Security Leadership Research Articles

Nigeria and Regional Security

In this paper, we consider the development of Nigeria as a regional security actor, and the extent to which it shows security leadership in two dimensions: the sub-region West Africa, and in the whole of Africa. Whereas we contribute to studies that show, this paper provides a more nuanced assessment of the perceptions of Nigeria’s regional role. We argue that Nigeria’s dual regional role is a carefully constructed narrative that is central to its foreign policy objectives, and indeed its identity as an African state. The implication of this is that on the one hand borne out in Nigeria’ regional performance vis-a-vis the Economic Community for West African States (ECOWAS), which we explore in nuanced detailed. On the other hand, however, we also consider how Nigeria’s sub-regional performance, the usual focus of academic discourse unfolds in the context of its pan-African commitments. In doing so, we highlight the various tensions that underscore and challenge Nigeria’s role as a regional (African) leader. In particular, we examine claims of hegemonic ambitions, the impact of on-going national security challenges, the potential competition between Nigeria and others for leadership, and the role of external actors in discourses around who is a regional actor.

최고경영층의 정보보호 리더십에 따른 정보보호 통제활동의 차이 분석

This paper is to analyze how the information security leadership of top management affects controls of information security. Controls of information security include the activity related to making information security policy, the activity related to making up information security organizational structure and job responsibilities, the activity related to information security awareness and training, the activity related to technical measures installation and operation, and the activity related to emergency response, monitering and auditing. Additionally we will analyze how Internet incidents affect controls of information security and find implications.

How middle power leadership defied US hegemony, by Ronald M Behringer

Ronald M Behringer The human security agenda: How middle power leadership defied US hegemony New York: Continuum (Bloomsbury Academic), 2012. 221pp., £16.99 (paper) ISBN: 978-1441 182999Recent events in Syria are encouraging new thinking about humanitarian justifications for war. Seemingly paralyzed by the fear of a Russian veto, the United Nations Security Council has taken no concrete steps to intervene in the Syrian uprising. All eyes are now fixed on United States President Barack Obama as he examines the evidence of possible chemical weapon use by the Assad regime to determine whether the American red line has indeed been crossed, necessitating intervention. If the UN eventually authorizes intervention, it will not be to restore or protect the territorial sovereignty of the Syrian state; instead this decision would imply that the ruling regime has violated its responsibility to protect the safety and security of its population. What is at stake for the UN, therefore, is human security. Other potential impetuses for multilateral intervention in Syria, such as the threatened security of a neighbouring state, appear less likely at present.While scholars and policymakers devoted significant attention to security studies in the 1990s, the study of human security was rejuvenated in 2005 with the UN's adoption of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. Ronald Behringer takes up the subject in The Human Security Agenda with a focus on the contributions of middle powers. This highly informative book highlights the leadership role played by middle powers in the realm of international security. Behringer has a positive view of this role, as he claims that states such as Canada, Australia, and Norway have redefined the global security agenda by embracing and promoting the notion of human security (9).Well written and easy to follow, if date- and acronym-heavy, Behringer's book claims that middle powers have played the roles of securitizing actors in emphasizing the need to protect human populations, and norm entrepreneurs in promoting the human security agenda (9). Describing middle powers as states with a tendency to pursue multilateral solutions to international problems and embrace compromise in solving international disputes, and as sharing a humane internationalist outlook in their foreign policies (17), Behringer uses five international initiatives as case studies to demonstrate the potential for middle power leadership in human security. The Standby High Readiness Brigade for United Nations Operations (SHIRB RIG), the Ottawa Process banning antipersonnel landmines (APL), the International Criminal Court (ICC), the initiative to regulate trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW), and the R2P project had varying degrees of success but were all characterized, according to Behringer, by the sustained leadership of middle powers with a distinctly middle power approach to international negotiation. …

Silver over the border: US law enforcement corruption on the Southwest Border

US national security is seriously challenged by the more visible appearance of American law enforcement and security corruption among organizations charged with policing and protecting the US–Mexican border. A burgeoning number of allegations, criminal investigations, indictments, and convictions directed against US law enforcement personnel calls into question the fundamental integrity of US border security forces and leadership, as well as the willingness or capability of key agencies and their executive branch leadership to effect reforms. For the United States, such law enforcement and other official US Government corruption acts like corrosive acid on the legitimacy of these institutions and upon domestic and allied trust in their integrity and competence.

