Security Cooperation Research Articles

Analysis of the Necessity of Cooperation Between China and ASEAN in the Epidemic Era

The dialogue process between China and ASEAN was officially launched in 1991. Over the past three decades, the bilateral relations between them have made remarkable achievements and become a model of cooperation in the Asia-Pacific region. Since the outbreak of COVID-19, China and ASEAN have developed closer ties and made great progress in cooperation in political security, economic trade, health security and other fields. Today, ASEAN has surpassed the United States and the European Union to become China's largest trading partner. This paper discusses the necessity of cooperation between China and ASEAN in the post-epidemic era. For China, ASEAN is an important strategic pivot to safeguard its neighborhood security. China has always followed an ASEAN-centric strategy, and its vaccine diplomacy during the pandemic has been very effective, which has boosted its relations with ASEAN. For ASEAN, its internal vulnerability has forced it to rely on external powers, with China being one of its preferred powers because of its geographical location and close economic ties. As to global order, the US pivot to Asia and the more serious friction between China and the US during the pandemic era make it necessary for China and ASEAN to work together to maintain the unity of the Asian region.

Adaptability of ASEAN states’ political security concept in the post-Cold War under a theory of social evolution analysis

This study attempts to explain the changes in the adaptation of ASEAN states to security norms since the Cold War. This study focuses on qualitative research methods, mainly “process tracking” and “historical comparison.” After the end of the Cold War, the ASEAN states did not immediately adopt the ASEAN framework for security cooperation, but still followed a certain degree of survival instinct. With the strengthening of ASEAN’s normative power, the situation of security cooperation between Southeast Asia and other major states in the region has begun to be dominated by ASEAN. This change has not only led to changes in the security habits of ASEAN states but also prompted ASEAN states to gradually adapt to the security norms based on the ASEAN framework. The changes in the adaptability of ASEAN states to security norms illustrate the fact that ASEAN norms (ASEAN Way) are spread from another perspective, and also show the reasons why ASEAN can advance toward a security community. On the whole, the development of security norms of ASEAN states after the Cold War shows a direction of social evolution, and it is a kind of convergent evolution. With the influence of the external environment, ASEAN states “choose” ASEAN norms (ASEAN Way) to obtain security, and the ASEAN Security Community finally becomes a form of “inheritance”.

A cooperative security monitoring mechanism aided by optimal multiple slave cluster heads for UASNs

As each cluster head (CH) sensor node is used to aggregate, fuse, and forward data from different sensor nodes in an underwater acoustic sensor network (UASN), guaranteeing the data security in a CH is very critical. In this paper, a cooperative security monitoring mechanism aided by multiple slave cluster heads (SCHs) is proposed to keep track of the data security of a CH. By designing a low complexity "equilateral triangle algorithm (ETA)", the optimal SCHs (named as ETA-based multiple SCHs) are selected from the candidate SCHs so as to improve the dispersion and coverage of SCHs and achieve large-scale data security monitoring. In addition, by analyzing the entire monitoring process, the close form expression of the probability of the failure attack identification for the SCHs with respect to the probability of attack launched by ordinary nodes is deduced. The simulation results show that the proposed optimal ETA-based multiple SCH cooperation scheme has lower probability of the failure attack identification than that of the existing schemes. In addition, the numerical simulation results are consistent with the theoretical analysis results, thus verifying the effectiveness of the proposed scheme.

Preamble slice orderly queue access scheme in cell-free dense communication systems

High reliability applications in dense access scenarios have become one of the main goals of 6G environments. To solve the access collision of dense Machine Type Communication (MTC) devices in cell-free communication systems, an intelligent cooperative secure access scheme based on multi-agent reinforcement learning and federated learning is proposed, that is, the Preamble Slice Orderly Queue Access (PSOQA) scheme. In this scheme, the preamble arrangement is combined with the access control. The preamble arrangement is realized by preamble slices which is from the virtual preamble pool. The access devices learn to queue orderly by deep reinforcement learning. The orderly queue weakens the random and avoids collision. A preamble slice is assigned to an orderly access queue at each access time. The orderly queue is determined by interaction information among multiple agents. With the federated reinforcement learning framework, the PSOQA scheme is implemented to guarantee the privacy and security of agents. Finally, the access performance of PSOQA is compared with other random contention schemes in different load scenarios. Simulation results show that PSOQA can not only improve the access success rate but also guarantee low-latency tolerant performances.

