Security Treaty Research Articles

Power, Politics and Children’s Citizenship: The Silencing of Civil Society

Abstract Children remain marginalised in theoretical analyses of citizenship and political rights, with their partial citizenship status attracting minimal attention. We consider the ontological need for political engagement, children’s political agency and intergenerational justice. We discuss how Derrida’s hospitality concept may inform analyses of power structures that serve to exclude children from the demos. We then examine the case of Japan where education law neglects children’s political rights, though respect for human rights and popular sovereignty are core constitutional values. Analysis of parliamentary debates addressing Article 12 and children’s right to be heard and organise collectively reveals a long-standing ideological divide concerning children’s political participation. The Committee on the Rights of the Child has explained Japan’s reluctance to implement Article 12 as reflecting “traditional” attitudes. The reality is more complex. From the late 1950s, Japan experienced a wave of student-led protests, focusing on the US-Japan Anpo Security Treaty. Subsequently, the Japanese government prioritised public order over students’ political rights, and global economic competitiveness over citizenship rights. Article 12 remains a site of struggle between those wishing to extend children’s citizenship rights and those who wish to maintain their partial citizenship, fearing social unrest and a focus away from global economic competitiveness.

Russia, Central Asia and Non‐traditional Security Threats from Afghanistan following the US Withdrawal

In Stepanova (2022), the correct meaning of CSTO mentioned in the Abstract section should be “Collective Security Treaty Organization”. The original text has been updated for readability.

Постсоветское пространство в контексте отношений Россия–Запад: проблемы и перспективы

This article analyses the problems of the рost-Soviet space as the most important factors affecting both Russia–West (US–Russia in the first place) relations and global geopolitical processes. The development of the approaches of Russia and the West to the former Soviet republics during the 1990s and 2020s is analysed. The evolution of Russia’s foreign policy in the post-Soviet space is demonstrated: from uncertainty during the 1990s to a tough, forceful defence of the country’s geopolitical interests in the region in the 2000s – 2020s. Further, key stages of Russia’s foreign policy are considered: the foundation of the Collective Security Treaty Organization and Eurasian Economic Union, the Russo-Georgian War of 2008, and the accession of Crimea to Russia in 2014. In addition, the main concepts and projects of the West are analysed here, i.e. Z. Brzeziński’s concept of geopolitical pluralism, A. Lake’s democratic enlargement, the Eastern Partnership project, and NATO’s eastward expansion. Moreover, the paper demonstrates the gradual deterioration of Russia–West relations in the post-Soviet space, the latter being transformed into a region of relentless rivalry between the two parties. The author concludes that relations between Russia and the West in the post-Soviet space have practically reached a dead end. Both Russia and the West have adopted a position of deliberate denial and condemnation of steps taken by the opposing side. In conclusion, the author attempts to forecast the development of the situation in the post-Soviet space and suggests ways to solve the existing problems.

Вероятность получения Индией статуса основного союзника США вне НАТО

Introduction. Allied relations between India and United States were based during Barack Obama administration and were further developed with Donald Trump coming to power. The interplay that has intensified between states in recent years can contribute to the creation of a new geopolitical space – the Indo-Pacific region. Trade in arms and military equipment is the catalyst for cooperation and the major non-NATO ally status can create all favorable conditions for thus cooperation. United States and India rapprochement, caused, in particular, by geopolitical situation in the Asia-Pacific and the change of power in United States, has led to the emergence of discussions in the American political society about assigning India major non-NATO ally status. Seventeen states in various regions of the world already own this status. The methodological basis of the study was made up of the basic research principles of modern humanities: general scientific methods of cognition, comparison, complex analysis and synthesis. Analysis. The legal framework for cooperation between India and the United States in the military-technical area is formed by agreements on technology transfer, organization of joint development and production of weapons: Defense Cooperation Framework Agreement (2005), Arms and Military Technologies Trade Initiative (2012), Updated framework agreement (2015), Memorandum on material and technical exchange (2016), etc. On the basis of these agreements, a number of projects were successfully implemented. Despite the successes achieved in the development of military-technical cooperation, interaction is complicated by the difference in procedural approaches. As one of the ways to remove bureaucratic barriers, inconsistency in the transfer of technology, joint development and production of weapons systems was considered “major non-NATO ally status”. It could become an alternative to the allied security treaty and an addition to the previously concluded agreements. The proposal to grant India major non-NATO ally status was first received from congressmen led by Republican Joe Wilson. Authors recommended to expand bilateral defense and security cooperation to advance U.S. interests in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific region. Despite their efforts, bill did not receive enough votes. In 2019, similar bills were introduced to grant India as MNNA, which have not been implemented yet. Results. There are agreements that have already been implemented in bilateral cooperation. However, the challenge of building the Indo-Pacific region requires the use of all the tools that U.S. has in its arsenal. One of these tools is status. This study has shown that in the foreseeable future India is unlikely to join major non-NATO allies group because its policy has no place for American interests.

