War Of Resistance Research Articles

Left Transnationalism: The Communist International and the National, Colonial, and Racial Questions ed. by Oleksa Drachewych and Ian McKay

Reviewed by: Left Transnationalism: The Communist International and the National, Colonial, and Racial Questions ed. by Oleksa Drachewych and Ian McKay Matthew Galway Drachewych, Oleksa and Ian McKay, eds. – Left Transnationalism: The Communist International and the National, Colonial, and Racial Questions. Montréal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2020. 448 p. In a May 26, 1943, "Report on the Dissolution of the Communist International" (關於共產國際解散問題毛澤東同志作詳盡報告/Guanyu gongchanguoji jiesan wenti Mao Zedong tongzhi zuo xiangjin baogao), Mao Zedong reflected on the Comintern's great contribution to the Chinese Communist revolution. He averred that throughout its quarter-century of existence, the Comintern "has rendered the greatest services in helping each country to organize a truly revolutionary workers' party, and it has also contributed enormously to the great cause of organizing the anti-fascist war." Mao's reflection on its past utility then segued to an explanation of why it had outlived its purpose: "It is a principle of Marxism-Leninism that the forms of revolutionary organizations must conform to the necessities of the revolutionary struggle. If a form of organization no longer suits the necessities of the struggle, then this form of organization must be abolished … To continue this organizational form would, on the contrary, hinder the development of the revolutionary struggle in each country." Mao's appraisal of the Comintern as a force behind Communist movements worldwide and as an organizational body that applied obdurately its "Moscow Line" approach instead of adapting to suit specific movements, is where Left Transnationalism breaks new ground. At its heart, as editors Oleksa Drachewych and Ian Mackay note in the Introduction, Left Transnationalism constitutes a "post-post-Cold War project" that throws overdue light on horizontal links that operated "without the direct involvement of Moscow" (pp. 6, 35). Each contributor to the volume sets about "establishing the foundation for new approaches" upon which "there might emerge new insights into the global cultural challenge constituted by the revolutionary upheaval that the Comintern sought to accelerate" (p. 33). The volume consists of four parts: "Orientations," "Transnational Personal Relationships," "Race and Colonialism," and "National Questions." In a comprehensive opening chapter of the first part, Lars Lih explores the links between the Third International and prewar revolutionary social democracy. He casts the Third International as a body that held "a global perspective from the very beginning," but one that did not necessarily deviate from "the original model of revolutionary social democracy" (pp. 56, 68). S. A. Smith tells the story of the Bolshevik Revolution's resonance in the colonized Global South in two halves. First, it asks how the Bolsheviks came to value the "twin issues" of national self-determination and anti-colonial revolution amid socialist crises at home and elsewhere on the continent. Second, it explores the propagation of the October Revolution's symbolic capital as a watershed event with global applicability through horizontal transnational connections (pp. 74, 86). The next two chapters, by John Riddell and Alastair Kocho-Williams, shift the focus to Comintern efforts to forge unity against, undermine, and openly resist European colonial and imperial domination in Asia. [End Page 192] An exceptional entry to the second part is Sandra Pujals' chapter on Latin American and Caribbean poputchiki, or "fellow travelers," such as Seki Sano, Arcady Boylter, Ángel Del Río, and James Sager. These artists and luminaries had "direct, short-lived, or even accidental" relationships with the Comintern's worldwide network, which, as Pujals demonstrates, "underscores the Comintern's presence in the region even after its period of activity" (pp. 156–157). Another excellent contribution, by Xiaofei Tu, explores two incidents of outright betrayal by Japanese Communist Party (JCP) leader Nosaka Sanzo of his comrades Yamamoto Kenzo (to the Comintern) and Ito Ritsu Sanzo (to the Chinese Communist Party). Through a critical analysis of Japanese autobiographies, media reports, and Japanese Communist Party journals, Xu concludes that Sanzo's justification for these betrayals was a mix of careerism, "self-protection," "power-hunger," and a purportedly unshakeable loyalty to global Communism (pp. 218–219). Three chapters stand out from the subsequent two parts: Chapter 10 by Marc Becker, Chapter 11 by Kankan Xie, and Chapter 15 by Anna Belogurova. Becker's contribution...

