Security Treaty Research Articles

Peacekeeping Potential of the Collective Security Treaty Organization

The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), as an international regional organization, unites states that have common principles for ensuring collective security in the post-Soviet space. In addition to military, political, anti-terrorist, anti-drug, migration aspects, the Organizations practical activities provide for the implementation of peacekeeping missions in the region, as well as beyond. Over the past decade, the CSTO has been systematically raising the level of its readiness to respond to various types of threats, interacting with both states and other international organizations in this area. The purpose of this article is to assess the current state of the CSTO peacekeeping activity, to identify its strengths and weaknesses, and possible ways to increase the effectiveness of peacekeeping. The scientific novelty of the research lays in the consideration, on the basis of a retrospective analysis, of the actual state of the political, military, information components of the Organizations peacekeeping, which at the present time, obviously, have not yet reached their maximum efficiency. The author examines the reasons for the creation of the CSTO, the historical stages of the Organizations interaction with the UN, the practical aspects of their cooperation. Special attention is paid to the existing relationship between the member states within the Organization itself, to the political problems of the perception of the CSTO by other subjects of international law as an equal partner. It notes its complete political ignorance on the part of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the presence of bilateral contacts with most member states. In conclusion, the author comes to the conclusion that the Organization is currently experiencing an identity crisis and does not show sufficient efficiency in the context of the implementation of close allied relations in the system of ensuring regional security.

The Impact of Regionalization on Eurasian Integration: Economic and Political Factors

This article discusses the legal aspects of regional integration processes in Eurasia. It argues that these processes are driven by both political and economic factors, which in particular include the desire on the international stage of a number of post-Soviet nations for regional peace and security as well as to create a greater and more effective economic system. It is often claimed that in the sense of two different yet strongly linked international organizations - with the same similar composition - the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) and the EurAsEC, officially turning into the Eurasian Economic Union, unitedited Eurasia is hierarchical. The article then provides the history to CSTO and EurAsEC and discusses how they are to be combined. It also discusses the structural structure of these relationships and describes their goals, values, and main collaboration zones. Finally, the paper contains closing remarks aimed at highlighting problems and assessing opportunities for incorporation processes in Eurasia.

Legal Aspects of Arms and Defense-Related Products Transfer between the EAEU Member States: Towards the Formation of an Arms Market?

Treaties do not directly regulate the functioning of a single arms market in the post-Soviet space. However, an analysis of the provisions of the Treaty on the Eurasian Economic Union and agreements adopted within the framework of the Collective Security Treaty Organization leads to the conclusion that, in general, the existing legal framework contributes to the formation of similar (comparable) and the same type of regulatory mechanisms in this area based on market principles and application harmonized or unified legal regulations. The EAEU Treaty predominantly forms a general framework for the movement of goods and its possible restrictions, while detailed rules aimed at creating harmonized norms that exclude the need to resort to exceptions to the free movement of goods are created already at the CSTO level. In fact, the CSTO plays the role of an "agent" of the EAEU in terms of regulating economic issues of military integration, creating conditions for the opening of arms markets. The legislation of the Russian Federation uses two competing approaches to the functioning of arms markets. A restrictive one allows closing the national market for public safety reasons without any additional justification (it is used in the legislation on arms export and on state defense orders). A broad one, allows the market to be closed in exceptional cases (applies when the supply of goods is not directly related to defense and security issues).

Realization of Collective Security in the Common Soviet Space

the purpose of this work is to carry out an analysis of the impact of CSTO on ensuring collective security and stability in the post-Soviet space. The study revealed that the relevance of the chosen topic is due to the importance of regional systems of collective security as one of the key actors of international law, acting as instruments for maintaining stability in the world, as the problem of maintaining its protection remains fundamentally important regardless of time. In 27 years of existence, the Collective Security Treaty Organization has become a truly strong military-defensive union, evolving from the Collective Security Treaty into a full-scale organization of cooperation in the political and military spheres.