The Art of Defense Diplomacy: How New Forms of Diplomacy are Shaping International Relations

<h1>Defense diplomacy has further developed into a new form of diplomacy in international relations, which is supported by various forms of technology and also the development of social media. This research study aims to explore how this new form of diplomacy shapes international relations more broadly, as well as to determine whether defense diplomacy effectively promotes cooperation and stability among states in the context of security and defense. Then find the challenges and opportunities of defense diplomacy in the modern era. The research used mixed methods research by analyzing 244 scientific articles based on the Scopus database, Google Sholar, and Web of Science. In addition, this research also analyzed the data obtained from the VOSviewer tool. This study reveals that defense diplomacy has emerged in various forms of diplomacy, also defense diplomacy affects interactions of international relations and influences the construction of norms, identities, and interests in the international system. In terms of norms, defense diplomacy can help promote international norms related to security and defense, such as human rights and international law. In terms of identity, defense diplomacy can shape national identity in terms of defense and security. In terms of interests, defense diplomacy can influence national interests and security through cooperation in defense and reaching regional and international security agreements. Defense diplomacy brings changes in the form of building cooperation, reducing tensions, improving defense capabilities, and promoting human rights principles and international law. Through defense diplomacy, countries can strengthen international cooperation in security and defense and build strong relationships between countries. In the long run, this can help reduce tensions between countries and promote stability around the world.</h1>

An Analysis of the Scenario of China’s Invasion of Taiwan and Implications for South Korea-U.S.-Japan Security Cooperation

Other SectionsAbstractINTRODUCTIONCHINA’S INVASION OF TAIWAN: AN ANALYSIS OF SCENARIOSFOUR PREMISES TO DEFEND TAIWANCONCLUSION: IMPLICATIONS FOR S. KOREA-U.S.-JAPAN SECURITY COOPERATIONFigureTableReference

Modern History and Politics: Rebuilding Arab Defense: US Security Cooperation in the Middle East, by Bilal Y. Saab (book review)

Rebuilding Arab Defense: US Security Cooperation in the Middle East, by Bilal Y. Saab. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2022. 249 pages. $95 cloth, e-book.

Common Waters: Japan, South Korea, and Maritime Security Assistance in Southeast Asia

executive summary: This article proposes that Southeast Asia is an ideal space for cooperation between Japan and South Korea, given that both countries share strategic priorities in the region. main argumentAlthough Japan and South Korea's bilateral ties are typically defined by long-standing issues over historical issues and territorial disputes, each country shares a wide set of geopolitical interests, leading to an "Asian paradox" of mismatched priorities. This paradox is clearly visible in Southeast Asia. While Tokyo's strategic ties with the subregion, often via the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), are deeper and predate Seoul's, South Korea is increasingly expanding its own relations with the region alongside its growing security outreach across the Asia-Pacific. As a result, Japan's and South Korea's interests and activities are meeting in strategic spaces in Southeast Asia, such as the South China Sea and the Mekong River basin. Despite sharing common goals in these spaces, so far Seoul and Tokyo have not collaborated in their efforts. While many hurdles still limit direct security cooperation between Japan and South Korea, even indirect cooperation in shared strategic spaces in Southeast Asia could provide both countries an opportunity to build trust and provide security benefits to countries in Southeast Asia. policy implications• The U.S. can incentivize Japan–South Korea cooperation in Southeast Asia through the Quad Plus framework. • Expanding the General Security of Military Information Agreement between Japan and South Korea could be a method of increasing their cooperation in Southeast Asia. • To achieve greater cooperation toward these aims, the U.S. should support strategic latitude for Japan and South Korea in Southeast Asia.

Changing Dynamics of Bilateral Relations between US and Pakistan: Sino-Russia Factor

This paper aimed at an exhaustive analysis of changing dynamics in bilateral relations between the US and Pakistan. Solid projections about the future shape of US-Pakistan relationship are integral part of this study. Qualitative method of research with descriptive and predictive approaches has been employed to analyze relevant material. Economic rise of China in recent times has expanded its clout. Russia appears to have recovered some of its lost space. These shifts have indelible imprints on the US relations with its allies especially Pakistan. Bilateral ties between Pakistan and America have always been transactional and uncertain. The post-evacuation scenario in Afghanistan has also raised doubts on the future of these relations. Whereas, Pakistan and China are neighbors who have close economic and security cooperation. Pakistan and Russia are also in process of healing old sores due to economic and geo-political needs. The US has shifted its weight in favor of India for strategic partnership in the region in its bid for containment of China. The changed scenario is beset with certain new avenues of benefits and threats at the same time

