Russo-Japanese Relations Research Articles

The significance of the Russo-Japanese War in the fate of Japan and Asia in the XX century

The article examines the fact of Japan's victory in the Russo-Japanese War as the starting point of Japan's historical development in the XX century, which determined the vector of further changes in Japanese foreign policy and played a significant role in the fate of Asian nations. In modern Russia, the 1904-1905 war is often perceived as a problem exclusively of Russo-Japanese relations and a factor clouding the prospects of good neighborliness. The author of the article aimed to determine the historical significance of Japan's victory in this conflict as an important moral factor for Japanese society, which had a strong international influence in the future. For this purpose author studied materials about the Russo-Japanese War, events preceding the Russo-Japanese war, its prerequisites, directly on the Russo-Japanese War and its results. Based on the data obtained, the author suggests that the results of the Russo-Japanese War had a decisive influence on Japan's transforming into an imperialist state in the first half of the XX century, in what the main role belongs to the acquired from the war victory conviction about the right and ability of Asian nations to resist European colonialism. It is the point from where the further Japanese militaristic policy of the 1930s and 1940s proceeds, which was of great importance in the history of Asian nations, as well as Russia. The article is intended for a wide range of readers interested in Russian and world history, especially for those who want to learn more about the Russo-Japanese war and the non-obvious consequences of Russia's failure in the conflict with Japan.

Russian settlement on the island of Urup (1795–1805) and its influence on Japan’s policy towards Ainu from southern Kurils

Based on comparative study of published Russian and Japanese sources, the article describes the history of the Russian settlement on the island of Urup in 1795–1805. First, it clarifies the goals of the foundation of the settlement and the reasons for its liquidation. Founded at the initiative of the Siberian merchant Grigorii Shelekhov, the Russian settlement played an important role both in Russo-Japanese relations and in the policy of the Japanese government towards the Ainu and their lands, especially in the southern Kuril Islands, at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries. Russians founded the settlement in the view of future trade opportunities with Japan, since, a few years earlier, the Russian envoy Adam Laxman had received a permission to enter the port of Nagasaki to continue negotiations. In the beginning, Russians managed to start exchange of Japanese goods and supplies with the Ainu. After Japanese governmental expedition reached Iturup in 1798, however, information about relations between the Russians and the Ainu led to the transfer of the northeast Hokkaido, Kunashir, and Iturup under the direct control of the bakufu, as well as influenced the nature of Japanese policy towards the local population, the Ainu. The desire to expel the Russians from Urup and thereby stop their relations with the Ainu of the southern Kuril Islands led to the decision of the Japanese government to turn Iturup into a natural fortress and forbid the locals to leave the island, and the Russians and Ainu of the northern and middle Kuril Islands to come there. At the same time, the long stay of Russian settlers on Urup prevented the spread of Japanese influence north of Iturup.

Genesis of the Russia-Japan Conundrum in Northeast Asian Security: The Anatomy of Mutual Distrust and the China Factor

This paper examines the potential and limits of Russo-Japanese bilateral relations across the Gorbachev, Yeltsin and Putin periods, exploring the roots of the mutual distrust between the two countries, Gorbachev’s “new thinking” with respect to Japan, how Yeltsin’s policy differed from Gorbachev’s, what Putin’s policy priorities were with Abe, and the limits of Russo-Japanese relations. I also analyze important external elements in bilateral relations such as the China factor, predict how Russian relations with Japan will affect Russia’s future role in Northeast Asia, and discuss policy implications for Republic of Korea as well. The main argument of this paper is that Japan and Russia will continue to remain as immiscible in the end even before economic relations fully heated. Kuril Island dispute along with inherent mistrust between the two sides will continue to obstruct bilateral relations for the indefinite period unless there is a shocking event such as Russia’s decision to yield the four islands in contention to Japan.

Wedge strategies in Russia-Japan relations

This article analyses wedge strategies in the context of Russo-Japanese relations. In particular, it looks at how both countries have sought to generate a dis-alignment in the opposing side, preventing further steps toward the consolidation of potentially threatening partnerships: the US-Japan alliance for Russia, and the Russia-China entente for Japan. After identifying the respective goals of Russia and Japan, the article examines the conditions that enable the success of wedge strategies. Looking at the case of Russia-Japan relations from 2012 to 2020, the article argues that a strategy constituted of a mix of positive economic and political incentives and a limited amount of coercion can succeed in producing a degree of dis-alignment in the opposing camp. Russia’s strategy seems to be more productive than Japan’s since Moscow has managed to minimize the effect of sanctions imposed by Japan and it has reduced political differences to mostly bilateral and regional issues. A greater level of cooperation with established partners for both Russia and Japan, and limited costs of wedging strategies, have resulted in dis-alignment but not a reversal of existing alignments. The article also indicates that in this case credibility issues do not fundamentally affect the degree of success of wedge strategies.