Особенности трансформации политического позиционирования и образа ОДКБ в системе региональной безопасности на современном этапе

Within the framework of the article, the role of a po-litical actor is attributed to the Collective Security Treaty Organization (hereinafter – CSTO) as a special political-military association. This study is looking for answers to a number of questions, such as what the political positioning of CSTO at this stage is, how it is evolving and what image CSTO is projecting. The author also questions whether the subject of politics perceived as a "shield of the Commonwealth", a variation of "post-Soviet NATO", a "donor of regional security", a "part of a Eurasian structure of collective defense", an intergovernmen-tal international organization or something else. In order to answer these questions, relevant materials, placed on official online portals of the Heads of CSTO member-states starting from the year 2018 (when the “Velvet Revolution” happened and the process of substituting the CSTO Secretary-General Yuri Khachaturov on charges of overthrowing the constitutional order in Armenia started) to June 2020, are being analyzed. Through the analysis of utterances and official statements by the heads of CSTO member-states regarding this Organization, features of its political positioning and image are being identified. Discourse analysis and content analysis are used as research methods.

Russian-Japanese Relations: Long-Term Development Factors

The article analyzes long-term external and internal factors determining the course of development of Russian-Japanese relations in 2019-2020. On the one hand, the anti-Russian component in Tokyo's foreign policy is shaped by its membership in the Security Treaty with the United States and its solidarity with the sanctions policy of the Group of Seven towards Russia. On the other hand, Japan and Russia are both interested interest in political cooperation in creating multilateral dialog mechanisms of international security in East Asia, resolving the nuclear issue on the Korean Peninsula, and easing tensions around territorial disputes in the East China and South China seas. Among the economic factors, the author focuses on the significant place of Russia in the context of Japan's task of diversifying sources of external energy supplies, as well as on Russia's desire to avoid unilateral dependence on the Chinese market while reorienting the system of foreign economic relations from the West to the East. Personal diplomacy of political leaders plays a significant role in relations between Russia and Japan, and, above all, close personal relationships and frequent meetings between Prime Minister Abe and President Putin, which make it possible to partially compensate the unfavorable image of the partner country in the public opinion of both Russia and Japan. Against the background of a deadlock in the Peace Treaty talks which emerged in 2019, the search for a way out of the diplomatic impasse is on the agenda. In the author's opinion, it would be appropriate at the first stage to proceed to the conclusion of a basic agreement on the basis bilateral relations, which would be "untied" from the Peace Treaty. In addition, Russia could stop criticizing Japan for its security policy and show greater understanding of the Japanese initiative in the field of quality infrastructure. In turn, Japan could take a number of strategic decisions on cooperation with Russia and announce them in the Prime Minister's keynote speech. In addition, Tokyo could stop positioning the issue of the peace Treaty as the main issue in relations with Russia, which would allow our countries to "untie" bilateral relations from the problem of border demarcation and focus on their positive agenda.

ATTITUDES OF NATO, SCO AND CSTO TOWARDS THE SITUATION IN AFGHANISTAN AFTER 2014

The main research question of the article is what attitude present the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and the Collective Security Treaty Organization towards Afghanistan after 2014? A number of detailed questions were also put to help to answer the main question. The article consists of eight chapters. The first chapter discusses the methodological assumptions of the article. Chapter two covers literature review and theoretical framework of the article. The following chapters include an analysis of the approach to Afghanistan of the three indicated international organizations. The article ends with conclusion that contain the main theses.

Institutions, cooperation, and hegemony: a comparative analysis of Russia’s cooperative hegemonic strategy in Central Asia’s key institutional frameworks

ABSTRACT Since the 2000s, Russia intensified its relations with the Central Asia. This is particularly visible in the increased institutionalization of the cooperation. This paper argues that regional regimes like the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) became the prime tools in Russia’s cooperative hegemony in the Central Asia. This strategy relies on co-opting of the smaller partners into institutional settings for the purpose of not just enhancing cooperation but also reestablishing a softer form of domination over the region and transforming it into a regional pole. This in turn would be a foundation for Russia’s return to the global stage. As the paper shows, this strategy relies on would-be hegemon’s ability to convince a sufficient number of regional partners to seek membership in these regimes, share the power with them, and remain committed to the project.

