning. The novel database offers carefully controlled stimuli that can be used in both empirical metaphor research and research on internal state language. Using part of the stimuli in a sentence completion experiment revealed a significant preference for literal over metaphorical expressions that cannot be attributed to higher familiarity levels.

Processing cataphors: Active antecedent search is persistent

Cataphors precede their antecedents, so they cannot be fully interpreted until those antecedents are encountered. Some researchers propose that cataphors trigger an active search during incremental processing in which the parser predictively posits potential antecedents in upcoming syntactic positions (Kazanina et al., Journal of Memory and Language, 56[3], 384–409, 2007). One characteristic of active search is that it is persistent: If a prediction is disconfirmed in an earlier position, the parser should iteratively search later positions until the predicted element is found. Previous research has assumed, but not established, that antecedent search is persistent. In four experiments in English and Norwegian, we test this hypothesis. Two sentence completion experiments show a strong off-line preference for coreference between a fronted cataphor and the first available argument position (the main subject). When the main subject cannot be the antecedent, participants posit the antecedent in the next closest position: object position. Two self-paced reading studies demonstrate that comprehenders actively expect the antecedent of a fronted cataphor to appear in the main clause subject position, and then successively in object position if the subject does not match the cataphor in gender. Our results therefore support the claim that antecedent search is active and persistent.

Topicality and anaphoricity in Dutch scrambling

Direct objects in Dutch can precede or follow adverbs, a phenomenon commonly referred to as scrambling. The linguistic literature agrees in its assumption that scrambling is regulated by the topicality and anaphoricity status of definite objects, but theories vary as to what kinds of objects exactly are predicted to scramble. This study reports experimental data from a sentence completion experiment with adult native speakers of Dutch, showing that topics are scrambled more often than foci, and that anaphoric objects are scrambled more often than non-anaphoric objects. However, while the data provide support for the assumption that topicality and anaphoricity play an important role in scrambling, they also indicate that the discourse status of the object in and of itself cannot explain the full scrambling variation.

Noisy is better than rare: Comprehenders compromise subject-verb agreement to form more probable linguistic structures

Production and perception errors are common in everyday language use. Recent studies suggest that in order to overcome the flawed speech signal, comprehenders engage in rational noisy-channel processing, which can pull their interpretation towards more probable “near-neighbor” analyses, based on the assumption that an error may have occurred in the transmission of the sentence. We investigate this type of processing using subject/object relative clause ambiguity in Hebrew. In four self-paced reading experiments and a sentence completion experiment, we find that during online processing, readers apply elaborate knowledge regarding the distribution of structures in the language, and that they are willing to compromise subject-verb agreement to refrain from (grammatical but) highly improbable structures. The results suggest that the prior probability of alternative analyses modulates the interpretation of agreement.

English Speaker Acquisition of Topic and Subject in Multiple Clause Sentences in Japanese

This study investigated native English speakers’ acquisition of the constraint for topic-wa and the preference for subject-ga in multiple-clause sentences in Japanese. The constraint for topic-wa is that the topic-wa cannot appear in certain types of subordinate clauses, and the preference for subject-ga is that the overt subject-ga in a subordinate clause should not overlap the topic for a matrix clause. Two sentence-completion experiments were conducted with native English-speaking participants, who were considered advanced-level Japanese learners, as well as native Japanese-speaking participants (the control group). The results indicated that although English speakers followed the constraint for the topic-wa, they frequently used the topic-wa as non-subject topics (unlike native Japanese speakers) when an embedded subordinate clause intervened between the topic-wa and the rest of the matrix clause. Also, English speakers used the same subject-ga for both subordinate and matrix clauses, unlike the native Japanese speakers’ preference. The outcome implies that English speakers associated the topic-wa with English non-subject topics, and the subject-ga with English subjects.

Attachment Preference in Auditory German Sentences: Individual Differences and Pragmatic Strategy.