Yang Jiang—A Great Woman in Recent History of China

Yang Jiang (1911-2016) was an admirable writer and translator in China. She lived through the most unsettled time in the modern history of China, when the Anti-Japanese War (1937-45) and the Cultural Revolution (1966-76) did have a great impact on her life and her career. Whereas the social environment influenced Yang Jiang, Yang also responded to the situation with her novels or works of translation, which are now excellent works of art.

외교총장 陸徵祥의 베네딕도 수도회 수행과 구국 활동 – 陸徵祥 회고록(回憶與隨想)을 중심으로

Lu Zhengxiang (陸徵祥, 1871-1949) is the only person in Chinese history to make a life vow at the Benedictine Abbey Saint-Andrew''s in Bruges, Belgium, after serving as foreign minister and prime minister of the Republic of China as a diplomat in the late Qing Dynasty. He is a former prime minister and a priest. During his tenure as Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of China, he established a system for cultivating diplomatic talents and laid the foundation for the modernization of Chinese diplomacy. Under the coercion of President Yuan Shikai, Lu signed the Treaty of 21 Treaties with Japan which the people criticized, but his decision to refuse to sign the Treaty of Versailles at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 restored honor for his mistake in signing the 21 Treaties. The reasoning behind Lu Zhengxiang leaving the office was not just to leave the world; he did other rescue activities in the monastery. He entered the Monastery of St. Andreas, Belgium, on the 5th of July 1927 and performed the asceticism of poverty. Lu’s motivation for choosing the Benedictine Monastery was to realize the revival of the Chinese nation by absorbing the Catholic spirit, the spiritual power of Europe. He helped the Catholic Church in China while paying attention to China''s political, social, and ecclesiastical developments at the monastery. During the Sino-Japanese War, he gave a lecture in Belgium to criticize the war of aggression of Japan and the Nazis. He informed China''s efforts to resist the war and the situation of the Catholic Church. He was in charge of the < 益世報 Overseas Correspondence >, and carried out rescue activities to promote and help China''s anti-Japanese war internationally by mobilizing all his contacts as a diplomat and linking with Catholic organizations. Lu’s rescue activities were a Catholic practice of love and loyalty to the country as a priest. His theory of reforming and supplementing Chinese culture as a part of Catholic religious culture overestimates moral competence. Further, the idea is criticized for its'' limitation on national salvation through cultural convergence without a realistic basis. However, his salvation ideology and practice are included in the large flow of rescue activities attempted by Chinese intellectuals in the first half of the 20th century. It is meaningful in that it enhances China''s international status by acting as a bridge between the Chinese government, the Vatican, the Chinese Catholic Church, and attempts to converge East and West cultures.

The westward migration of Tongji Medical College during the Anti-Japanese War

Tongji Medical College began its "education Long March" after the Battle of Shanghai in 1937, with six westward migrations across almost 10,000 kilometers over eight years. It first moved to the city of Shanghai because Tongji Medical College had to rent space in Shanghai, then moved to Jinhua in Zhejiang Province soon afterwards. After that it migrated to Ganzhou and Jian in Jiangxi Province, then He County in Guangxi Province and Kunming in Yunnan Province, ultimately locating in Li Village in Sichuan Province. Tongji Medical College was operated by Chinese and implemented high-level administration and teaching under the difficult conditions during the Anti-Japanese War. As a result, Tongji Medical College made advances in the medical field, such those by Professor Wu Mengchao. It also made advancements in research and treatment, such as identifying pathogenesis of a local epidemic and offering some treatment methods, and popularised medical knowledge for local people by exhibitions and news paper columns. It also established the Number One and the Number Five UMC Trauma Centre, participating in battlefield treatment. The German teachers of Tongji Medical College, who did not move to the west, established a German Medical School in Shanghai. Tongji Medical College returned back to Shanghai, incorporating the German Medical School in Shanghai after the Anti-Japanese War.