U.S.-Japan Coordination in an East China Sea Crisis

executive summary: This essay examines Japan's crisis-management system and security-related coordination with the U.S. in the case of an East China Sea or Senkaku Islands gray-zone scenario and offers a recommendation for possible improvement. main argumentProvocative actions involving the Senkaku Islands could generate a quickly evolving and complex crisis that would require close and agile coordination between Japan and the U.S. Numerous and various government entities would become involved and events may occur dynamically, which in turn could challenge the effectiveness of the existing peacetime coordination mechanism between Japan's Self-Defense Forces and the U.S. military. This essay proposes the establishment of a Standing Bilateral Joint Task Force as a possible way to strengthen U.S.-Japan defense-related coordination and improve both sides' capabilities to respond and contribute to whole-of-government crisis management. policy implications • Opinions on China's real intentions for the East China Sea and Senkaku Islands range from possible invasion and occupation of the islands to a decades-long stand-off and waiting game. A related and key issue is how an East China Sea crisis might affect or involve Taiwan. • In a Senkaku Islands crisis, it is important to determine whether there would be certain trigger events to cause Japan and the U.S. to initiate crisis-management coordination, and whether such events could be determined in advance. • Given U.S. commitments in its security treaty with Japan, both governments and militaries should clearly define what governmental and political processes might be pursued to activate Article 5 in response to a defense scenario involving Japanese islands in the East China Sea.

Место и роль ОДКБ в процессе строительства региональной системы безопасности после распада СССР

The Collective Security Treaty was signed in Tash-kent 28 years ago, on May 15, 1992, by parties who were the new sovereign states formed after the col-lapse of the Soviet Union: Russia, Armenia, Kazakh-stan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan. A year later, the mentioned Treaty was signed by Belarus, Georgia and Azerbaijan. A decade later, the format of the Treaty was transformed and led to the crea-tion of the Collective Security Treaty Organization – CSTO, the charter of which was signed on October 7, 2002. Nowadays, the CSTO member states are Russia, Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, which have distinct features of secu-rity architecture. The role and the place of the CSTO in building a regional security system in the context of a transforming post-Soviet space are impacted by a number of different factors.

MILITARY-TECHNICAL COOPERATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF TAJIKISTAN AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN ENSURING THE REGIONAL SECURITY OF CENTRAL ASIAN STATES

The article examines the issues of expanding and strengthening the military-political cooperation of the Republic of Tajikistan with the Russian Federation to ensure the security of the states of the Central Asian region. It is noted that a broad legal and organizational-structural base has been created that enshrines the directions of military-political cooperation between the two states. The international activities of states in the field of security in the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States hereinafter (CIS), the Collective Security Treaty Organization (hereinafter CSTO) and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (hereinafter SCO). The history of the formation of security cooperation aimed at countering modern challenges is disclosed. The basic principles and features of the development of military — technical cooperation between the two states in the framework of the CSTO are determined. The importance of military-technical cooperation in order to ensure the security of Central Asian states is substantiated.