Новые документы по истории и наследию Русской Америки в фондах Государственного архива Костромской области

Presenting new documents to the scholarly society is important for studying the history and heritage of Russian America. The authors pay special attention to the fonds of regional archives, as their unique documents expand our knowledge of already known subjects and elaborate the historical and cultural heritage of Russian America. The State Archive of the Kostroma Region stores papers of local ethnographers, who meticulously collected materials on the history and heritage of the Russian colonial past. These documents have rarely being studied and remain unknown to researchers. The purpose of the article is to study the fonds of the State Archive of the Kostroma Region in order to identify new documents on the history of the Russian colonization of Alaska, as well as documents on the historical and cultural heritage of Russia in the northern part of the Pacific Ocean. The object of the research is document collection deposited in the State Archive of the Kostroma Region. The collection consists of hundreds of documents related to the history of the development of the Far East and Russian America and can provide a basis for preparing scholarly articles on a wide range of issues, such as the history of Russo-Chinese and Russo-Japanese relations, the interaction of the Russians and indigenous peoples of Siberia and Alaska, the transfer of Alaska to the USA, the financial and economic development of the Russian -American company and its joint-stock. Documents from N. N. Selifontov personal provenance fond shed light on the interactions of the Russian-American company with various government agencies during the sale of Alaska to the United States. Of particular value are N. N. Selifontov’s marginalia touching upon certain events in the history of Russian America, as well as his hand-written papers containing his personal opinion on the interaction of the Irkutsk governor-general with the royal court. The corpus of documents from Grigorov collection is vital for studying the early Russian exploration of the Aleutian Islands and Alaska and for preserving the memory of exploration of Alaska in various Russia towns.

Russo-Japanese Relations from a Regional Perspective

Russo-Japanese Relations from a Regional Perspective

Interdependence of Russo-Japanese Relations and Mutual Images of Japan and Russia

AbstractThe current efforts of Moscow and Tokyo to unblock the territorial impasse are complicated by some barriers of a socio-psychological character, including mutual mistrust and contradictory images of past events. Public opinion surveys reveal predominant vectors in Russo-Japanese relations, which the authors believe strongly correlate with the evolution of the contradictory images. Apparently, these images surprisingly exhibit interrelated ‘mirror’ dynamics connected with the independent variable – events happening in bilateral relations. Apparently, these images surprisingly exhibit interrelated ‘mirror’ dynamics connected with the independent variable – events happening in bilateral relations. The authors also investigate how public opinion has a real impact on politics and relations between states. In the authors’ opinion, Russia and Japan definitely do not have major unresolved problems in their bilateral relations, with the exception of the territorial problem. However, why is the public so suspicious of Russia? Can the territorial dispute be the only reason? It is far from that. The analyzed arguments give grounds to believe that it is very difficult for Japan and Russia to find a mutually acceptable solution, as their relations are not free from suspicion and mutual mistrust which are deeply rooted in the history of their relations. It will be much easier to overcome the mistrust and, accordingly, to reach agreement on the territorial issue when they manage to calmly analyze the historical grudges, understand their nature and origin, and realize that this is history, which has no contemporary value.

Russian–Japanese relations after the Russo-Japanese war in the context of world politics

The Treaty of Portsmouth could not solve all the diplomatic problems between Russia and Japan, and dissenting voices were heard in both countries. Nevertheless, Russo-Japanese relations went in the direction of not only normalization, but also building an alliance. That radical change from hostility has not often happened in history and needs careful research, in particular the early stages of this process after the conclusion of the Treaty of Portsmouth. The construction of an alliance was not the primary goal at the beginning of Russo-Japanese negotiations after the war between the two nations. This goal appeared during the process of solving different problems, and so the international situation is extremely important to understand changes in Russo-Japanese relations. This process had several facets. First, there was the deterioration in Anglo-German relations with a corresponding realignment of British policy towards Russia. Second was the resolution of problems in Central Asia between Russia and Great Britain. Third, there was the mutual interests Japan and Russia had in China, in particular rail interests, which were related to the organic unity of the northern part of the Russian railroad in China. Finally, Russia had the desire to keep relations with France as a corner-stone of foreign policy.

