Russian National Interests Research Articles

The Coming US Presidential Elections: Prospects and Challenges for Russia

The upcoming 2024 US presidential elections will have a tremendous impact on the nations’ domestic and foreign policies. The Republican and Democrat presidential nominees Donald Trump and Kamala Harris hold completely opposite views on a number of key electoral issues. One of these issues is particularly important for Russian national interests — the US involvement in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.

The war of the Russian Empire against Ukraine: The most dangerous phase of the post-communist transition

AbstractWe believe that the causes of the Russian-Ukrainian war can be understood as part of the post-communist transition. From the perspective of Putin's Russia, compared to the United States and China, the last three decades have been a failure on the economic growth front. Hence Putin's desire to restore as much as possible the Soviet Union, a multi-ethnic confederation of people built on communist ideology. But there is a contradiction here that neither public opinion nor Russian leaders can see. The Russian leadership cannot legitimise its current power and its ambitions to change the status quo by anything other than appealing to Russian national interests. This cannot be done without a communist ideology, because the Slavophile, ethno-nationalist, Pravoslav ideology and Putin's cult of personality are unacceptable to all other ethnic groups in the region.

Bibliographic Culture as a Factor of Security of Trusted Public Internet

The article deals with the problem of security of search in modern public computer-network resources of reliable, complete sources, their qualitative bibliographic description. The relevance is due to the “digital transformation”, the rapid spread of computer-network technologies since the 2010s to all sectors, as well as everyday life; a sharp and significant increase in the number and variety of electronic databases (libraries); turning the majority of humanity into daily active users. Objective international and national diseases of growth of standardization, streamlining, structuring of databases, development of indexing systems and search public network services, means of verification of electronic documents have manifested themselves.Since 2014 and even later from 2022, the problem was exacerbated by the reduction of international cooperation in computer-network technologies, anti-Russian sanctions of unfriendly countries, violation of Russian legislation by global digital corporations, leapfrogging strengthening of cybercrime and information confrontation in the Internet. The possibilities of attackers who, by exploiting vulnerabilities, reduced the access of mass users to reliable electronic documents in cross-border Internet communications increased. The opportunities caused by the relativistic understanding of truth, fabrication and broadcasting of falsified information, fake news, disinformation, use of new means of “social engineering” (fraud, manipulation of consciousness) that threaten citizens and national interests of Russia have increased.The novelty of the study lies in the integrated application of theoretical and cultural gnoseology (culture of cognition) and methodology of information security (countering deliberate attempts to mislead). The comparative analysis revealed significant differences between Russian state electronic libraries, document management systems, registers and services and non-state, as well as foreign public Internet resources and services. The result of the study is the conclusion about the importance of the prevalence of essential interests of mass users of Russian public libraries and electronic services. Recommendations on the preferability of applying this experience in the creation and modernization of Russian public non-state digital databases, libraries, services, as well as the development of standardization on its basis are formulated.

Legal Mechanisms for Protecting the Public Interests of the Russian Federation from the Transboundary Effects of ESG Standards

The study notes that ESG standards formulated in the West have no scientific basis, serve as a tool for competitive struggle against Russian companies, and contradict traditional Russian values. The first ESG standard, based on the decarbonization of the economy, does not relate to the environmental protection objectives set by the President of Russia and poses a threat to such constitutionally significant values/national interests of the country as the sovereignty, security and defense capability of Russia. The content of the second Western ESG standard is incompatible with the principles of developing a healthy society. It includes gender perversions presented as new norms, poses a threat to national interests related to morality and public health, and contradicts the meaning of Russian policy defined by the President of Russia, which consists of saving people and increasing human capital as Russia’s main wealth. The third Western ESG standard, which contains a list of non-financial reporting issues related to companies’ disclosure of information on the Internet, poses a threat to such national interests as defense capability and security. Legal mechanisms for the protection of constitutionally significant values of Russia should be based on a system of incentives for Russian economic structures that ensure Russian national interests, through preferences of the Russian state, Russian investment companies and funds. Russia’s development can be sustainable only under conditions of an influx of all Russian resources, primarily gas and oil, which form the basis of the country’s economy. The development of Russia should be based on national/public interests of the Russian Federation as priorities/standards.