日ソ国交回復交渉の再検討 ――ソ連による日米安保の「受容」――

日ソ国交回復交渉の再検討 ――ソ連による日米安保の「受容」――

PROSPECTS FOR THE DEVELOPMENTOF MILITARY-POLITICAL COOPERATION OF THE COUNTRIESOF THE POST-SOVIET SPACE

In the context of the formation of a new world order, there is a need to make changes to the development strategy of the Eurasian Economic Union and, even more broadly, integration processes in the post-Soviet space. These changes should take into account the changes taking place in the world, the emergence of new properties of world politics, which are often generically called turbulence. The components of turbulence are conflictness and uncertainty, but this is not the whole list, there are other components. On the example of the Transnistrian conflict settlement, it is shown that success in this process is possible if we are not confined to the conflict itself, but we act on the basis of Russias and the European Unions mutual desire to reduce conflictness in the world and in the European region. Uncertainties can be contrasted with the emergence of military-political factor as the leading one of Eurasian integration in the form of rapprochement and the gradual merger of the Eurasian Economic Union and the Collective Security Treaty Organization.

ФЕНОМЕН "ЕКОНОМІЧНОГО ДИВА" ТА ЯПОНСЬКА ЛІТЕРАТУРА 1960-х РОКІВ

This review article is intended to contribute to thorough understanding of the literary process of Japan in the 1960s against the background of rapid economic development and prosperity. Main trends in the Japanese literature of that period, namely formation of "the introverted generation" and uprise of their prose, surrealistic experiments in poetry and radical reformation of the theater, were chosen as the object of research. The subject is the experimental nature of post-occupational Japanese literature during the period of "economic miracle". The article briefly examines historical context and milestones of the literary life of Japan in the 1960s, activities of the leading prose writers, poets and playwrights of that time and analyzes impact of "the economic miracle" on their creative quest and artistic experiments. It is revealed that change of value orientations and socio-cultural paradigm caused by increase of the political consciousness during protests against the Security Treaty with the United States, consolidation of consumer society and deepening of ecological crisis due to expansion of production facilities are reflected in artistic experiments of the representatives of different literary movements and schools of the above period. The paper determines that it was the time of confrontation between supporters of the democratic and confessional literature, formation of the so-called "introverted generation" that focused on themes of mass alienation and loneliness of modern Japanese, spiritual impoverishment and pretended well-being of the nation, etc. In poetry, surrealist experiments were increasingly popular, when the author enriched the poem with surreal images and symbols, bringing up topical issues of a philosophical nature. Fundamental changes took place in the drama, thanks to which the theater became mobile and offered the audience to take an active part in the play.

Security during Pandemic: Objectives of the the Collective Security Treaty Organization in 2020

Security during Pandemic: Objectives of the the Collective Security Treaty Organization in 2020

Конфликт на границе Армении и Азербайджана в июле 2020 года

In July 2020 military clashes took place at the border of Armenia and Azerbaijan. The escalation of tension just at the border of two countries and not in Nagorno-Karabakh assigns the conflict an interstate status. As a result, a hair-trigger situation can be on track in South Caucasus, because Armenia is a member of Collective Security Treaty Organization, and Azerbaijan is actively supported by Turkey.

The Chinese Practice of Treaty Law - Examining the Sino-Japanese Dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands from the Perspective of Treaty Law -

The sovereignty dispute between China and Japan regarding the Diaoyu / Senkaku Islands has captured global media attention and is the cause of some tension between the two countries. One of the major claims of both countries is whether the Islands have been ceded to Japan, and if so, have they been reverted to China.Cession and reversion were completed through a series of treaties as follows: the Treaty of Shimonoseki (1895), the Wartime Declarations (the 1940s)(the Cairo Declaration and the Potsdam Declaration),the San Francisco Treaty (1951), the Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty (1952), the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty (1960) , and the Okinawa Agreement (1971). The sovereignty dispute over the Diaoyu / Senkaku Islands has been illustrated sufficiently from the point of view of history, jurisprudence and international law. However, it is not common to analyze it and then demonstrate the rationality of Chinese claims to the sovereignty of Diaoyu / Senkaku Islands from a treaty law perspective. Therefore, this paper explores the dispute by evaluating and analyzing the treaty law, such as the terms of treaties, the interpretation of treaties, the legal force of treaties, treaties and third states, the confliction and invalidity of treaties and so on. From the perspective of treaty law and in pursuit of the spirit of Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, the Diaoyu / Senkaku Islands have been China's territory since the ancient times and there is no legal basis for Japan to claim the sovereignty of Diaoyu / Senkaku Islands.