Marriage and Family in the Rear Area under the Background of Anti Japanese War

During the Anti Japanese War, a large number of people were forced to flee to the southwest due to the northern and central of China were gradually occupied by the enemy. The long-distance migration in the war-torn environment led to the separation of many families, resulting in a large number of marriage and family tragedies. After a large number of people moved to the southwest, the marriage and family situation in the rear area changed greatly. First, people from different regional customs and cultural backgrounds have entered the rear, which has changed the concept, the object and the form of marriage; Second, leaving their homes, the traditional family parental control has been out of reach, and the phenomenon of husband and wife separation and recombination with others occurs frequently, resulting in a large number of marriage and family tragedies; Third, the long-term war of resistance against Japan and the decline of people's life led to a sharp decline in the male population, fertility intention and fertility rate. From the analysis, we can see that Japan's aggression has caused profound harm to China's marriage and family, and its seriousness can’t be ignored.

The Spring River Flows East and the Turn of Chinese Films After the Anti-Japanese War

《一江春水向东流》；电影史；时代寓言；1940 年代

현대중국의 正義戰爭論의 형성과 전개 — 항일전쟁에서 항미전쟁까지 —

Since the People"s Republic of China entered the Korean War in October 1950, PRC’s war in Korea has been called a “Just War”. Academia has explained the just war theory only based on the theory of righteous war in the Chinese classics, and few studies investigate the historical formation of the PRC’s just war theory. This paper demonstrated that China"s perception to see the Korean War as a just war was formed by the Kuomintang and the Communist Party in the course of the anti-Japanese war since the Manchurian Incident in 1931 based on different logical grounds. The Kuomintang accepted the theory of international justice since World War I, which sought to resolve international disputes according to international law and in 1937-38 called the anti-Japanese war a just war. The Communist Party, under the instructions of the Comintern, in 1933-35 called the national revolutionary war a just war based on the revolutionary theory of justice led by the proletariat, which was derived from Lenin"s Socialism and War(1915). Despite these differences, both parties raised and spread the theory of just war widely in order to appeal China"s justice in resisting Japanese imperialism"s invasion at home and abroad. The Chinese Communist Party"s just war theory was applied not only to the anti-Japanese war but also to anti-imperialist wars, including the subsequent anti-American wars(in Korea, Vietnam, etc.). It was a theory of war shared by the communist parties of various countries, including North Korea and the Soviet Union. Since the Korean War, the just war theory has been applied to the perception and narratives of the imperial China’s wars against foreign powers based on the Marxist historiography and was historicized as such.

Research on the development of the Chinese higher education system during the anti-Japanese war period, 1937-1945

The ancient dynasty was deposed in 1911, and a new republic took its place. It is found that China made great development in all areas of life throughout the Republican era (1912-1949) excepting Anti-Japanese War. During the time when the last Quing dynasty would approach its end, China is in the primary stage in building a higher education system. In a republican era, China developed its modern higher education system which is composed of public universities, private, universities, and voluntary universities. The war with Japan was certainly the most momentous event in the History of China during the Republican era. The methodology indicating the Reformation era is thoroughly examined during the war. The new development of the war has highlighted a higher education system. Consequently, this paper examines the evolution of China's higher education system from 1937 to 1945, during Japan's anti-war era. In this paper, a descriptive methodology is used to get reliable results. Besides, secondary data such as journals, peer-review, papers, books, articles, were used to get information for the topic.