Continuously and simultaneously optimizing an organization’s safety and security culture and climate: the Improvement Diamond for Excellence Achievement and Leadership in Safety & Security (IDEAL S&S) model

This article discusses an innovative approach to measure and to enhance a company’s safety culture and climate as well as its security culture and climate in one go. A safety and security culture and climate model using three dimensions (People, Procedures and Technology) is suggested to form the building blocks of the model. The Improvement Diamond for Excellence Achievement and Leadership in Safety and Security (abbreviated IDEAL S&S) model’s structure is shaped by integrating the principles of Performance Management into the well-known and much used concept of the PDCA cycle or loop of continuous improvement. This way, the model can easily be used and implemented by any organization. Furthermore, a Roadmap is provided for introducing and applying the model and the approach to test the model in a real industrial setting is explained and discussed.

Squaring the Circle? Leadership and Legitimacy in European Security and Defence Cooperation

This research note addresses the trade-offs between legitimacy and effectiveness in the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). The contemporary security environment creates a dual deficiency where neither individual states nor the European Union (EU) can provide effective and legitimate solutions. Leadership is necessary but has to be balanced with the norms of consensus and equality, deeply engrained in EU foreign policy making. The increasing scope and ambition for ESDP in an enlarged EU with 25 members exacerbate this fundamental contradiction. We present a number of internal and external adaptation pressures that lead to this situation and link them to wider conceptual debates about security governance. Noting that the existing academic literature has not paid sufficient and systematic attention to the associated dilemmas, we then outline a comprehensive agenda for research that includes both empirical and conceptual matters worth exploring.

Soft Balancing Between Friends: Transforming Transatlantic Relations

US experts either deny that soft balancing is taking place or claim that it arose in response to US unilateralism since 2001. Yet, for several decades before 2001, European economic integration resulted in de facto soft balancing of US primacy within the West, and the 1991 claim for a EU security role began to counterbalance US leadership in European security. Soft balancing between friends is tempered by economic interdependence and more difficult to detect than counterbalancing by China or Russia. Yet, EU soft balancing is as real as US counter-counterbalancing. Asymmetrical roles in the NATO alliance still reflect the post-1945 transatlantic balance of power in spite of the EU's growing economic weight. In the post-1991 security environment, however, the EU can pursue a symmetrical partnership. US security leadership in Europe is still welcomed by European Atlanticists. However, the European Security and Defence Policy of 1999 and the European Security Strategy of 2003, together with the development of...

The Demise of US Spacepower: Not with a Bang but a Whimper

Spacepower is a critical element supporting the US national security strategy. As more nations gain access to technology, there is growing concern that space capabilities will be increasingly vulnerable to attack. However, a more insidious problem looms. For the last decade, the development and acquisition of US national security space systems have become more and more troubled with cost overruns and schedule delays. This grave situation has caught the attention of national security leadership and the US Congress. Panels of experts have proposed a litany of remedies. In this paper we explain and illustrate the importance of enhancing space power to better support national security needs and caution that many of the proposed acquisition solutions address symptoms, not the primary cause. As history as shown…if the US offers an inviting target, it may well pay the price of attack. With the growing commercial and national security use of space, US assets in space and on the ground offer just such targets. The US is an attractive candidate for a ‘Space Pearl Harbor’.1 This is the way the world ends This is the way the world ends This is the way the world ends Not with a bang but a whimper.2

Aligning systems to create full‐service schools: The Boston experience, so far

Leaders of full-service schools in Boston seek to expand the number and increase the impact of Boston's full-service schools, catalyzing a realignment of public resources and an expansion of private investment. The Full-Service Schools Roundtable, led by a dynamic staff and supported by the mayor and the superintendent of schools, is a steadily growing coalition of educators, public agencies, human service providers, and community leaders. Challenges for the Roundtable are to build the public will to invest in full-service schools; secure leadership from stakeholders; share accountability across sectors so that schools prioritize youth development and health, and service providers share responsibility for school success; and become a political force, championing the strategic realignment of public investments based on child outcomes.