Crimea and the North Black Sea Region in the Context of Russia's National Interests

Crimea and the North Black Sea Region in the Context of Russia's National Interests

Transformation of Criminal Legislation at the Present Stage

Currently, there are transformational processes in criminal policy associated with a change in the function of the criminal law from protective to preventive, the implementation of a relatively new principle — the economization of the industry, a shift in emphasis in the hierarchy of values from the personal interests of the individual to the national interests, the protection of the integrity of the state. “Subversive” activities (both organizational and economic in nature) aimed at destroying the integrity and security of the State, strengthening the terrorist threat and expanding extremist acts required a timely and adequate “response” from the State by establishing criminal liability for “special complicity” in acts of terrorism and extremism, expanding the number of “conscripts” crimes. Transformational socio-political processes (COVID-19, special military operation) have changed the basic principles of the criminal law industry, refocusing on the protection of state interests with an emphasis on prevention. In the long term, such an approach will allow rational use of criminal law tools, which will lead to the economization of the industry. The purpose of the study is to identify trends in the criminal policy development, confirming that modern criminal legislation is at the stage of transformation. The dialectical method of cognition was used as a methodological basis, which made it possible to build a general strategy of scientific search. To obtain concrete results, general scientific (analysis, synthesis, abstraction) and private scientific methods (logical-legal, axiological, synergetic) were used. Conclusion: since 2000, the changes introduced into the criminal law have led to the dominance of the preventive function over the protective one, which indicates profound changes in the criminal law, i.e. transformation. Socio-political changes in Russian society and Russia's role on the world stage confirm the need to strengthen responsibility for criminal encroachments on the security of the state, its territorial integrity and constitutional system in compliance with the doctrinal principle of economization of the industry, which consists in the rational use of means of criminal law response, as well as the possibility of expanding the norms of a compensatory nature in relation to crimes in the economic sphere. The unity of the nation, the departure from social egoism is possible only if criminal legislation is formed aimed at preventing crimes against the national interests of Russia. In addition, the preventive potential of the criminal law in the long term will minimize the number of serious and especially serious crimes committed against the security of the state and its territorial integrity, which will save state resources.

«Союз Сары Вагенкнехт – благоразумие и справедливость» и раскол левой партийной оппозиции в ФРГ: кризис или обновление?

The paper is devoted to the emergence of a new German political party “Sarah Wagenknecht Union – Reason and Justice” (party “SWU”). The relevance of the study lies in the fact that the stated scientific problematic is of particular interest in the context of the current geopolitical situation, which dictates the need to take into account the positions of new groups through the prism of Russian national and foreign policy interests. The object of this study is the political party “SWU”. The aim of the research is to view the new party and the political consequences of its emergence for the left-wing party opposition. To attain the goal comparative and structural-genetic methods were used, allowing us to trace the dynamics of formation and development of left-wing groups in united Germany. The research tasks include the analysis of the political and ideological prerequisites for the SWA emergence; a study of the organizational and structural features of its formation; the identification of the political consequences of a new grouping both for the left-wing party opposition and the party system as a whole. The research results embrace the reasons for the emergence of the party “SWU”; the origins of the internal conflict in the Left party which led to the formation of a new political grouping; the program settings of the SWA and its electoral prospects; the consequences of the formation of a new party both for left-wing political forces and the party system as a whole. The research conclusions underline the following ideas. The emergence of a new party on the German political scene such as the party “SWU” marks a new stage in the development of both the left movement and its party system as a whole. For the Left, this means that the phase of their consolidation has been replaced by a phase of disintegration, which has taken the form of a party split. For the German party system, the creation of the party “SWU” can have two consequences. On the one hand, the emergence of a new left-wing party indicates further fragmentation and pluralization of the political system. On the other hand, it is becoming obvious that the impact of existing parties, primarily the “Alternative for Germany” and the “Left” is decreasing. For the “Left”, the activity of the party “SWU” is an existential threat and may lead to its disappearance as a pan-German parliamentary grouping. The prospects for the influence of the party “SWU” is related to the relevance of the political agenda that the new party will offer to voters as well as to its organizational stability.

Belarus as an object of Poland's foreign policy

The article analyzes the evolution of foreign policy approaches of Poland towards Belarus and Belarusian nationalism. The main purpose of the article is to identify the evolution of approaches to Belarus in Polish political thought and practices of the Polish state. The ambiguous attitude of Polish political figures to Belarusian nationalism and the very idea of Belarusian statehood is demonstrated. This attitude has changed significantly over time from active rejection of Belarusian nationalism to readiness to use and support it in the foreign policy interests of Poland. The article shows that Poland’s contemporary approaches towards Belarus are based on the Giedroyc-Mieroszewski doctrine and involve the establishment of “soft” ideological, political, cultural and economic dominance of Poland in the former lands of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth without formally changing existing borders. It is noted that the success of these methods of Polish foreign policy in relation to Belarus is significantly lower than in relation to Ukraine. This is primarily due to the peculiarities of the political development of Belarus in the post-Soviet period, as well as the limited ability of Poland to influence the target audience within Belarusian society. The author draws attention to the fact that Polish policy towards Belarus should be the object of close attention of Russia, since the strengthening of Polish influence in the countries of the common neighborhood may pose a threat to Russian national interests.