An Analysis of Translation of War Literature in Journals (1931-1945)

The victory of the China’s War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression is of great significance to the whole Chinese nation because it is the first time in nearly a century that the Chinese people have won a complete victory against imperialism. A large number of translations of foreign war literature were published in anti-war periodicals. However, domestic scholars have not paid enough attention to the study of war literature translation in Anti-Japanese war periodicals, so the research results are relatively few. This paper researches the translation of war literature in three periodicals of the war period (The Anti-Japanese War Literature and Art, The Weekly Digest and Translation Series: A Comprehensive Translation of English Newspapers and Magazines), including a survey of the sources of the translations, the translators, the main ideas of the translations, the translation techniques and their significance. The study found that the translation introductions of war literature from these periodicals penetrated the readership of the public, enhanced the confidence of the nation in the victory the China’s War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression, promoted the awakening of the whole nation, inspired the people of the nation to join in the Anti-Japanese War, and made a special contribution to the victory of the China’s War of Resistance against Japanese Aggression.

Ambivalent fatherland: The Chinese National Salvation Movement in Malaya and Java, 1937–41

China's resistance to Japanese aggression escalated into a full-scale war in 1937. The continuously deteriorating situation stimulated the rise of Chinese nationalism in the diaspora communities worldwide. The Japanese invasion of China, accompanied by the emergence of the National Salvation Movement (NSM) in Southeast Asia, provided the overseas Chinese with a rare opportunity to re-examine their ‘Chineseness’, as well as their relationships with the colonial states and the increasingly self-aware indigenous populations. This research problematises traditional approaches that tend to regard the NSM as primarily driven by Chinese patriotism. Juxtaposing Malaya and Java at the same historical moment, the article argues that the emergence of the NSM was more than just a natural result of the rising Chinese nationalism. Local politics and the shifting political orientations of overseas Chinese communities also profoundly shaped how the NSM played out in different colonial states.

‘All across Europe it had come’: The Black Death and Fascism in Sylvia Townsend Warner’s The Corner That Held Them

Sylvia Townsend Warner’s wartime novel The Corner that Held Them (1948), about a nunnery during the Black Death, reflects on female community and bonding in a period of male fascist violence. The novel explores the shift from pacifism to acceptance of the need for anti-fascist war which characterised Warner’s intellectual beliefs from the 1930s into wartime, probing the arts of peace in compositional practice. Such a dialectic of war and peace is considered in relation to what Maud Ellmann has described as the outward turn to collective choral consciousness in mid-century modernism. This article explores both the staging of fascism as plague and the feminist daring and limits that Warner saw as operative in female witnessing and withstanding of Nazi ideology and menace. It closely reads key scenes from the panorama of a novel (notably Alianor’s stillness as her husband is killed, Alicia’s plans to withstand the economic impact of the Black Death and the cure of Ralph’s plague symptoms) to register the satirical and allegorical substance of Warner’s rescripting of Woolfian notions of resistance to warmongering misogyny by a society of outsiders. The readings seek to consolidate a varied and multiple sense of the book as a Marxist historical novel that gives voice to the ruled. In doing so Warner analyses the Black Death as a moment in history that saw the emergence of early modern capitalism and labour relations out of the feudal system, even as the religious framework that had structured medieval Europe gave way to more secular beliefs in autonomy, self-determination, citizen and collective dreams, projects and affects. At the same time the plague as a political trope, rooted in anti-fascist rhetoric that turns Nazi anti-Semitic uses of the Black Death motif on their head, triggers readings that bring those historical scenes into allegorical relation with the ways in which the Second World War was experienced by marginalised female communities.