Genesis of the Eurasian Idea and Eurasian Practice in the Republic of Kazakhstan

The idea of creating the Eurasian Union belongs to the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, Nursultan Nazarbayev. Until 2011, this initiative was popular in the academic and expert community of Kazakhstan. There has been a groundswell of support. It was partially embodied in the foundation of such regional organizations as the Eurasian Economic Community, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the Collective Security Treaty Organization. Astana has lost leadership in promoting Eurasian integration since 2011. Although Kazakhstan is an active participant in the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the initiative is gradually being transferred to the Russian Federation. This article is devoted to the analysis of the genesis of the Eurasian idea and Eurasian practice in Kazakhstan, highlighting the qualitative stages in the dissemination of the ideas of Eurasianism and Eurasian integration in Kazakhstan. Comparative analysis, event analysis, political monitoring and process of tracking were used in the article. The authors conclude that the ideological content of Eurasianism in Kazakhstan has undergone a certain genesis and has almost exhausted itself at this stage. Kazakhstan has now taken a stand on rigid economic determinism in the implementation of the EAEU project and has moved away from the broad set of tasks of Eurasian integration, as originally presented by N. Nazarbayev. This is largely due to the internal political development of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the changes in the ethnic composition of the population, the arrival of a new generation of managers, the beginning of a new stage in the formation of a national state and nation-building, which are reflected in new conceptual documents and national programs. At the same time, it was Eurasianism that corresponded to the specifics of Kazakhstani society and contributed to interethnic interaction and harmony, just as at this stage, Eurasian integration helps to preserve Kazakhstans sovereignty and strengthen its position in the system of global economic relations. However, there is a significant conceptual and semantic gap in understanding the essence of Eurasianism and the current practice of building a sustainable Eurasian integration core, an active participant of which Kazakhstan could become.

Conceptual approaches to ensuring the system of military-economic security of the CSTO member states in the new geopolitical conditions

Subject. This article considers military-economic security as a category of military-economic analysis. Objectives. The article aims to find the best way to integrate the military capabilities of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) member States. Methods. For the study, we used a comparative analysis. Results. The article proposes certain principles of creating an integrated system for ensuring the military-economic security of Russia and its allies. Conclusions. Military-economic partnership involves long-term coordination of the interests of the participants and the use of network coordination tools.

The Role of Military Diplomacy in Nepal’s Foreign Policy

Military diplomacy is the exploitation of a range of military resources, both bilaterally and multilaterally, to create favorable and cooperative ties with foreign nations in a pacific manner. Mutual security pacts, defense assistance, intelligence sharing, anti-piracy missions, joint military drills, communications assistance, disaster-relief missions, and high-level engagements between senior military hierarchies comprise military diplomacy. Military diplomacy aims to fill in the gaps, when needed, to help its parent nation respond to the challenges and complexity of disruptive, fast changing, strife-torn geopolitical circumstances while working in tandem with other state instruments. Nepal Army’s intense experiences in jungle and mountain warfare’s, tactical operations, and its redoubtable military training exercises have been employed to develop vibrant bilateral relations. The compelling military diplomacy of Nepal Army with foreign nations led to unstinting support and assistance in garnering essentials during the devastating earthquake and COVID-19 situation. Peacekeeping force should be prioritized to enhance foreign policy and seek to direct Foreign Direct Investment to Nepal. Appointment of military attaché to the nations having bilateral relations with Nepal, hosting of cultural and sports meet, high altitude training etc. would strengthen bilateral military relation along with improved foreign policies. The first part of this paper explores the role of Nepalese military diplomacy in Nepal’s foreign policy with Britain, India, China and United Nation in various time periods followed by second part focusing on SWOT analysis, possible counsels for better diplomacy and future prospects. This paper is framed with doctrinal methodology wherein primary data were collected from statues, seminar brochures, research and review papers, interview of current and ex-Nepal Army officer and Ministry of defense reports whereas secondary data sources used for the study are legal prodigals, treaties, encyclopedia, newspaper, reports, and bona fide information
 