The end of the ‘dual possession’ of Sakhalin as multilateral diplomacy, 1867-73

This article revisits the history of Russo-Japanese ‘dual possession’ of Sakhalin in the late nineteenth century from a multilateral perspective. Using unpublished sources from Japanese and British archives, and benefiting from recent research on Russian materials, it argues that Russia's attempt at the exclusive control of Sakhalin was aimed primarily at keeping out the Americans and the British, not the Japanese. It also reveals that Japanese and British officers in the region falsely believed that Russia was preparing the occupation of Hokkaido. The findings challenge the existing historiography, which has treated the island's history solely in the context of Russo-Japanese relations.

THE PHANTASM OF THE WESTERN CAPITAL (SŎGYŎNG): IMPERIAL KOREA'S REDEVELOPMENT OF P'YŎNGYANG, 1902–1908

The Western Capital (Sŏgyŏng) project was of ideological, cultural, and strategic significance for the Empire of Korea (1897–1910) struggling for survival in the age of imperialism. This study argues that Imperial Korea's understanding of its place in the civilized world of the past, present, and future inspired redeveloping P'yŏngyang as the secondary capital. The advocates cited the history of the city in particular and of the nation in general to legitimize the project. Also, status-conscious specialistchungin(“middle people”), a newly prominent social group with loyalist members, played active roles. Moreover, responding to the deteriorating Russo-Japanese relations, Korea began preparing the nation's secondary capital, located within a neutral zone that Russia proposed to Japan. From the outset, the critics of the project highlighted funding constraints, a heavy tax burden on the local population, and rapacious officials exploiting the situation. The Japanese victory over Russia in 1905 effectively ended the project, but the memory of P'yŏngyang's status as the secondary capital outlived the Empire of Korea and the subsequent Japanese colonial rule before the city became the national capital of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea, established in 1948.

Russo-Japanese Relations, 1905–1917: From Enemies to Allies by Peter Berton (review)

Reviewed by: Russo-Japanese Relations, 1905–1917: From Enemies to Allies by Peter Berton Alexander Bukh (bio) Russo-Japanese Relations, 1905–1917: From Enemies to Allies. By Peter Berton. Routledge, London, 2011. xix, 203 pages. $155.00, cloth; $145.00, E-book. Peter Berton, the Distinguished Professor Emeritus of International Relations at the University of Southern California, has been one of the key figures in English-language scholarship on Japan’s relations with Russia. Russo-Japanese Relations, 1905–1917, his most recent work, focuses on the diplomatic history of the Russo-Japanese Convention of 1916. In 1905, Japan emerged victorious from its 15-month imperial war with Russia over dominance in Manchuria and Korea. Both nations, however, were exhausted by the war effort, militarily and economically. This exhaustion combined with other domestic and international factors pushed the two former imperial rivals toward a peaceful division of spheres of interest in the Far East. The rapprochement between Japan and Russia culminated in the 1916 convention, part of which was kept secret until the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. The convention established a bilateral alliance by stipulating joint defensive measures against a third-party threat to Russian and Japanese respective interests in the Far East. The 1917 October Revolution in Russia abruptly ended the alliance as the Bolshevik government denounced the treaty and concluded a separate peace with Germany. Japan’s 1918–25 [End Page 477] “Siberian Expedition,” which started as part of the Allied intervention in the Russian Civil War, again brought the two nations face to face on the battlefield, only 13 years after the conclusion of the 1905 Treaty of Portsmouth that ended the Russo-Japanese War. So far, Japan’s rapprochement with Russia has received little attention in the historical narratives of Japan’s relations with its northern neighbor. There are probably a number of reasons for this relative disregard of the period dubbed “the golden age”1 of Japan-Russia relations, such as its brevity and the prevalence of conflict since the conclusion of the first bilateral treaty (Treaty of Shimoda) in 1855. At the same time, the role of the present and its dominant paradigms in shaping historical narratives produced by historians should not be forgotten. Starting from Benedetto Croce who famously stated that “all history is contemporary,” numerous philosophers of history including diverse thinkers such as E. H. Carr and Michel Foucault suggested that works of historians, despite their attempts to convey history as it was, are very much shaped by the conditions of the present. From this perspective, it can be argued that the cold war confrontation and the centrality of the territorial dispute in shaping the state of bilateral relations over the last six or so decades have diverted scholars’ attention away from the period of relative closeness and harmony. Thus, Russo-Japanese Relations, 1905–1917 is a welcome addition to the voluminous body of academic literature on Japan-Russia relations. Berton has a longstanding interest in this period as the monograph builds on and expands the findings of his doctoral dissertation completed in 1956, the year relations between the Soviet Union and Japan entered another shortlived period of rapprochement. The book is quite ambitious, as it seeks to answer a wide range of important questions related to the period between the end of the Russo-Japanese War and the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. The tasks are set by the author in the preface. Among other questions, Berton purports to explore the origins of the 1916 alliance in the context of the three preceding agreements between Japan and Russia, to identify the key actors responsible for the treaties and their motives, to examine the course of negotiations, and to determine the nature of the alliance and its significance as well as the interplay between Russo-Japanese relations and the relations of the two powers with their respective allies, the United Kingdom, and France. The book is slim (91 pages of main text with the rest devoted to bibliography and notes) but dense in content and rich in detail. It relies almost exclusively on primary sources obtained from Japanese and Russian archives. Chapter 1 briefly reviews the bilateral agreements of 1907, 1910, and 1912 that...