아베시대 일·러 영토교섭 -1956년 일소공동선언을 중심으로-

On September 2018 at the Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok, Russia President Vladimir Putin proposed to sign a peace treaty with Japan “no preconditions by the end of the year.” Prime Minister Shinzo Abe appreciated Putin’s remarks as an indication of his willingness to conclude a peace treaty. Finally, at the November 2018 summit meeting between Japan and Russia, Abe agreed to accelerate negotiations on the conclusion of a peace treaty based on the Japanese-Soviet Joint Declaration in 1956. This means changing the negotiation policy by returning two islands. As a result, the territorial disputes between the two countries seemed to move realistically.BR However, despite the positive resumption of negotiations between Japan and Russia, the two countries have confirmed only the differences in their positions over the two islands. Russia argues that the return of the two islands is not detailed in the 1956 Japanese-Soviet Joint Declaration, and that it is necessary to discuss how to lead the two islands. In particular, the issue of sovereignty is considered as a subject of discussion, but Japan sees that sovereignty will be restored by two islands.BR In addition, after returning under the Japan-US Security Treaty, Russia warned that US military bases were set up on these islands, and held the position that it would be difficult to hand over the sovereignty of the two islands to Japan. In this way, in the process of territorial negotiations between Japan and Russia, negotiations on the conclusion of the peace treaty have not made any progress since November 2018 due to differences in views on historical perceptions and security issues between the two countries. In addition, public opinion showing a strong position on the two islands lead also has a negative impact.BR Eventually, Prime Minister Abe set the initial goal related to the conclusion of the Japan-Russia peace treaty by the Osaka G20 Summit in June 2019, and led the general agreement at this meeting, but the goal was not achieved. Abe’s the strategy of drawing out a certain degree of concession to return two islands from Russia should be reviewed.BR This paper will discuss several things. First, this paper will analyze the position of the two countries that decided to accelerate negotiations for the conclusion of a peace treaty based on a joint declaration between the two countries in November 2018. Second, this paper will examine the differences between the two countries in relation to the territorial issue showing the negotiation process through the remarks of government officials. Third, this paper will try to find out why the peace treaty negotiations are delayed and how the territorial negotiations issue should be solved.

Bélgica ante la remilitarización de la Renania, 1936-1937

The remilitarization of the Rhineland on March 7, 1936, has been considered as a missed opportunity to test Hitler’s international policy. Historiography has focused on the analysis in the French and the British reactions to Hitler’s action. However, the German movement involved another democratic power: Belgium. Through the remilitarization of the Rhineland the Locarno Treaty was denounced and violated by Hitler. Consequently, a new negotiation process was triggered in order to establish a new Western Security Pact. Belgium saw and seized the opportunity to redefine its foreign policy. This meant the end of the collective security system established by the Locarno Treaty in 1925.

The prospect of dual-use products production in the CSTO and EAEU countries

The ongoing sanctions and growing tension in the field of global trade leads to the necessity of looking for various economic relations schemes between the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Collective Security Treaty Organizations (CSTO). All participating countries need to strengthen ties and find ways to produce dual-use goods to more successfully confront global challenges, both in the economic, political and military spheres. The problem of cooperation can be solved by focusing on the strengths of the economies of the CSTO countries. Identification of production opportunities for goods and dual-use services would aim at the direction of cooperation in of various countries. This article is devoted to studying the production capabilities of Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan for the production of dual-use products under import substitution programs. Studies have shown that almost all countries of the economic union possess numerous natural resources that are used in the production of innovative products. But there are significant problems in the development of technologies for the production of dual-use goods and, unfortunately, the Russian Federation cannot fully rely on the potential of the CSTO countries in this matter.