An Examination of Salvation Songs in Northeast China during the Anti-Japanese War

본 연구는 중국 동북지역 구국가요에 대한 것으로 역사적 배경과 사건을 기조로 하여 곡의 구조 및 선율, 가사와 가사에 내포된 의미와 상징을 살펴 구국가요에 대한 음악적인 면을 보다 면밀하고 심층적으로 연구하는 것에목적을 두었다. 연구의 첫 번째는 특정시기, 특정한 계기로 발생된 역사적 배경과 사건에 주목하여 고증 연구를 한다. 두 번째는 항일시기에서 발생된 구국가요의 본질에 중점을 두고 핵심적인 사건에 주목하여 이를 3시기로 나누어, 각 시기를 대표하는 곡을 선정해 분석 연구를 한다. 연구를 진행하는 과정에서 주목할 만 한 점은 중국 동북지역의 구국가요의 창작자가 대부분이 중국 군인이었으나 조선인과 조선족 출신의 작곡자도 포함되었음을 알 수 있었다. 시기별 대표곡으로는 제 1시기, 1931~1937년 ‘9 18 사변’ 이후로 대표곡은 장한위의 <국치기념가>와 차오치하이의 <탄귀둔>와 정율성의<연안송>이며, 제 2시기, 1937~1942년 ‘7.7사변’ 이후로 대표곡은 양징위의 <사계유격가>와 <동북항일연군 제1로군 군가>와 정율성의<중국인민해방군군가>이다. 제3시기, 1942~1945년 ‘항일전쟁 승리기간’의 대표곡으로 자오샹즈의 <쟁취최후의 일조>로 선정하였다. 선정한 곡들의 구조 및 선율, 가사와 가사에 내포된 의미와 상징을 분석 연구하여 그 발전과정과 특징을 살펴구국가요에 대한 가치와 의의를 논증하고자 한다.

馮友蘭의 新理學과 ‘抗戰期的’ 의미 ― 『新事論』에 대한 분석을 중심으로 ―

This article explored the ‘Anti-Japanese wartime’ meaning of Feng Youlan’s New Rational Philosophy through examining the New Treatise on P ractical Affairs, which is one of his famous works, “Six Books of Zhenyuan(貞元六書)”. In spite of its high-degree ideality, New Rational Philosophy was basically rooted from Feng Younlan’s awareness of reality in Anti-Japanese wartime China. Above all, it was the strongest inner motive for constructing New Rational Philosophy that Feng Youlan considered his philosophy as a ‘weapon’ for struggle in the Anti-Japanese wartime. Unlike the case of Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism(程朱理學), the principle(理) conceives its plurality and stratification between universality and specificity in the structure of New Rational Philosophy. It is a key point in the New Rational Philosophy that universality and specificity co-exist without one-sided oppression in the mutual relationship. New Rational Philosophy also acknowledges change of things, and in fact the change itself is located in the more universal stratum of principle. <br>Feng Youlan expanded the universal-special stratification of New Rational Philosophy to the level of perception of real society in the New Treatise on P ractical Affairs. He stipulated economic mode of production as a more universal stratum of principle that creates a society and functions it. Based on this perception, when it comes to Sino-Western cultural difference, he converted a geographic dimension to the context of ancient and modern ages. However he considered ‘the ancient’ not as a mere static backwardness, but as possibility to progress to ‘the modern’, and perceived the history of this progression as another universal principle. The Chineseness was a critical issue in his New Treatise on P ractical Affairs, too. In the Anti-Japanese wartime to put the stress on Chinese tradition, he positively approved the unique Chineseness under the condition that New Rational Philosophy concedes universality and specificity mutually. <br>Feng Youlan renewed the meaning of Anti-Japanese War in his New Treatise on P ractical Affairs. In his perception, Anti-Japanese War was not merely armed conflict between two countries, but a war between ‘villager’ to seek to be urbanite and ‘urbanite’ to interrupt it. The composition of ‘villager/urbanite’ emerged when the economically backward/advanced relationship functioned as a realistic oppression. Thus he never viewed Anti-Japanese War as a war between two equal countries. He maintained that this war was an inevitable process of progress from villagers to urbanites, from backward to advanced, and further from the oppressed to liberation. The system of New Rational Philosophy, which assumes change itself as a universal principle, and the historical notion of New Treatise on P ractical Affairs, which are embodied as history driven by the universal principle in the real phases, they all defined this war as a realization of the universal principle. In the end, New Rational Philosophy was able to secure its more realistic implication for Anti-Japanese War, because it established a thinking system that recognized the war as part of struggle for a realization of the universal principle.