Leadership in Bandwagon: A Historical Sketch of Japan's Security Policy

This article has two purposes. The first is to provide a historical overview of Japan's security leadership, while at the same time it seeks to locate Japan's response to the September 11 terrorism in the context of a larger process of defining its security leadership. As opposed to the Japanese transforming leadership that sought to balance the power of the United Nations, and that eventually invited unproductive consequences in the pre-World War II period, its pursuit of security roles in the postwar period has been well built in the U.S. hegemony. I then argue that Japan's security policy has rested on its principle of bandwagoning with the U.S. government, in which the Japanese government has transformed its own security policy so that it could present itself as a major ally with the United States. The first section discusses the differences between “transforming” and “transactional” leaderships, and locates them in the context of how the Japanese government has addressed alliances. The second section depicts the structural constraints of the alliances in which allies have had the dilemma of being abandoned from or entrapped into the partner's security policy. It then documents the larger process of Japan redefining its security role in the Asia-Pacific region. In this context, the Japanese government's response to the September 11 terrorism is also addressed. Special attention is paid to how the government sought to maintain a balance between military contributions to U.S.-Japan security alliance and the restriction on the “threat and use of force” prescribed in the Constitution. The fourth section changes the focus, and examines Japan's recent transactional pro-activeness toward Asia and entry into regional politics. Japan's holding of the Conference on Reconstruction Assistance to Afghanistan will be also addressed, and this article argues the conference was the fruit of Japan's recent emphasis on human security. Finally, this article concludes that the combination of Japan's continued transforming security policy and its strenuous, transactional efforts to enter Asian regional politics will be the first step toward real “normalcy” of Japan.

Presidential Personality and National Security Leadership: A Comparative Analysis of Vietnam Decision-making

This essay presents a framework for analyzing the effect of presidential personality on policy making, while avoiding the fallacy of simply "reducing" the explanation of presidential performance to the president's individual characteristics. Using an approach that simul taneously takes account of the larger political environment, and the president's constellation of immediate associates (the "institutionalized presidency"), as well as the president's individual characteristics, we present data comparing presidential decision-making with respect to Vietnam in 1954 and 1965. All three levels of evidence must be examined to establish why the United States did not inject military force in 1954 at the time of the fall of Dienbienphu and did in 1965, in the face of the incipient collapse of South Vietnam.

Contemporary Social Welfare.. By Winifred Bell. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1983. 271 pp. $14.95 paper and Insuring Inequality: Administrative Leadership in Social Security, 1935–54. By Jerry R. Cates. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1983. 190 pp. $18.50

Contemporary Social Welfare.. By Winifred Bell. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1983. 271 pp. $14.95 paper and Insuring Inequality: Administrative Leadership in Social Security, 1935–54. By Jerry R. Cates. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1983. 190 pp. $18.50 Get access Contemporary Social Welfare. By Bell Winifred. New York: Macmillan Publishing Co., 1983. 271 pp. $14.95 paper. Insuring Inequality: Administrative Leadership in Social Security, 1935–54. By Cates Jerry R.. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1983. 190 pp. $18.50. Eveline M. Burns Eveline M. Burns Columbia University, New York, New York Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic PubMed Google Scholar Social Work, Volume 30, Issue 5, September-October 1985, Pages 457–458, https://doi.org/10.1093/sw/30.5.457-a Published: 01 September 1985

Insuring Inequality: Administrative Leadership in Social Security, 1935-54

Insuring Inequality: Administrative Leadership in Social Security, 1935-54

Insuring Inequality: Administrative Leadership in Social Security 1935-1954. Jerry R. Cates

Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsInsuring Inequality: Administrative Leadership in Social Security 1935-1954. Jerry R. Cates Sharon M. KeigherSharon M. Keigher Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Social Service Review Volume 58, Number 2Jun., 1984 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/644201 Views: 1Total views on this site Copyright 1984 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article.

Political Freedom and Mental Colonization

The need to demonstrate what has already been achieved presupposes insecurity or an inherent lack of self-confidence. To believe that the lack of conspicuous display necessarily suggests dependence on foreign powers, is tantamount to implying that substance must be reflected in appearances. The fact of possession is more important than a demonstration of what may only be the appearance of ownership. A secure leadership or political group would eschew hollow rhetoric, and flamboyant display in order to pursue matters which promise substantive effect.