The Core Content and Practical Approach of China’s Global Security Initiative

This research paper provides an overview of China’s Global Security Initiative, its essential components, and its practical implementation. Firstly, the paper highlights the significance of the Global Security Initiative in the broader context of China’s global security policy. It then outlines the core elements of the Global Security Initiative, which include promoting security cooperation, establishing a global security framework, and enhancing comprehensive security measures. Secondly, the author explores the practical approach of the Global Security Initiative, which emphasizes cooperation between states, international organizations, civil society, and the private sector. The author also describes the implementation of the Global Security Initiative, such as the establishment of the Global Security Initiative Working Group and its role in regional security cooperation. Furthermore, the author discusses how the Global Security Initiative fits into the Belt and Road Initiative. Lastly, the paper addresses the challenges posed by the Global Security Initiative, including the need for greater transparency and the establishment of an effective governance system. By offering insights into the Global Security Initiative and its implications for global security, the author provides valuable information on this topic. Overall, this paper provides a comprehensive overview of the Global Security Initiative, its core components, practical approach, implementation, and challenges, making it an informative read for anyone interested in China’s global security policy.

Strengthening Germany-Japan Security Cooperation: An Examination of the Trends, Reasons, and Challenges

Strengthening Germany-Japan Security Cooperation: An Examination of the Trends, Reasons, and Challenges

Core Member and the Success of Regional Organizations: A Study of China's Role in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), established in 2001, promotes cooperation in trade, economics, scientific technology, and energy. China, a key player in the group, has implemented measures to ensure fair distribution of its gains through regional cooperation and integration. China has proposed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to boost economic cooperation and connectivity in the SCO region. It has also offered financial assistance and technical expertise to other member states to boost infrastructure development and economic growth. China pledges to strengthen cooperation in trade, energy, and security, requiring cooperation and compromise for mutual benefits. These initiatives demonstrate China's commitment to regional cooperation and willingness to make sacrifices. In conclusion, China is now in favour of the SCO playing a bigger geopolitical role. Presently, China portrays the SCO as a vibrant and active alliance that aims to position itself as the protector of regional and international security.

Frenemies: When Ideological Enemies Ally by Mark L. Haas

When do states ally against a common threat despite ideological differences? This question presents a puzzle for two prominent theories of international relations. Realists expect that ideology animosity is no barrier to alliance formation, while ideological arguments expect that it is an insuperable obstacle. Mark L. Haas’s answer to this important and relevant puzzle provides new insights for scholars and policymakers to consider. First, Haas argues that external threat is necessary but insufficient for ideological opponents to ally (20). In addition to an external threat pushing together two countries that ideological disagreements would otherwise pull apart, leaders must perceive low domestic political risks and a favorable ideological configuration in the international system (50). If leaders expect that security cooperation will embolden domestic revolutionaries and endanger their hold on power, they will not risk a “frenemy” alliance (24). Leaders must also believe that one country is their greatest ideological and material threat or that they can wedge apart states with similar ideologies as an “ideological outsider” (39).

Dynamic evolution trend and key obstacle factors analysis on the cooperative security of water, energy, and food nexus: a Southwest China case study

Dynamic evolution trend and key obstacle factors analysis on the cooperative security of water, energy, and food nexus: a Southwest China case study

"SISI DOCTRINE”: EGYPT AND THE GREAT POWERS AFTER THE “ARAB SPRING”. COMPARATIVE STUDY OF CAIRO’S RELATIONS WITH WASHINGTON, BEIJING AND MOSCOW

The foreign policy of Egypt changed significantly since the "Arab Spring". At the regional level, Cairo had to respond to numerous challenges and threats, and at the global level – to pursue a policy of diversification in order to compensate for the partial weakening of ties with the United States. This article focuses on whether Egypt's rapprochement with China and Russia can become an alternative to a strategic alliance with the United States. The author aims to analyze the peculiarities of Egypt's relations with each of the mentioned great powers and to identify trends in further development of these relations. The article analyzes Egypt’s cooperation in security and economic spheres. The main conclusion is that Egypt remains interested in maintaining and developing strategic relations with the United States. However, China and Russia are playing an increasingly important role in Egypt's foreign policy strategy. The PRC is turning into a major trading partner, and Russia is a partner in the military and political spheres. It is also a key provider of food security. Comparative analysis of Egypt's relations with the United States, China and the Russian Federation shows that in the medium term Cairo will gradually move away from Washington and pursue a more balanced policy with respect to great powers.