The Cause or the Effect? The Kurillian Knot in Russo‐Japanese Relations

The Cause or the Effect? The Kurillian Knot in Russo‐Japanese Relations

Vers un nouvel ordre politique international : le traité de paix et d’amitié sino-japonais du 12 août 1978

On August 12th 1978 the People's Republic of China and Japan signed a treaty of peace and friendship that solemnly recognized the reconciliation between Peking and Tokyo. The original character and political, economic and geo-strategic meaning of this signal document can only be understood by placing it within Us true context. In fact, this context has two facets. The Sino-Japanese treaty can first be seen in an historical context that must be kept in mind since the « Far Eastern Question » has, from the end of the 19th century, been at the heart of Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese relations as well as constituting an ongoing concern for the major European powers. Prior to 1939, Japanese imperialism had succeeded in imposing its law in China and in East Asia establishing what Tokyo called a « co-prosperity sphere ». During the Second World War, the United States, Great Britain and the USSR - allies against the common enemy - had to take important decisions with regard to Japan to prepare the terms of occupation. The San Francisco Peace Treaty of 1951 established the new American-Japanese relationship. Normalization of Soviet-Japanese relations began with the signing of the joint declaration of 1956. The August 12th 1978 Peace Treaty between Peking and Tokyo can be further seen as part of specific diplomatic context comprising the Sino-Soviet conflict, East-West détente and the Sino-American rapprochement that opened the way - immediately after President Nixon's trip to China in February 1972 - for the Sino-Japanese rapprochement. Legally, the Treaty contains only five short sections, the most original of which being the « anti-hegemony » clause provided for in section 2. Diplomatically, it is not exaggerated to recognize in this Sino-Japanese agreement an element of a New International Political Order presently taking form and that has to necessarily accompany the implantation of the « New International Economic Order » that the countries of the Third World have been demanding since 1974.

A chance for a breakthrough in Russo-Japanese relations: will the logic of great power relations prevail?

Under Mori Yoshiro the Japanese government energetically pursued Russia's new leader, Vladimir Putin. Progress was achieved, as Putin recognized the 1956 treaty in which Moscow pledged to return two islands. From the summer of 2000, however, a backlash could be detected. The architects of the initiative not only failed to make their case to Japanese politicians, but also became the object of two years of attacks, leading to Suzuki Muneo's ouster from the LDP and arrest and to Togo Kazuhiko being fired as ambasador to The Netherlands. Under Koizumi Junichiro Japan lost interest, while the media feasted on the image of foreign policy being hijacked. Lost in the media frenzy and setback to relations was the case for why Tokyo and Moscow need each other as great power partners in the face of rising Chinese power and overwhelming US power. Since both parties sided with the US war against terror, the logic of cooperation has become clearer. A general outline for an interim agreement is well understood on both sides, but a breakthrough is unlikely soon.