Технологический суверенитет: понятие, содержание и формы реализации

This scientific article discusses the concept of technological sovereignty as one of the strategies for the development of the national economy. The importance of this concept for Russia in conditions of increasing global competition and the need to ensure national security are discussed. We will consider the evolution of the concepts of technological sovereignty, compare the concepts of national industry development, analyze the forms of implementation of the concept of technological sovereignty, and assess their compliance with the national interests of Russia. The purpose of the study is to identify the content and forms of implementation of the concept of technological sovereignty of the state on the basis of an analysis and generalization of existing concepts of national industry development. The article notes that technological sovereignty is becoming a key element of national security and the competitiveness of the national economy. The lack of technological structural dependence allows the state to ensure national sovereignty. Ensuring technological sovereignty will quarantee Russia’s sustainable development in the long term. Our article contributes to the scholarly debate on technological sovereignty because it discusses different perspectives on the concept of technological sovereignty, which contributes to a better understanding of how to strengthen technological sovereignty in different countries and industries.

«Thick» Patriotic Journals in the USSR: Origins of Their Tradition, Circle, and Opponents

The paper examines the circle of “thick” Soviet conservative-patriotic journals, whose contributors tried to defend Russian national interests and values of the Russian history within the ideological framework of that time. These were, fi rst of all, Young Guard (Molodaya gvardiya), Moscow (Moskva) and Our Contemporary (Nash sovremennik). The terms “thick patriotic journals”, “journal contributors”, and “circle of journals” are considered almost synonymous, as the author is talking about a phenomenon that, although tied to specifi c respected editions, extends far beyond their pages. The main thesis of the paper is that patriotic journals of the second half of the Soviet period continued and developed two long-standing trends that may seem a bit contradictory, but in fact are combined quite harmoniously. The fi rst is the autonomous statist (yet not state-based) patriotism, which strives to bring good to Russia and the Russian people and for this purpose objects to the current government and criticizes it, wishing to bring it to reason, transform and improve, but not overthrow. The second is the justifi cation of the current government, whose merits are not obvious to many from the point of view of long-term national and state interests. The paper examines the discussion between patriotic and liberal journals and authors generated by the famous article Inevitability (Neizbezhnost’) by V. А. Chalmayev that was printed in the Young Guard journal, publications by M. P. Lobanov and S. N. Semanov, disputes by B. M. Sarnov and V. V. Kozhinov, and other issues that are important for understanding of the subject.

Environmental conflicts in the Arctic zone of the Russian Federation in the field of energy, economic and environmental security

The subject of the article is the provisions of strategic planning documents in the field of ensuring national, environmental, energy and economic security, as well as the provisions of strategic planning documents dedicated to the Russian Arctic. The purpose of the work is to study the above-mentioned documents, identify environmental conflicts consisting in their provisions and develop proposals for their resolution and prevention. The methodological basis of the study is based on the system of methods, means of cognition and logical techniques, in the process of work general scientific, private and special methods were used. Such as synthesis, analysis, deduction, analogy, induction, formal legal and others. The relevance of the research topic is indicated by the fact that the Arctic plays an important role in ensuring Russia's strategic national interests in such areas as the economy, transport, environmental protection, defense, and a number of others. Many aspects of Russia's national security depend on the state of the environment of the Russian Arctic, as well as on the implementation of economic activities on its territory, therefore, the resolution and prevention of environmental conflicts concerning this region is an important and urgent task, since without a balance of interests in this area, both the sustainable development of the Russian Arctic and preservation of its unique natural environment seems unlikely. The paper concludes that in order to resolve the main law-making environmental conflict that takes place in the strategic documents under consideration, it is necessary to exclude from the list of threats (challenges) to economic and energy security such a factor as redundancy of requirements in the field of environmental safety and the increase in the costs of their implementation. In turn, in order to ensure a balance of interests in the implementation of nature management and environmental protection in the Russian Arctic, it is proposed to use the best available technologies, as well as the natural and ecological framework of the territory.

Полемология как учебная дисциплина: новые вызовы для социологического образования

The article addresses polemology as a new academic discipline as part of modern sociological education at both the undergraduate and graduate levels. he necessity of the discipline is related to the lack of students’ comprehensive understanding of war and military actions in the context of current social processes, which, in turn, can lead to negative consequences. The aim of this discipline is a comprehensive and integrated consid-eration of war as a social institution, as well as to contribute to the development of students’ scientifically grounded understanding of war and peace both in the unified space of global society and in the context of Rus-sian national interests. Forms and methods of constructing teaching material for both lecture and practical clas-ses are presented. Particular attention is paid to innovative interactive teaching methods and enhancing the creative search of students.