«Цветная революция» в Казахстане как очередная угроза национальной безопасности России

The article analyzes the events in the Republic of Kazakhstan in January 2022, which have the features of another color revolution in the post-Soviet space, and as a threat to Russia's national security. The author investigates the reasons, both internal and external, that became the source of the crisis in Kazakhstan, which led to armed confrontation and human casualties. The paper assesses the role of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) in ensuring security and stability on the territory of Kazakhstan. The author examines the impact of events in Kazakhstan on ensuring stability in the post-Soviet space and on protecting Russia's national interests from external challenges and threats.

1960년대 일본 시인들과 래디컬리즘 속의 도시

The 1960s was a period of topical transition from post-war poetry to modern poetry in the 1950s. In a period of turbulence, most representatively the “Fight of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty,” poets who appeared in the 60s released their poetical energy actively through their choice and concentration of language. The atmosphere of the 60s, or the so-called “radical (radicalism),” can simply be perceived by the names of representative poetical magazines, such as『Bouso』,『X』, 『Kyouku』, and『Doramukan』. The prosody pursued by them comes down to the poetry of the linguistic subject from the existing subject of the poet. Specifically, poetry is naturally composed only of lingual media, and in this process, it pursues surreal techniques that travel across both the normal and abnormal through infinite growth in vocabulary, a sense of originality, and free association. This stands out in the poems related to the city. You can hardly find cities as daily living spaces for existing ordinary people; they are described as complex symbolic spaces where death and life-and despair and hope-intersect. For poets in the 1960s, cities were a great poetic subject and theme for their new rhetoric and “language experiments.”

1960년대 일본 시인들과 래디컬리즘 속의 도시

The 1960s was a period of topical transition from post-war poetry to modern poetry in the 1950s. In a period of turbulence, most representatively the “Fight of the U.S.-Japan Security Treaty,” poets who appeared in the 60s released their poetical energy actively through their choice and concentration of language. The atmosphere of the 60s, or the so-called “radical (radicalism),” can simply be perceived by the names of representative poetical magazines, such as『Bouso』,『X』, 『Kyouku』, and『Doramukan』. The prosody pursued by them comes down to the poetry of the linguistic subject from the existing subject of the poet. Specifically, poetry is naturally composed only of lingual media, and in this process, it pursues surreal techniques that travel across both the normal and abnormal through infinite growth in vocabulary, a sense of originality, and free association. This stands out in the poems related to the city. You can hardly find cities as daily living spaces for existing ordinary people; they are described as complex symbolic spaces where death and life-and despair and hope-intersect. For poets in the 1960s, cities were a great poetic subject and theme for their new rhetoric and “language experiments.”

Comparison of the CSTO and the SCO as institutions of international relations

The post-Soviet countries are one of the main directions of Russian foreign policy, and the problems of national and regional security are key to the current agenda. These issues are dealt with by several international organizations in the region, while their functions overlap and there is no clear coordination between them. As a result, it becomes necessary to set priorities for Russian diplomacy in relation to these organizations. The article compares two international security organizations - the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization - in terms of their effectiveness as institutions of international relations and compliance with Russian interests. The comparison is made through the history of the formation and development of these institutions, as well as the adopted regulatory documents and ongoing projects of the CSTO and the SCO. The scientific novelty of the research is the preference of one organization over another, while the result of most such studies is a statement about the need to make efforts for their parallel and full development. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that it is expedient to give priority to the development of the CSTO. The conclusion is made on the basis of the original goals of the founders of the organization, the alignment of forces in them, the dynamics of their development, their institutional problems and the elaboration of their conceptual documents.

Russia, Central Asia and Non‐traditional Security Threats from Afghanistan following the US Withdrawal

AbstractIn the early 21st century, non‐traditional security threats such as terrorism and narcotics trafficking drove the revival of post‐Soviet Russia's interest in and concern about the Afghan problem. This article outlines main security threats for Russia and Central Asia in Afghanistan during two decades of the United States (US) presence, identifies new risks, aggravating circumstances, and threat reduction factors following the US forces’ final departure and Taliban's comeback to power since 2021, and explores ways to counter main Afghanistan‐related security risks. For Russia and broader Eurasia, actual and potential non‐traditional security threats emanating from Afghanistan are likely to persist under the Taliban's second rule. However, none of them are unmanageable. While inside Afghanistan, much depends on the new Taliban authorities’ performance, it is up to the Central Asian states themselves and to Russia as their Eurasian security ally to hedge against potential scenarios. If the security pillar of Russia's response is confined to Central Asia and Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), the political‐diplomatic one extends to broader region and beyond. Overall, Russia has learnt its own historical lessons on Afghanistan: Moscow now prioritizes collective action in cooperation with regional powers, under multilateral frameworks extending beyond the region, and at the United Nations (UN).