Japan and Russia: The Tortuous Path to Normalization, 1949-1999

Introduction PART I: RELATIONS: 1949-1984 The San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Definition of the Kurile Islands H.Wada The Soviet-Japanese Postwar Peace Settlement in Retrospect B.Slavinsky Reconciliation in the Fifties: The Logic of Soviet Decision-Making A.Zagorsky Two Decades of Soviet Diplomacy and Andrei Gromyko P.Berton Japan-Soviet Political Relations from 1976 to 1983 H.Kimura PART II: RELATIONS: 1985-1999 Japan-Soviet Relations under Perestroika: Perceptions and Interactions between Two Capitals N.Shimotomai Russian Decision-Making on Japan in the Gorbachev Era L. L.Tarlow A Japanese View of Japan-Russian Relations between the August 1991 Coup and President Yeltsin's State Visit of October 1993 S. Edamura A Russian View of Russian-Japanese Relations in 1991-93 G.Kunadze Why Did Russia and Japan Fail to Achieve Rapprochement in 1991 to 1996? T.Hasegawa Cross-Border Relations and Russo-Japanese Bilateral Ties in the 1990s G.Rozman Russo-Japanese Relations after Yeltsin's Re-election in 1996 K.Sarkisov Japanese-Russian Relations in 1997-99: The Struggle against Illusions S.Hakamada PART III: MUTUAL INFLUENCES AND COMPARISONS Factors Shaping the Formation of Views on Japan in the USSR in the Postwar Period S.Verbitsky Japanese Perceptions of the Soviet Union and Russia in the Postwar Period T.Hasegawa Overcoming the Legacy of History: Japanese Public Relations in Russia, 1990-94 A.Kawato Nihonjinron and Russkaia Ideia: Transformation of Japanese and Russian Nationalism in the Postwar Era and Beyond T.Anno Japan and Russia: Great Power Ambitions and Domestic Capacities G. Rozman

The Northern Territories Dispute and Russo-Japanese Relations: Volume 1, between War and Peace, 1697-1985; Volume 2, Neither War Nor Peace, 1985-1998

The Northern Territories Dispute and Russo-Japanese Relations: Volume 1, between War and Peace, 1697-1985; Volume 2, Neither War Nor Peace, 1985-1998

Russo-Japanese Relations: A New Start for the Twenty-first Century?

Russian political, economic, and military weakness works against a resolution of the Russo-Japanese dispute over ch Kuril islands. If by some chance the territorial issue can be resolved in the near future, Russia’s importance in Japan’s foreign policy will likely diminish.

Breaking Through a Stalemate?: A Study Focusing on the Kuril Islands Issue in Russo-Japanese Relations

Abstract: This paper is designed to analyze Russia’s foreign policy toward Japan in the post-war period, focusing on the Kuril islands issue. There may exist various factors which obstructed the development of a cooperative mood between the two countries. Among other things, the perpetual dispute over the Kuril islands has constituted a huge barrier to improvement in the relationship between Russia and Japan. Since the mid-1990s, however, Moscow and Tokyo have made joint efforts to improve the bilateral relationship. For the purpose of boosting its economy, the Russians need to host foreign investment with the active participation of Japanese capital. Russia also intends to expand its role in the Asia-Pacific arena with the support of Tokyo. On the part of Japan, the separation of the economic assistance issue from the territorial issue and the creation of trust between the leaders of the two countries are regarded as a better option for the long-term prospects for resolving the territorial issue. However, the real obstacle to the amelioration of the bilateral relationship has turned out to be Russian domestic instability. If the economic and financial crisis continues in Russia for a prolonged period of time, extremist political factions are likely to fan a chauvinistic, xenophobic, mood among the impoverished people, which may be a major impediment to the peaceful resolution of the territorial issues between Russia and Japan.

Primakov's offensive: A catalyst in stalemated Russo-Japanese relations?

Primakov's offensive: A catalyst in stalemated Russo-Japanese relations?

“A disagreement between allies”: The United Kingdom, the United States, and the Soviet-Japanese territorial dispute, 1945–1956

Russian-Japanese relations are frozen in time by their territorial dispute over the Kuril Islands. In untangling the dispute, scholars have studied the history of Russo-Japanese relations, the USSR’s annexation of the islands in 1945, and the role of the United States as the USSR’s erstwhile wartime ally and Japan’s postwar partner. The United Kingdom, a key player in 1945, has been neglected in these studies. This article analyzes the evolution of the British position on the Soviet-Japanese territorial dispute from 1945 to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries in 1956. The article reveals the marked divergence in this position from that of the United States, proceeding from a disagreement over the interpretation of the 1945 Yalta Agreement. In addition, the article highlights the manipulation of the territorial dispute by the United States to further its own political and security objectives and the British reaction to these maneuvers.