“Invited by the Mighty Powers to Watch the Spectacle in Awe”: a Political Portrait of Valery Bryusov

The article gives a detailed outline of the evolution of political and geopolitical views of Valery Bryusov (1873–1924), one of the greatest fi gures of Russian Silver Age. An innovator and rebel in literature, Bryusov, despite his rejection of many political and social realities of Russian life, invariably remained a patriot having a clear understanding of Russia's national interests. Having received a professional education in history and keeping up with world politics from his very youth, Bryusov became one of the most “political” poets of his era infl uenced by his favorite poet Fyodor Tyutchev. The article examines Bryusov's activity as a political analyst and publicist, his attitude to the Russian-Japanese war of 1904–1905, the revolutionary turmoil of 1905–1907, the confl ict of European civilization with the non-European world, the First World War and the February Revolution in Russia. The author analyzes Bryusov's attitude to the Bolshevik coup and his relations with the new government. The author assumes that Bryusov's political works should be republished.

Justice in the Process of Regional Conflict Settlement: Analysis of Russia’s Strategy, 1992-2021

Research in the field of regional conflict resolution rarely touches on the issue of justice. This paper aims to identify what understanding of international justice underlies Russia’s actions as a mediator/peacekeeper in the process of regional conflict resolution in the 1990s-2010s. The study also contributes to the understanding of Russia’s foreign policy by clarifying Moscow’s views on the essence and parameters of a just global order. The paper provides a study of the dominant Russian views on the essence of justice in international relations. It offers an insight into Russia’s peace-making and conflict resolution activities in the context of the three concepts of global justice and taking into account the factor of national interests. The study concludes that the dominant understanding of international justice in Russia is that which corresponds to Allen Buchanan’s concept of subjective justice. In Moscow’s view, international justice is a set of rules developed in the process of consensus driven negotiations between the great powers. According to this logic, a just settlement of the regional conflict is possible only on the basis of the consensus of the parties to the conflict and in accordance with the interests of the global and regional powers concerned. The fair interaction of the great powers in the settlement of the regional conflict and the impact that the conflict resolution could have on the development of the international order were of crucial importance for Moscow within the period under consideration. Moscow’s activity in the conflict resolution in the post-Soviet space generally corresponded to the model of justice as mutual recognition, but with absolute priority of Russian national interests. The strategy for resolving regional conflicts in the post-Soviet space could only be understood in the broad context of relations with Western countries and has changed in line with the development of these relations.

Gosudarstvennye zakupki kak sistema i kompleksnaya funkciya gosudarstva: istoricheskij aspekt

The article examines the issues of research of problems in the field of public procurement as a certain system and a complex function of the state in historical aspect from the standpoint of the implementation of the policy of protecting and maintaining the security of Russia's national interests. At the same time, public procurement is studied from a traditional point of view from the perspective of a systematic approach.

THE POLICY OF STUDENT PROFILING AND ITS IMPACT ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SECONDARY VOCATIONAL EDUCATION SYSTEM

Aim. To evaluate the effectiveness of the student profiling policy in the context of its impact on the development of secondary vocational education and the entire system of reproduction of human capital assets in Russia. Methodology. Based on the data of empirical (both qualitative and quantitative) studies conducted both in Russia and in other countries, the analysis of the student profiling policy impact on such indicators as equal access to education and the popularity of secondary vocational education was carried out. Results. It is shown that the system of secondary vocational education, being one of the mechanisms and at the same time the resultant effects of the educational policy of student profiling, serves as a system that contributes to the encapsulation of a number of social problems, in particular, inequality of opportunities. It is demonstrated that the policy of student profiling leads to the separation of the secondary vocational education system, which is perceived by the public opinion of Russia as an unattractive educational trajectory. The conclusion is made about the need to revise the basic imperatives of the student profiling policy. Research implications. The assumption is substantiated that in order to correct the negative effects of student profiling, educational policy can be reoriented to revise its ideological and organizational foundations. From the authors' point of view, changing the basic imperatives of the student profiling policy while maintaining its general orientation will contribute to the realization of Russia's national interests in the field of education.