An Analysis of the Lyrics of Chinese National Salvation Songs during the Anti-Japanese War - Centered on the Works ‘연안송(延安頌)’ and ‘중국인민해방군군가(中國人民解放軍軍歌)’ -

An Analysis of the Lyrics of Chinese National Salvation Songs during the Anti-Japanese War - Centered on the Works ‘연안송(延安頌)’ and ‘중국인민해방군군가(中國人民解放軍軍歌)’ -

The textual perspective of the image construction of the Communist Party of China during the Anti-Japanese War

The image of a political party is a kind of intangible asset, which profoundly affects the future development trend of a political party to some extent. During the Anti-Japanese War, the image construction of the Communist Party of China had various forms. As the symbolic construction and expression method of the party's external image, text was a key media resource. The Communist Party of China has successfully shaped the advanced image of the Party in the war of resistance for the people and actively fighting the war of resistance through various text propaganda methods, such as the articles of leaders, news periodicals, foreign manifestos, and propaganda reports by foreign journalists. With the evidence of the specific Anti-Japanese War actions, this image has gradually gained popularity among the people, enhanced the prestige and influence of the Party in the minds of the people, provided potential support for the vigorous development of the Party in the future, and indirectly provided a relatively stable popular foundation for the victory of the Party in the Liberation War later.

1950~1960년대 북한의 ‘혁명전통’ 확립과정과 역사인식의 변화

The purpose of this study is to historically analyze how North Korea’s ‘revolutionary tradition’ was ‘discovered’ and settled in the 1950s and 1960s, when the anti-Japanese armed struggle began to be deified as the ‘revolutionary tradition’ in North Korea.<BR> In order to restore Kim Il Sung’s anti-Japanese armed struggle as the only ‘revolutionary tradition’ North Korea sent investigation teams to investigate and collect related relics and artifacts while traveling to sites where Kim Il Sung staged the anti-Japanese armed struggle. In particular, in May 1959, a research team visited Yanbain, which was the main stage of Kim Il Sung’s activities, and explored more than 200 historic sites over a long period of five months. The performance of the team was actively promoted to North Koreans through exhibitions and publications of records on the expeditions. The restoration of North Korea’s domestic revolutionary sites and museums was also carried out, making the Bochonbo and Yanggang areas where Kim Il Sung’s actual combat activities took place a place of ‘revolutionary tradition,’ while the Bochonbo Museum and other museums served as schools of ‘revolutionary tradition’ culture.<BR> As invention of the history and creation of spatial sculptures were the contents of the ‘revolutionary tradition,’ these had to be used to promote the ‘revolutionary tradition.’ North Korea organized field trips and marches to anti-Japanese war sites with students and young people in order to promote them as part of sports activities focused on ‘playfulness’. Encouraging North Korean people to study Memoir and commemorate ‘revolutionary tradition,’ which had swept the entire North Korean society since 1959, played a crucial role in the everyday of people.<BR> As North Korea attached the meaning of ‘revolutionary tradition’ to Kim Il Sung’s anti-Japanese armed struggle from the late 1950s to the early 1960s, the direction of history description and education was bound to change accordingly. History of Korean National Liberation Struggle (1958) and History of Korean Modern Revolution Movement (1961) that were written based on ‘revolutionary tradition’ defined Kim Il Sung’s armed struggle against Japan as the only ‘revolutionary tradition.’ Such changes in history description were reflected in history education in schools. Teachers had to educate their students that all the anti-Japanese armed struggles were done to prepare for founding the Party after liberation. In addition, from a much earlier period than other units, ‘Research Group for Educating People about Kim Il Sung’s Revolutionary Activities’ was established in education field to train students into human being that embodied the ‘revolutionary tradition.’