Relative clauses modify a preceding element, but as this element can be flexibly located, the point of attachment is sometimes ambiguous. Preference for this attachment can vary within languages such as German, yet explanations for differences in attachment preference related to cognitive strategies or constraints have been conflicting in the current literature. The present study aimed to assess the preference for relative clause attachment among German listeners and whether these preferences could be explained by strategy or individual differences in working memory or musical rhythm ability. We performed a sentence completion experiment, conducted post hoc interviews, and measured working memory and rhythm abilities with diagnostic tests. German listeners had no homogeneous attachment preference, although participants consistently completed individual sentences across trials according to the general preference that they reported offline. Differences in attachment preference were moreover not linked to individual differences in either working memory or musical rhythm ability. However, the pragmatic content of individual sentences sometimes overrode the general syntactic preference in participants with lower rhythm ability. Our study makes an important contribution to the field of psycholinguistics by validating offline self-reports as a reliable diagnostic for an individual’s online relative clause attachment preference. The link between pragmatic strategy and rhythm ability is an interesting direction for future research.

Cross-linguistic activation of implicit causality biases in Korean learners of English

This study investigates how the strength of referential biases associated with implicit vs explicit causality predicates in Korean affects Korean-speaking learners’ reference choices in English. Sentence-completion experiments with Korean (Experiment 1a) and English (1b) native speakers showed that Korean speakers referred to the subject more following predicates with explicit vs implicit causality marking, whereas English speakers showed no difference in referential bias for the English translation correspondents of these predicates, which did not contain explicit causality marking. In Experiment 2, Korean learners of English completed an English sentence-completion task, either preceded or followed by a translation task, to test whether strength of referential bias in Korean would affect their referential choices in English. After factoring in individual differences in cross-linguistic associations, results provided evidence that cross-language activation at the word level affects reference processing at a discourse level, with the predicted effect somewhat enhanced by translation priming.

A Bayesian approach to establishing coreference in second language discourse: Evidence from implicit causality and consequentiality verbs

This study investigated Chinese-speaking English learners’ use of implicit causality and consequentiality biases in establishing coreference under a Bayesian view of reference interpretation, which distinguishes between context-based priors about which entity will be re-mentioned and new evidence provided by the referential expression form. In two sentence-completion experiments, participants wrote continuations to sentence fragments with either implicit causality (Experiment 1) or consequentiality (Experiment 2) biases that ended either with or without a pronoun. In both experiments, L2 speakers showed native-like re-mention biases following no-pronoun fragments, indicating native-like predictions about the next-mentioned referent. Following pronoun fragments in NP2-biasing contexts, L2 speakers produced more NP1 continuations than native speakers. We show that this difference lies in different beliefs about pronoun use in the two populations. Specifically, L2 speakers showed a stronger association between pronouns and NP1 referents than native speakers following NP2-biasing verbs.

Effect of Referring Expression on Antecedent-Grouping Choice in Plural Reference Resolution

ABSTRACTThis article reports one eye-tracking and one sentence-completion experiment, examining the antecedent preferences for plural anaphora they and demonstrative these. Our results show that the antecedent-grouping preference depends on type of referring expressions: specifically, the preference for they is to refer to a smaller paired group within the context, whereas the preference for these is to refer to a larger (maximal) grouping. This points to limitations regarding the application of the Closure Strategy (Koh & Clifton, 2002), which would have predicted a more general maximal-grouping preference for the contexts investigated here. Previous findings comparing singular pronouns with demonstratives (it and this) show that, relative to pronouns, demonstratives prefer more inferentially complex antecedents. With this in mind, the current results could be explained if the preference for the demonstrative was to refer to a more complex referent than that of the pronoun.

Processing of It and This in Written Narrative Discourse

Two experiments explored the hypothesis that anaphors and demonstratives signal different procedural instructions: Whereas the anaphor it brings a concrete entity into a reader's focus, the demonstrative this directs the focus to a predicate proposition in a discourse representation. The findings from an online eye-tracking reading experiment confirm that preferences for it and this differ as predicted. Moreover, a sentence-completion experiment revealed converging evidence for this difference, with clear differences in antecedent preferences for it and this. Overall, findings show that the processing and use of anaphoric expressions is affected by the interaction between the lexical characteristics of referential forms and different types of referent.

Referent Predictability is Affected by Syntactic Structure: Evidence from Chinese.