Racist Attachments: Dakko-chan, Black Kitsch, and Kawaii Culture

Abstract This article explores the ties between anti-Black racist kitsch and kawaii culture through the history of the Dakko-chan doll. In what came to be called the “Dakko-chan boom” of 1960, tens of thousands of Japanese people lined up to purchase an inflatable blackface doll with a circular red mouth, grass skirt, and winking hologram eyes. Dakko means “to hug,” and Dakko-chan's astronomical popularity resulted in part from the way the doll could be worn as an accessory, attached to the body by its hugging arms. This article asks what it meant for Japan, a nation still recovering from World War II and the American occupation, to quite literally embrace American blackface in the form of an embraceable doll. Rejecting the claim that blackface loses its significance in a Japanese context, this article argues that Dakko-chan cannot be considered devoid of racist meanings. Emerging amid the political turmoil surrounding the revision of the US-Japan Security Treaty, Dakko-chan came to express a wide range of contradictory feelings about race, sex, and nation, illustrating how affective attachments to racist forms have accrued rather than dissipated through their movement into new cultural contexts.

The vitality of the NPT after 50

ABSTRACT The most inclusive security treaty in the world, the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) turned 50 in 2020. Our special issue takes stock of the NPT’s vitality after these five decades. In this introduction, we emphasize the need to distinguish between the treaty instrument and the larger nuclear nonproliferation regime. Next, we consider a recent development that may represent a serious impending shock which could weaken the NPT: dramatic changes in the treaty’s legal and normative landscape. Then, we assess vitality of the NPT in light of current concerns, arguing that norm contestation can be healthy for international regimes and calls for the death of the NPT are premature. Finally, we review the contributions of our special issue authors, highlighting the significant differences among them, and embedding them in ongoing research on the NPT.

ЗНАЧЕНИЕ AUKUS ДЛЯ ЮЖНОЙ ЧАСТИ ТИХОГО ОКЕАНА: ПОСЛЕДСТВИЯ ДЛЯ ВНЕШНЕЙ ПОЛИТИКИ И БЕЗОПАСНОСТИ АВСТРАЛИИ

The United States, the UK and Australia continue to enhance defence cooperation in the dual space of the Indian and Pacific Oceans. These powers announced the establishing of a trilateral security pact AUKUS on September 15, 2021. The U.S. will transfer nuclear submarine technology to Australia but the nature of AUKUS implies a broader technological interaction between the parties. Despite the Anglosphere's attempts to indicate that their actions aren't directed against any power, all their actions reveal intensifying rivalry with the People's Republic of China (PRC). This article examines the nature of AUKUS and the reasons for its appearance. Special attention is paid to the influence of the alliance on the Fifth Continent's defense capabilities and its domestic policy dimension. At the same time, the author analyzes the impact of AUKUS on Australia's relations with the countries of Southeast Asia and Oceania.

Criminological analysis of the prospects for the implementation of the Anti-Drug Strategyof the member States of the Collective Security Treaty Organization for 2021-2025

Criminological analysis of the prospects for the implementation of the Anti-Drug Strategyof the member States of the Collective Security Treaty Organization for 2021-2025

Международно-правовые рамки участия региональных организаций в операциях по поддержанию мира