Extreme Learning Machine Based Identification of Malicious Users for Secure Cooperative Spectrum Sensing in Cognitive Radio Networks

Extreme Learning Machine Based Identification of Malicious Users for Secure Cooperative Spectrum Sensing in Cognitive Radio Networks

RUSSIA’S AGGRESSION ON UKRAINE AS A CATALYST FOR CHANGE OF SWEDEN’S NEUTRALITY POLICY IN ARMED CONFLICTS AND THE COUNTRY’S ACCESSION TO NATO

Abstract: The policy of neutrality successfully served Sweden for more than two centuries. It was a pragmatic policy with certain degree of flexibility, rather than a dogmatic one, and its usefulness was in principle not questioned, neither by politicians, nor its citizens. After WW2, when concessions regarding the upholding of the neutrality were made to keep the country outside the conflict, Sweden officially continued to pursue the doctrine of “non-alignment in peacetime aiming to neutrality in war”. At the same time, Sweden developed, in concealment and without public knowledge, a wide range of security and military cooperation with the North Atlantic Alliance and its member states, including technology and intelligence exchange. Today’s dramatically changed European security situation has clearly proven that a policy of non-alignment is no longer sufficient and that a strong national defence is also not enough. The security cooperation with the Nordic countries and NATO members does not offer necessary guarantees to keep the country safe. Only full NATO membership provides such guarantees. The Russian aggression on Ukraine was the direct catalyst for a radical and surprisingly swift change of Sweden’s security policy, demonstrating the essentially pragmatic approach to the policy of neutrality. Only a few weeks after the invasion, a large majority of the parliamentary parties stood behind the government’s decision to apply for NATO membership. The purpose of this article is to briefly portray the historical and geopolitical background, the development, and the reasoning of Sweden’s long history of neutrality policy, as well as present the causes that directly influenced the change of this policy and the implications of Sweden’s NATO accession for the country’s security policy.

Evaluating Cybersecurity Capacity Building of ASEAN Plus Three through Social Network Analysis

The strategic rivalry between the United States and China is out in full swing in Southeast Asia. As the result, ASEAN is emerging both as a key player as well as a playground for pivotal global and regional actors. South Korea, Japan, and China known as ASEAN Plus Three, have strong economic, political, and technological ties with the region, and have leveraged their cyber capabilities to compete for influence in the region. This study evaluates the relative performances of the Plus Three’ cyber outreach efforts to the region by visualizing the complex web of actors and cyber cooperation and assistance activities with network analysis tools and open-source databases. We quantitatively analyze national cyber security cooperation of ASEAN including South Korea, Japan, and China through capacity building indicators and social network methodology. This study (1) analyzes cybersecurity cooperation in ASEAN Plus Three, (2) explores factors that influence cooperation, and (3) lays out a quantitative basis for establishing national information policy and cybersecurity strategy. We find that the Plus Three, despite the outward similarity in their respective regional strategies, are a study of contrasts, with one of them emerging as an influential yet silent power in the regional cyber diplomacy domain.

GREATER EURASIA PARTNERSHIP: DOMESTIC AND REGIONAL ELEMENTS OF FOREIGN POLICY CONVERGENCE

China-Russia strategic partnership has evolved into a new stage where the two great powers share increasing overlapping and complementary interests. The Greater Eurasia Partnership (GEP) framework offers an integrated approach to conducting their relations by deepening collaborative partnerships through regional development and security cooperation. This article aims to analyze evolving nature of the GEP by focusing on domestic and regional elements of foreign policy convergence. Although connecting the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to the GEP illustrates the domestic level of convergence in their foreign policies, the regional context reflects a partial convergence that entails further policy coordination in managing potential risks and challenges, particularly in Central Asia and more broadly in Eurasia. In examining the evolving nature of GEP, the international political economy perspective is applied to foreign policy analysis with a particular focus on the development-security nexus. The article concludes with a discussion of the main drivers and future trajectory of the GEP with regard to regional and global stability.

Deportation as a neo-colonial act: how deporting state influence extends beyond the border

Contemporary migration patterns and border control practices, including deportation, reinforce colonial histories. However, deporting states also have an ongoing influence following the initial act of removal. This article examines how the deporting state influences the creation of ‘borders behind the border’ within the receiving state, and argues that deportation is ultimately a neo-colonial act. Deporting state influence pervades territorial borders and extends the carceral state, through transferring imaginaries of ongoing criminality and threat; humanitarian bordering; legislative assistance; and security cooperation. However, receiving states are not simply passive, instead refusing and contesting some neo-colonial influence, and reformulating local perceptions of the deporting state as ‘to blame’ for any ‘problems’ that deported people cause. By examining deportations to Oceania, it is evident that both neo-colonial deportation practices and micro-refusals are world-making.