The Long-term Effect of Industrial Investment：Evidence from the Anti-Japanese War

Developing economy to get rid of poverty is the common goal of all low-income countries. For many developing countries, small-scale markets and inadequate incentives for private investment are key reasons for economic stagnation. Therefore, these governments often invest directly in the industrial sectors of specific regions or industries, expecting that such industrial policies can promote industrialization and accelerate economic growth. Considering the scope economic characteristics of the industrial sector, the industrial policy of governmental direct investment can make the economy jump from low-level equilibrium to high-level equilibrium. In practice, the policy effect also depends on a series of constraints faced by a country, and these constraints are endogenous to the past economic structure, which means that quantitative research based on the historical perspective is of great significance. It helps to identify the key elements for development and provides empirical support for policy implications.The difficulty in identifying the long-term effect of industrial policies is that the areas of industrial investment are not randomly selected. In order to achieve causal inference, this paper exploits the long-term effect of the quasi-natural experiment of Anti-Japanese War on the economic development of the rear area. By sorting out historical data files, the county-level industrial database of ten provinces during the Anti-Japanese War is constructed, and the data are matched with the contemporary economic and social development data in the same geographical space. Then, using the regression model, the long-term performance of industrial investment in history is estimated. The main findings are as follows: First, the more the number of industrial enterprises in the county from 1942 to 1945, the higher the level of economic development in the new China period, but the effect is gradually weakening with time. Second, the industrial investment in the rear area of modern times has a positive effect on the long-term economic development through path dependence and initial material capital accumulation. In history, the higher the industrial investment, the higher the degree of industrialization, but there is no significant difference in the production efficiency of industrial enterprises. Third, historically, areas with more industrial investment can attract more people to move in and have a higher urbanization rate, but this historical basis does not significantly affect rural related variables, such as infant mortality rate and net income of rural residents.The long-term research based on historical events provides a new perspective for the formulation of industrial policies. The case of Anti-Japanese War shows that industrial investment against comparative advantage will cause efficiency loss in the short term, but may bring a positive effect in the long term. This raises a new intertemporal trade-off problem for policymakers about the present and the future, whose subjective time discount rate is the key to solving the problem. In addition, the quantitative history study also reminds us that one should fully recognize the initial conditions of regional development before policy implementation, which means that one can neither copy the experience of other countries nor simply reverse what policies are needed from development goals. Instead, one should be more aware of what policies are really feasible under current constraints.

The Grass-Roots Governance of the National Government in Tianjin Recovery Area After the Triumph of the Anti-Japanese War

The Grass-Roots Governance of the National Government in Tianjin Recovery Area After the Triumph of the Anti-Japanese War

A Study on the Historical Experience of Cadre Education of the Communist Party of China during the Anti Japanese War

During the Anti Japanese War, the CPC's cadre education thought reached an unprecedented height. In the long-term practice of revolution and construction, the Communist Party of China has a profound and unique understanding of cadre education, and has found a way of cadre education with its own characteristics. Throughout the basic experience of the party's cadre education during the Anti Japanese War, we can see that the CPC attached great importance to and supported it; the party's systematic education management and implementation organization; adhering to the school running policy of proceeding from reality and the teaching principle of integrating theory with practice; and maintaining the excellent quality of self-reliance and hard struggle. Summing up and studying the experience of cadre education during the Anti Japanese war is of great realistic and practical significance for the party to carry out large-scale cadre education and training.

Toward a New Narrative About China's Anti-Japanese War: Reading Bodily Anxiety in Ba Jin's &lt;em&gt;Cold Nights&lt;/em&gt;

Toward a New Narrative About China's Anti-Japanese War: Reading Bodily Anxiety in Ba Jin's &lt;em&gt;Cold Nights&lt;/em&gt;