The article analyzes the international legal framework for the participation of regional organizations in peacekeeping operations. Based on a review of scientific literature, the author examines the evolution of the legal approaches of the United Nations to international peacekeeping operations, considering the changes in their content in recent decades. The author explores the coupling between the peacekeeping mechanisms of the UN and regional organizations. The main object of the study is the peacekeeping activity of the Collective Security Treaty Organization based on the relevant international treaty. The article is an attempt to assess the political capabilities of a regional organization to expand its influence in the world using formal legal research methods. Three possible formats of a peacekeeping operation based on the Agreement on Peacekeeping Activities of the CSTO are revealed by the author. First, a peacekeeping operation by decision of the Organization within the borders of its member states. Its parameters correspond to the traditional (first generation) peacekeeping missions. Secondly, a peacekeeping operation by decision of the UN Security Council. Its deployment requires a mandate of the international community to endow the CSTO, which allows the implementation of multidimensional (second generation) peacekeeping operation by the forces of a regional organization. The third format of the CSTO peacekeeping operations is the participation of the CSTO in UN peacekeeping operations. The necessary legal framework is established by the recent Protocol on Amendments to the Agreement on the Peacekeeping Activities of the CSTO. The Organization is to endow one of the member states with the mandate to apply its multinational (consolidated) peacekeeping forces to the UN Peacekeeping Capability Readiness System. Thus applied CSTO peacekeeping forces can be involved in solving tasks during the UN peacekeeping operations under the CSTO flag. Based on the analysis of the legal framework for interaction between the United Nations and regional organizations in the field of peacekeeping, the author concludes that the potential for regional organizations to independently conduct multidimensional peacekeeping missions without direct violating state sovereignty or the UN Security Council mandate is significantly limited. The main opportunity for the collective use of the CSTO peacekeeping potential lies in its involvement in UN peacekeeping operations based on the approaches applied within the UN system to the organization of international peacekeeping activities.

Analysis of the military - economic potential of Belarus Republic in context of increasing tension in the Eastern European region of the Collective Security Treaty Organization

Analysis of the military - economic potential of Belarus Republic in context of increasing tension in the Eastern European region of the Collective Security Treaty Organization

Современные проблемы биобезопасности и перспективы международного сотрудничества

Biological safety is one of the most important components of the overall security system of both individual states and the entire world community. Today it has become quite obvious that the problems of biosafety are more urgent than ever and require the maximum attention of the world community. Against the background of the emergence and spread of diseases caused, as a rule, by dangerous and especially dangerous microorganisms, a number of problems arise in the world not only in the field of health care, but also of a political, social and economic nature. A striking example of this is the COVID 19 coronavirus pandemic that has continued since the end of 2019. The issues related to biosafety in the agricultural sector and ecology are considered. It is obvious that constant monitoring and analysis of a wide range of biosafety problems, early development of measures to minimize the threats of exposure to already known dangerous pathogens not only on human health, but also on the environment, agricultural and food sectors are necessary. The issues related to the development of new research directions that can lead to the creation of biological systems with specified properties and functions that have no analogues in nature are discussed. In research aimed at the development of new biological technologies, to one degree or another related to the production of biological warfare, the primary and mandatory requirement is to ensure the safety of all personnel involved in these works and the availability of well-trained qualified scientists, as well as certified laboratory facilities in which these works are carried out. It is important to constantly pursue the purposeful development of multilateral international cooperation in the field of biosafety, and make creative decisions to ensure it on the territory of the Russian Federation. The importance of Russia’s active international participation in solving existing and potential biological threats within the framework of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention (BTWC) and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) is noted.

Протесты против цен на газ в Казахстане: первое в истории вмешательство ОДКБ в одном из ее государств-членов

Relevance. The intervention of the peacekeeping forces of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) into Kazakhstan is the first case of using the peacekeeping forces of the CSTO to ensure the sovereignty of a Member State of the Treaty, to prevent security threats and stabilize situation. This operation demonstrated the readiness of the states to provide assistance within the framework of the Collective Security Treaty on the basis of mutual agreement and at the request of the injured state. The purpose of this study is to examine the CSTO peacekeeping forces participation in the conflict resolution in Kazakhstan. The objectives of the study are to consider the main aspects of the history of CSTO establishment; to study the triggers of the conflict in Kazakhstan; to analyze the activities of the organization in relation to the conflict under con-sideration; to substantiate the need for the actions taken by the Organization; to study the role of the CSTO in the resolution of this conflict. Methodology. To carry out this study, general scientific and private-law methods (technical-legal method) as well as the historical-legal method were used. Results. The Collective Security Treaty Organization is a regional international organization that ensures peace and security. It can be argued with a high degree of probability that the CSTO is ready to repel attempts to violate the sovereignty of its member states. Conclusions. It is necessary to further improve the legal framework of the CSTO in order to counter new threats and challenges of the present. The consent of the Member States in assistance and support will ensure normal de-velopment of each Member State and exclude the possibility of outside interference in their internal affairs. In general, this is exactly the organization that can ensure security in the region.