Умеренный консерватизм как мировоззренческая основа современной России

The purpose of this article is a comparative analysis of ideological concepts related to Russian national identity and substantiation of the hypothesis that moderate conservatism is really optimal in modern conditions not only for Russia, but also for other civilizations, for effective state policy and public administration, for the protection of Russia's national interests. The article used such methods as historical, comparative and hermeneutic. The article attempts to reveal the specific properties and methodological approaches of Russian moderate conservatism as a worldview concept of modern Russia. It is shown that this worldview concept has long-standing historical roots, both in Russia and abroad. It is pointed out that the current state of Russian society is a challenge in developing the concept of moderate conservatism. The article examines how the concept of moderate conservatism is connected with the tasks of reviving spiritual and moral values in the mass Russian consciousness, with the implementation of constitutional norms, with the economic values of Russian society, as well as with the formation of the worldview DNA of Russia and the image of the future of Russia. It is concluded that further development of the concept of moderate conservatism is necessary for the formation of harmony between economic efficiency, modernization, development, creative competition and social justice, mutual assistance, solidarity of Russian society, and also for the formation of the image of the future and the Russian civilizational attractiveness.

Realism’s Perspective on Russia’s National Interest in Invanding Ukraine: A Literature Review

Conflict is unavoidable. Regardless of the nature of the conflict, war is the last alternative when the peace effort has failed to take. Russia's attack on Ukraine is the last stage in resolving the conflict due to the failure of peace negotiations between the two sides. This study aims to analyze the national interest of Russia in invading Ukraine through the perspective of realism. The method used in this research is a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. The data collection technique is secondary data through documentation or literature study. In this case, the researcher conducted previous research with the research topic studied from scientific articles in libraries and cyberspace. This study's results indicate an iceberg phenomenon in Russia's national interest in invading Ukrainian territory. Western expansion into the territory of Ukraine has created a security dilemma for Russia, so the war is used as momentum for Russia to achieve its national interests. Through the war, Russia played zero-sum to achieve its national interests, as a balance of power from Western powers, power expansion into the territory of Ukraine, and the power struggle. The armed conflict between the two countries is a challenge that must face by countries around the world, including Indonesia. In response to it, Indonesia used an independent-active principle based on Indonesia's national interests.

National Interests of the Russian Federation in the World Ocean: Legal Characteristics

In the paper, the author endeavours to form a comprehensive legal characterization of the national interests of the Russian Federation in the World Ocean consolidated in the new Maritime Doctrine approved by the Decree of the President of Russia dated 31 July 2022. The paper highlights a vital nature of the needs of the State and society that represent conceptual basis for the establishment and implementation of Russian national interests in the World Ocean. The author argues that national maritime interests should be understood as a complex and integral political and legal category of a dual nature, covering both interests in the peaceful use of living and non-living resources of the World Ocean, including commercial navigation and naval activities aimed, inter alia, at ensuring the economic and social interests of the state and society in the maritime sphere. The author highlights the importance of identifying vital, important and other areas (zones) for implementation of national interests. Also, attention is focused on the need for doctrinal development and improvement of a set of legal norms regarding maritime activities in the Azov-Black Sea basin. The paper substantiates a positive role and current activity of the representatives of the Sevastopol scientific School of Maritime Law in the formation and development of systemic legal regulation of the legal status and features of the use of the sea spaces of the Azov-Black Sea basin. In addition, the author analyzes the prospects for strengthening and promoting the national interests of the Russian Federation and qualifies a spatial sphere of their implementation that covers the entire World Ocean and the Caspian Sea. The paper proposes a systematic approach to implementation of national interests in the World Ocean based on an interconnected set of various legal characteristics including teleological; institutional; functional; formal-legal; vital; international law characteristics.

The Friendliness of Armenia's Communication Regime: Towards the Question of Media and Public Attitudes

The article is devoted to the issue of friendliness as a category of the current state of the communication regimes of the Republic of Armenia and the Russian Federation. The orientation of the friendliness of the Armenian communication regime is largely determined by the sharp contradictions between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the continuing tension in the Karabakh conflict zone, and the instability of the internal political situation. The confrontation of various political forces and the large role of the external factor have a great influence on the Armenian political discourse and favor the emergence of trends that are contrary to Russian national interests and can be considered by Russia as threats. The article analyzes the features of the news materials presented by the information and information-analytical agencies of Armenia in Russian. Information occasions, the emotional tone of information messages are studied, it is assessed how fully the Russianlanguage content reflects the events in the life of Armenian society and, in particular, the trends in the development of relations between Armenia and Russia. It is concluded that the potential for more detailed news coverage in Russian of Russian-Armenian relations, the results of cooperation between Russia and Armenia has not yet been revealed. The article was based on the results of a scientifc discussion held at the National Communications evelopment Research Institution (NIIRC), Moscow, Russia in 2022.