This paper examines the effect of syntactic structures on referent predictability. Focusing on stimulus-experiencer (SE) verbs, we conducted two sentence-completion experiments in Chinese by contrasting SE verbs in three structures (active canonical, active ba, and passive). The results showed that although verb semantics and discourse coherence relations produce a strong referential biases, the stimulus referent is overall less likely to be rementioned in the active canonical structure than in the other two structures. The findings thus indicate that referent predictability is determined by not only semantic but also syntactic factors. We discuss the theoretical implications for the nature of referent predictability and its relationship with referent accessibility.

The effect of implicit causality and consequentiality on nonnative pronoun resolution

ABSTRACTWe report two sentence-completion experiments investigating how nonnative speakers use universal semantic and discourse information, which are implicit causality and consequentiality biases associated with psychological verbs, to resolve pronouns. The results indicate that intermediate-advanced and advanced Chinese-speaking English learners show weaker implicit causality and consequentiality biases than native English speakers in pronoun resolution. Instead, nonnative speakers exhibit a general subject or first-mention bias. These findings suggest that nonnative speakers do not use semantic and discourse information in comprehension as effectively as native speakers.

Deixis: This and That in Written Narrative Discourse

The existing literature presents conflicting models of how this and that access different segments of a written discourse, frequently relying on implicit analogies with spoken discourse. On the basis of this literature, we hypothesized that in written discourse, this more readily accesses the adjacent/right frontier of a preceding chunk of text, whereas that more readily accesses the distant/left. We tested this hypothesis in two eye-tracking experiments, one sentence completion experiment, and one corpus study. Our results showed that both this and that access the adjacent frontier more easily than the distant. Contrary to existing theories, this accessed the distant frontier more frequently and easily than that. We propose a processing model integrating segmented discourse representation theory's concept of the left/distant leaf with Grosz and Sidner's attentional and intentional model and Garrod and Sandford's focus framework model, suggesting an important role for working memory and emphasizing the different production modes of readers and writers.

The influences of collectivism in hospitality work settings

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to test whether a hospitality worker's degree of individualism/collectivism influences his/her organizational citizenship behavior (OCB), comfort with empowerment, and leader‐member exchange (LMX) in the workplace.Design/methodology/approachHypotheses were tested through the use of a sentence completion experiment conducted on American and Korean hotel workers. To increase generalizability, results were then replicated through the use of an identical sentence completion experiment conducted on American and Korean restaurant workers.FindingsThis research first confirms the notion that hospitality workers in a collective nation are more apt to possess a collective mindset in their work environments than those in an individualistic nation. Moreover, this research finds that hospitality workers in a collective nation demonstrate more OCB, possess lower comfort levels with empowerment, and possess higher levels of LMX than hospitality workers in an individualistic nation.Research limitations/implicationsIt would prove informative for future research to test these relationships in other contexts and settings.Practical implicationsThese findings demonstrate the need to consider country culture when interpreting and managing OCB, employee empowerment, and LMX tendencies in hospitality settings.Originality/valueResearch that examines the influences of individualism/collectivism on OCB, comfort with empowerment, and LMX is scarce.

Emotional Nouns Affect Attachment Decisions in Sentence Completion Tasks

We report three sentence completion experiments in which we manipulate the emotional dimension of the nouns in a complex noun phrase (NP) that precedes a relative clause (RC), as in the classic ambiguity in Someone shot the servant of the actress who was on the balcony. The aim was to see whether nouns such as orgy or genocide affect the well-established preference of Spanish to adjoin the relative clause high in the tree (to servant instead of actress in the example above). We manipulated the valence and arousal of the lexical entities residing in the NP. Our results indicate that (a) the inclusion of either pleasant or unpleasant words induces changes in the usual NP1 preference found in Spanish; (b) the effects of high-arousal words are especially clear, in that they pull RC adjunction towards the NP where they are located, be it the NP1 or the NP2; and (c) in the context of sentence production, these kinds of words seem intense enough to promote changes in (and even reverse) a solid syntactic bias. We discuss these findings in the light of existing theories of syntactic ambiguity resolution.